WORLD WORLDWIDE CZECH - news journal UPDATE - (en) Czech, CAS: SPEECH TIME OF PRAGUE AT THE DEMONSTRATION TOGETHER AGAINST RACISM AND FASCISM (ca, de, it, pt, tr)[machine translation]

I greet everyone gathered on behalf of the Czechoslovak Anarchist
Association for today's demonstration against racism and fascism. ----
We live in a world ruled by money and those with enough capital. In a
world where a handful of rich people have the power to control and
exploit most of society. In order to better vacuum us up, workers build
boundaries between us, divide peoples and races, force obedience through
fear and hatred of other workers with a different language or skin
color. They are trying to divide us because they are afraid that we will
unite and end their rule and our misery!

Their pursuit of more and more power and wealth, the logic of capitalism
inevitably leads to wars. The rich start wars, turn us workers against
each other with guns, let us kill ourselves and let our children and
women die in order to conquer new markets, start their businesses and
accumulate sums in their bank accounts. The homes of millions of us will
be reduced to rubble and forced to flee for safety. War refugees and
deserters are not our enemies, but allies against our common oppressors!

We are anarchists, we do not believe in the possibility of changing
conditions through parliamentary means. The best way to promote our
interests and needs is the way of direct action instead of the lengthy
parliamentary one, through a strike and the voice of the street.
Democracy is a show, an illusion for the workers, once the profits and
power of the rich are threatened, they will dissolve parliament and
install a fascist dictatorship in the blink of an eye, as they have done
so many times before. Fascism is not opposed to democracy, it is the
saving grace of the rich against the workers!

We do not believe that winning elections can stop the threat of fascism
and dictatorship, only a mass movement of workers from below can. Let's
get organized! Let's fight for each other! Let us fight together as an
oppressed class!

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WORLD WORLDWIDE ARGENTINA - (en) Argentina, Rosario FA: FAR's position regarding the latest events in Rosario (ca, de, it, pt, tr)[machine translation]

 Between the murder of workers by drug traffickers and the State's

repressive effort ---- "What might the leaders of the drug cartels think
about the organized peasantry, about the unions and the student
movement? What ideas will form in the heads of the owners of the system
when the movements demand their rights, or take to the streets looking
for new conquests? They may think the same if they are drug traffickers
in the state of Guerrero, or industrialists in China, or owners of the
heaviest accounts in the Wall Street financial casino. They may think
the same if those who govern are the dominant patterns at any scale,
both at the world system level and at local levels. Those are loaded
with the most selfish and reckless weapons humanity has ever known. They
have armies for wars, prisons, the thousand forms of repression
exclusive or associated with their hitmen on duty." - Uruguayan
Anarchist Federation, 2014.

We arrived at this situation from the growth, for more than two decades,
of drug gangs that, over time, began to have links with organizations in
Brazil and Mexico, while managing to control peripheral territory in a
region like the Gran Rosario, with a lot of capital circulation and
violent contrasts. A transit area for an important export of raw
materials, record real estate growth, gentrification and elitization of
some areas and neighborhoods, overcrowding and marginalization in
others, high levels of poverty and precariousness, with high rates of
unemployment and informality, with abandonment of services and
insufficient containment of the public sector, barely sustained with
dignity by the workers themselves.

It is enough to remember that our city was one of the first epicenters
of the looting of '89, 2001 and 2012. A year ago we highlighted, from
the FAR, that if there were sources of work or "life projects for youth
and families of the popular neighborhoods, these drug trafficking
companies could not use the desperation of the popular sectors to carry
out their attack...". It is also worth clarifying that the network of
these gangs reaches the complicity of judges, prosecutors, politicians,
businessmen, merchants, commissioners and even chiefs of the provincial
police were associated. In some way, and as has happened in other parts
of the world, the growth of narco-criminal gangs can only be explained
by the deepening of neoliberalism unleashed after the last military
dictatorship. The increase in poor neighborhoods as a product of
extractivism, the concrete loss of universal rights achieved such as
quality education and public health, labor flexibility and
precariousness, along with the promotion of values such as individualism
and competition. All this left fertile ground for the current scenario.
Where the State was more concerned with controlling with targeted
policies, repression and segregation, than with guaranteeing a future
for the popular sectors. Failing even in its mission, until reaching the
point where it could not promote access to services, where there was no
more containment to provide, and thus finally granted territorial
control to these criminal gangs. This is nothing more than the political
class delegating, privatizing control of a large part of security,
"commerce" and numerous aspects of social life in poor neighborhoods.
Only the community, social and union organizations remain, resisting
marginality and fragmentation, and in the face of the advance of these
gangs we are left in a situation of great asymmetry of power.

Another element to highlight is the dangerous consensus among the
Argentine political class - of all colors - on the need for saturation
of repressive forces in the city. Added to that the Provincial and
Municipal governments have just delegated to the national Executive
(leaving the handling of the conflict in the hands of Buenos Aires
politicians). In March 2023 we marked Rosario as a "testing laboratory",
as we see today, this is accentuated with the arrival of the Army, at
least in the foreground as "security logistics operating personnel". It
is worth noting that at the time of writing this position, it
scandalously contrasts the parades of the arrival of soldiers to
Rosario, while the rain of the last few hours floods the popular
neighborhoods of the city, the result of the apathy of the Provincial
and Municipal States.

In that sense, the "security policy" drawn up and implemented by
Bullrich, since the time when Macri was president, suggests several
issues that, far from solving the underlying issue, alert us to its
seriousness. In that document from March 2023, we also warned that
Bullrich's "stance[...]is part of a more general doctrine of the "war on
drugs" created by the United States in the early 1970s, clearly linking
its proposals to the American embassy and the CIA. This war, which
seemed distant from Argentina, more typical of Colombia or Mexico, is
the imported product of the moment and includes a complete package that
ranges from financing, weapons and even the disembarkation of North
American personnel." We cannot separate this from the recent
announcement of granting part of the control of the navigable waterways
of the Paraná River to the United States (where Trump's return is
foreseen). The interest in full control of transnational corporations
and imperialism over the region becomes more than evident.

On this point, we must pause briefly to look at how this security
doctrine of imperialism developed in Latin America. What is happening in
Argentina, specifically in Rosario, is part of the "construction of the
idea of new threats", taught by United States government agencies -
among them the Southern Command of its Armed Forces. Once the Cold War
ended, this doctrine associated the "fight against drug trafficking" and
the "combat against terrorism" when advancing the North American
military deployment as part of a regional process of the presence of
imperialism. We highlight this because, beyond the disastrous
geopolitical consequences, in all these years, both the interference of
the North American army and the intervention of the local armies of each
country, in internal issues such as drug trafficking, have had
calamitous consequences for the popular sectors. . In all cases, far
from being resolved, the context of social violence deepened. The
military forces even took part in the business. And here we do not even
expand on the aggravation of Human Rights violations, verified in each
intervention. Such negative results show the experiences of Mexico,
Colombia, Brazil or Central America.

At this point, we have to highlight as an aggravating factor the
attempts by Milei and Bullrich to constantly link the control of the
streets to drug trafficking and the targeting of social protest as if
they were part of the same thing. It is within this framework that the
government promotes militarization, reviving the application of the
Anti-Terrorist Law (in force since 2014) and the Chocobar doctrine. The
question arises about how the repressive forces installed in the city
will react to the constant local mobilizations, in a context of social
and economic crisis, in one of the cities in the country with the
largest population below the poverty line.

We must not fail to observe that what is shown as a combat between the
State and drug gangs is a much more complex relationship. Although there
is a dispute over the monopoly of violence, they are concurrent in other
objectives. In this sense, the streets of the city look deserted these
days, mobilizations and protests have been cancelled, people have been
paralyzed by fear. This favors both the adjusting government and the
drug gangs because it has also partially paralyzed, as we already said,
production. Likewise, the relationship becomes even more complex when
the drug business uses the interest of politicians and businessmen to
participate in it.

Are there short term solutions?
When thinking about a way out of this context, we have to assert that
there are no short-term solutions and that it is not a situation
exclusive to Rosario. As we saw above, the increase in repression is
detrimental to the living conditions of the population, already punished
by the national context. In this sense, the "return to normality" is no
longer an option for those at the bottom, not even if we proposed it.
Could the situation get worse? It is more than likely, since it has all
the ingredients for that to happen. On the one hand, it was possible to
learn of a truce proposal between the different drug factions (the
Alvarado and Los Monos clan as the main actors). Also, we already
noticed a serious shifting of the limits in the latest murders: babies
and children belonging to families involved were deliberately shot, then
the victim was randomly chosen on the public street. Finally, workers in
sectors linked to transport - taxis, buses, service stations - were
attacked. This last action attempts to alter the normality of life in
the city, since inevitably the murder of a worker will imply the
cessation of activities in the sector in question. To this, we must add
the absurd media exposure of the Provincial and National governments,
based on spectacular images (weapons, police with their faces covered,
prisoners subdued) and provocative statements by officials in a tone of
bravado, as parts of a defective imitation of the repressive model. of
Bukele.

That is why the organized popular sectors cannot lose the axis in our
construction strategy, nor remain mere spectators of the situation. On
the one hand, we must think about continuing with the agenda of each
sector, regarding the confrontation of the hunger and adjustment
policies of the National and Provincial Government. One of the
objectives of these Governments is to move the needle to implement the
adjustment without resistance. On the other hand, in a local context of
drug violence against workers, it is urgent to demand a reduction in the
working day, including eliminating night hours, given that the majority
of murders occurred at night. For this, it is necessary to stimulate an
assembly state in the workplace, breaking with the normality that the
employers' chambers and the State want to establish. Productivity must
be interrupted depending on our own life. The continuity of strikes and
mobilizations will be the genuine tools to carry out demands of the
context, particular to each sector and general. Our militant task must
also contribute to strengthening the creation of multisectoral and
inter-union groups, since they are effective tools when organizing
large-scale measures, giving good results even when generating impact.
We already experienced it with the Strike of January 24 (with 3
important blocks) or the recent mobilizations of teachers and state
workers against the Provincial Government.

During the last few years, our organization has warned about the serious
damage that this capitalist system has been generating, impoverishing
and destructive of life and the eco-system. We have also written
considerably about the exhaustion and limits of the
democratic-representative system, where it has been demonstrated that
rhetoric of defense of rights can coexist with reactionary, ultraliberal
and fascist institutional practices. Today, we believe in the
proposition today, from FAR we point our analysis and strategy against
this same system that fuels the growth of social violence with more
fragmentation and individualism. The lack of perspective of a decent
life for the popular sectors (the main input of the drug gangs in
Rosario) has no solution if we do not aim to change everything. On the
eve of a new March 24, the need to go for a Social Revolution (the one
for which the 30,000 disappeared comrades fought) is more current than ever.

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WORLD WORLDWIDE SPAIN - news journal UPDATE - (en) Spain, LISA, EMBAT: Of revolutionary unionism as a unitary tendency of the labor movement. By MIGUEL G. (ca, de, it, pt, tr)[machine translation]

The appearance of anarcho-syndicalism in the Spanish state dates back to
1902. In this year a general strike took place, launched according to
the methods of revolutionary anarchism of the 19th century. The strike
was a failure and this made the anarchist militancy look for other
references. At the same time, the Catalan proletariat began to assume
that for its demands to be successful it would have to organize on a
large scale and bring together a larger number of workers. At that time,
trade societies predominated and at most these were grouped into branch
federations, without being articulated beyond that.

The evolution of anarchist militancy towards anarcho-syndicalism,
therefore, can be read as an attempt to adapt anarchism to a new context
of class struggle. By connecting with French unionism, they imported
their paradigm of revolutionary unionism. In France, the CGT oriented
itself in this direction by combining two pre-existing organizations,
unions and labor exchanges. In the latter the proletariat grouped
together to form themselves. This training was not only technical but
also political. Therefore, they became a factor of radicalization of the
working class and the place of action of certain anarchist militants
such as Pelloutier, who was chosen general secretary of the National
Federation of Labor Exchanges.

Revolutionary unionism proposed a process by which a working class
unified under a central union could take over all the functions that the
state carried out at that time. Unionism was no longer a simple tool to
achieve better wages and working conditions, but could serve to replace
the state itself. That is why anarchist militancy saw it as a valid
strategy.

In Spain, the new French unionism was adopted very easily since it was
linked to the previous workerism of the Spanish section of the First
International. In Spain, the Bakunist sector predominated, and with
this, among the militancy there was great confidence in mass
revolutionary action and in the autonomous organizations of the working
class: mutual societies, societies, cooperatives and unions. As
revolutionaries, they understood the need to have large solidarity
organizations and federations articulated by trade and by territory.
Finally, the resistance societies had a double function: first as a
fight against capital and then as builders of the new society.[1]

Furthermore, since since the mid-19th century the labor movement was
strongly influenced by federal republicanism, the federal and confederal
organization proposed by the anarchists was taken naturally. In fact,
anarchism itself could be understood as the heir of that federalism.
That working class was very suspicious of any centralist impulse that
tended to the hegemony of any political or ideological force.

During the first years of the century, anarchists entered workers'
societies en masse. And later, in 1907, with the founding of Solidaridad
Obrera and the celebration of the International Anarchist Congress in
Amsterdam, this tendency towards participation in unions was almost
absolute. It is not that anarchist militancy was very numerous, but it
was decisive enough to prevail within the labor movement for years. They
were the key to moving from societarianism to unionism. At a political
level, they understood that unions should be plural and places where all
workers had a place, regardless of their philosophical positions,
keeping the union outside of ideological and political disputes:

Consequently, with regard to individuals, Congress affirms the complete
freedom for the trade unionist to participate, outside the corporate
group, in the forms of struggle that correspond to his philosophical or
political conception, limiting himself to asking, in reciprocity, , not
to introduce into the union the opinions that he professes outside.

As for the organizations, Congress decides that for unionism to achieve
its maximum effect, economic action must be exercised directly against
the bosses, and confederated organizations, such as union groups, should
not worry about parties and sects that, outside and alongside , can
freely pursue social transformation.[Final fragment of the Amiens
Letter, 1906]

The truth is that, as the political route was annulled, the way was
opened for anarchist predominance in the unions. It cannot be said that
they co-opted the labor movement, given that anarchism had been linked
to the labor movement since its beginnings and had been one of the
driving and articulating currents of Spanish workerism. Therefore, it
enjoyed good popular acceptance. And it cannot be said that anyone felt
co-opted, since the general interest was to build a unitary union
organization, and not a union based on an ideology or certain political
positions, as happened decades later.

We must also value the context of class struggle that took place in the
first decade of the 20th century. Workers' demands always collided with
the impossibility and reluctance of employers to implement substantial
improvements in working and living conditions. Therefore, the combative
methods of anarchism were highly valued and its militants achieved
positions on union boards and committees almost by popular acclaim. In
this sense, the anarchists defended these immediate material demands,
but they understood that the union, in order not to fall into reformism,
would have to have a revolutionary intention; in his case Anarchy.

Despite everything, in that Workers Solidarity and CNT of the early
days, a "pure unionist" current was predominating that focused on
achieving immediate improvements. This current coexisted with the
currents that made up the anarchists, on the one hand, and the
anarcho-syndicalists on the other. The former had influence in the
unions, since they were always active in them. However, the latter would
gradually take over the leadership of the organization after the general
strike of 1909, the so-called Tragic or Glorious Week, for the workers.
That strike radicalized the working class. Furthermore, state repression
against the labor movement focused on its leaders, supporters of pure
unionism, who were eventually replaced by anarcho-syndicalist militants.

After the Tragic Week, the need for the Catalan working class to have an
organization that brought together the largest possible number of
workers was imposed. To achieve this, the newcomers could not be
required to have specific ideological positions. Of course, they were
required to focus on combating capital from the organization and that it
remain outside of political adventures. What characterizes the anarchism
of the time is its unitary vocation, very much in line with the tactics
of French revolutionary syndicalism. Its obsession was always to achieve
a labor organization that brought together the entire working class,
while other currents resorted to factionalism to achieve a core of
support in the working class.

For this reason, both the Republicans - and at that time there were many
people who claimed to be such - and the Socialists were blocked in the
CNT. And the context of the class struggle did the rest. Political
struggle was seen as insufficient to improve the material conditions of
the class. Therefore, it was the economic struggle that was decisive and
the one that was chosen by the working class as the proletariat's own
commitment, as it took place after the Sants Congress of 1918.

And it's not that the socialists were frowned upon in Catalonia. Many of
its militants had a very good reputation. In Catalonia they used to
support or promote strikes, unlike socialists elsewhere. What made them
lose ground to the anarchists was their excessive legalism. His interest
in faithfully following the statutes and regulations of working-class
society contrasted with the spontaneism of the anarcho-communist
sectors. In this they shared their ways of doing things with certain
anarcho-collectivists, such as Llunas, and it was the criticism that was
previously leveled at the FTRE of the 1880s.

By being governed by the same bureaucratic criteria as the previous
ones, both the UGT and the socialists remained distant from a working
class that lived under a regime of violence and constant coercion by the
capitalist class. This is why strikes driven by anarchists were more
likely to be won, given their rejection of legalism.

Let us emphasize again that the anarcho-syndicalism of the 1910s
defended unity over the different tactics that working-class societies
could have among themselves. There were legalists, and there were those
that promoted direct action as the engine of progress. What mattered was
having a mass organization that could challenge capitalism.

And this does not mean that there were also cases of coercion against
those workers and worker societies that did not want unity. It was also
the result of the context of the class struggle. When there is a strike,
those workers who propose it and take risks threaten the scabs or
potential scabs. Workers' power also manifests itself by disciplining
the class itself. And this did not need to be imposed by anarchists at
gunpoint.

After all, the civil guard and the somatén used to shoot at most
demonstrations, the foremen were famous for mistreating the workers, and
frame-ups to incriminate union members were the order of the day.
Pistols existed throughout that period from 1890 to 1940. But they were
general to the entire labor movement and occurred above all in the
context of the economic struggle, rather than in the political struggle.

The new times And now what?

Since the pacification of the labor movement, which occurred in the West
in the 1990s, capitalism was able to breathe as it had never done
before. In those years, with the world of work in decline, the
centrality of Work was lost. For this reason, other social subjects
became relevant like never before. They could also be reflections of the
class struggle, true, but above all they were a reflection of the fight
against domination.

Capitalism was dedicated to the accumulation of capital, and achieved
record profits thanks to being based on speculation in essential goods
and services. In this sense, the issue of housing appeared after the
2008 crisis. Housing understood as assets to invest, of course. In this
context of continuous setbacks, the working class almost has to fight
for its own survival, in the face of the neoliberal steamroller.

We, the popular classes, are united by our condition of dispossessed.
This takes shape, in our current day-to-day life, in living conditions
that define and determine us: degrading, unstable and intermittent jobs,
or the constant threat of losing a stable job as blackmail to assume
constant reductions in working conditions. This weakness in the world of
work, or the direct exclusion from it, is combined in a brutal clamp
with a series of discomforts, uncertainties and violence linked to
problems with housing: having our rent raised, having our stairs
destroyed. block of flats to force us to leave, have our electricity or
water cut off, suffer the torture of eviction or have to live among the
humidity and cold of windows that do not close properly. It goes without
saying that because we are already precarious groups, women and the
migrant population are the ones who suffer the most.[2]

Given this situation, the housing movement appeared, as an attempt to
stop this process. Due to the struggle, some laws favorable to the
people were passed, however, the advance of the wildest capitalism has
continued. The housing movement emerged very atomized, with the PAHs
constituting nothing more than a network or coordination of autonomous
groups. Over time, other subjects emerged, such as neighborhood unions,
tenant unions, or housing unions. The panorama became more complex.

One of the intentions of the First Housing Congress of Catalonia, held
in 2019, was to unite all this mass of entities and groups and turn it
into a plural but unified movement. To do this, each person's tactics
would be respected as long as they were autonomous from the
parliamentary parties. The inspiration was the Sants Workers' Congress
of 1918, which had celebrated 100 years shortly before.

The lack of common tools and effective coordination is a problem, it
makes it difficult for us to collectively rise to the situation and give
impetus to our fight. In accordance with the strategic bets that have
been proposed within the framework of the congress, we need to equip
ourselves with a series of tools to make them possible and overcome the
current situation.

The groups that are not part of the PAH or the Sindicat de Llogateres
coordinate informally, that is, with the risk of ending up generating
power roles not only between groups, but also within the groups
themselves. These roles distance us from assembly horizontality, drain
our energy and make involvement difficult. It is an urgent need for us
to organize ourselves in a more formal way.[3]

This proposal did not come to fruition, and the housing movement has
generally remained fragmented. There are currents that propose having
their own housing movement, linked to their particular political
positions and strategies. Now a second Congress is being planned, and we
will see what effect it will have. Furthermore, it should be noted that
the Congress was only held in the territory of Catalonia, while the rest
of the state has barely moved in this direction of articulating itself
in a powerful way. Where was what we learned from Sants[4]?

In any case, returning to what was said above, the main contradiction of
capitalism is the one between Capital and Work: production. Capitalism
cannot exist without the surplus value it takes from us in each salary.
Without this surplus value, capitalism is not profitable. Fighting to
not be kicked out of the apartment implies that the labor issue is very
screwed up and everything has been setbacks.

Housing is understood as a commodity that is bought and sold or rented.
Therefore, in our world, being able to access housing will depend on
purchasing power and that implies, for the working class, having a
decent salary. Therefore, we should consider the wage struggle as a
priority front, if we want to defeat capitalism. The labor struggle and
the housing struggle can feed off each other since they are two aspects
of the class struggle, as people from before understood it. But what is
central is to be able to improve our purchasing power as a class to have
access to decent housing. And that involves controlling the labor
market. And this must be the main function of the labor unions of our time.

Finally, what did the Sants Congress say about single unions?

The struggles that we must necessarily sustain against the bourgeoisie,
organized in branches and industries, and in some parts in Single Unions
of all production, are the issues that have fundamentally forced us to
adopt that our organization is based on branches and industries.
similar, annexed and derived. Thus, it is necessary to agree that the
regional Congress in making such a transcendental agreement did not do
so out of the simple desire to change things, but rather out of a
necessity of the times in which we live. The Single Union means,
therefore, the grouping of all the forces, intelligences and wills of
the workers, not only of a specific trade or profession, but of all the
components of a branch or industry, and the like
. Through the Single Union it will be possible to fight advantageously
against the employers' associations, since when a section of the same is
forced to resort to strike, it will be able to count on the prompt and
effective support of all the sister sections.

Furthermore, we believe that this form of organization is futuristic,
since due to its simplicity it will allow, if necessary, to be able to
carry out complete statistics of the total production and also carry out
the distribution of that same production. It is understood, therefore,
that the Single Unions are the most faithful expression of the
constructive, offensive and defensive order that we producers pursue.[5]

[1]All this can be read in greater depth in Antonio Bar, The CNT in the
red years . Akal, 1981

[2]From the First Presentation of the First Congress of the Habitat of
Catalonia, 2019

[3]From the fourth presentation of the First Congress of Habitatge of
Catalonia, 2019

[4]It is likely that without intending to, the housing movement did
follow the Sants Congress on the issue of popular structures and popular
schools. I say "without intending to" because, in reality, its promoters
in 2016-18 had other historical references quite far from the Catalan
labor movement of 1918, such as the Black Panthers or Eduardo Freire.

[5]See The Single Unions, from the minutes of the Congress of Sants, 1918:
https://alasbarricadas.org/noticias/node/53997

Miguel G. Gómez (@BlackSpartak)

https://www.regeneracionlibertaria.org/2024/03/19/del-sindicalismo-revolucionario-como-tendencia-unitaria-del-movimiento-obrero/
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WORLD WORLDWIDE FRANCE - news journal UPDATE - (en) France, CNT-AIT: Anarchosyndicalisme #185 - Scandal in Montauban (ca, de, fr, it, pt, tr)[machine translation]

 Not only is the fact of relegating young unaccompanied minors, awaiting

a decision concerning them for the non-recognition of their minority by
the courts, unbearable, as are the isolation and lack of support for
these young people, both in terms of: ---- educational, cultural:
discovery of food for example, ---- - linguistic: most speak little
French or understand it with difficulty. ---- They remain without legal
help to recover papers, often left in the country, attesting to their
identity, nationality and age. ---- Some of them have been surviving in
this context for more than six months, remaining in rooms most of the time.

What is happening at ASE 82?

Providing accommodation at the Villenouvelle hotel at 67 euros per night
with breakfast seems to be enough for this one.
But we don't leave a group of young strangers, even if turnover is
significant, without ensuring that daily life is considered.
Without giving them the minimum amount of language learning so that
everyday communication is quickly assimilated. Without giving them
access to leisure activities like any young Montalbanese

But where the scandal is qualified is access to daily, healthy and
balanced food. For years, young people had received meal vouchers and
went to get the same type of food, lunch and dinner, in a fast-food
restaurant in the city center. Under pressure from the Tarn et Garonnais
Collective, concerned with migrants, refugees and unaccompanied minors,
a new service provider was appointed and is currently delivering meals.
But for the past two weeks, tongues have been loosening; young people
have been reduced to relying on the population for food. The hotel's
trash cans for several weeks showed meals, not taken by the young
people. Shift in eating habits? Why not.

But on January 26, we were told about meals delivered, spoiled,
inedible: we think we are dreaming!

We were warned by young people who contacted us, we met them, which led
us to send an email to the attention of the ASE on January 30, which has
remained unanswered to this day. We knew that the ASE had moved and was
taking the situation into account. The meal provider would have been
contacted. But he maintains the confidence of the ASE in the meantime.

Wait for what? We do not know. A trip to the emergency room for food
poisoning?

Last Sunday, February 4 in the afternoon, a young person contacted us
again: He was simply hungry. He was only offered dry cuckoo seed as a meal.
Hotel employees do their best to compensate for this situation. They
confirm to us that young people are afraid to demand what international
law guarantees them. Room, board, care and education as long as justice
does not invalidate their minority. They are afraid of the services and
distrust the ASE staff.
Child Welfare is the service supposed to protect them. Their file is
managed by the latter, which evaluates them, and which therefore has
power over each conclusion: Confirmed minority or contested minority.
So until now, they were silent.

In the present case, we are entitled to question the objectives of such
a welcome, if not the strict implementation of the Valls circulars and
the Darmanin law with the close collaboration of a security service. and
sorting more than protection, on which justice relies to invalidate the
minority of these young people.

According to our information, a significant number of young people are
not even waiting for the verdict of this unfair system, and they
disappear from the radar, adding to the statistics of minors and young
adults in an irregular or undocumented situation.

We proposed, without waiting for an institutional response, the
immediate creation of a monitoring group, and we welcome any proposal
for action to ensure that these young people regain consideration and
dignity.

https://cntaittoulouse.lautre.net/spip.php?article1382
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