Google+ Followers

Facebook, Skype, Twitter & E-mail

Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/l.m.j.schrijversluc?ref=ts&fref=ts
Skype: luc-schrijvers
Email: lucschrijvers@hotmail.com
*For relaying information, comments on the blog, information, mail me at ease.
*All sources are not disclosed to third parties.

Search for an article in this Worldwide information blog

dinsdag 31 juli 2012

(en) Turkey: We have lost Tayfun G?n?l well-known anarchist and the first conscientious objector


Yesterday (30.07.2012) we have lost Tayfun G?n?l (age 54) who was the first conscientious
objector and among the well-known anarchists in Turkey. ---- He was suffering from health
problems related with his heart and spent a long time in hospital for the last six months.
His funeral will probably be held tomorrow (01.08.2012) in Istanbul where he had died. ---
In 1989 he had declared his conscientious objection in Sokak periodical. Starting from
1990's he initiated and contributed many anarchist periodicals such as Apolitika,
Efendisizler etc. Lately, he was among of the founders of Anarsist Paper. He has a booklet
"What is Anarchism?" and a book titled "Emergence from Rule to Chaos" including his
interviews with Gediz Akdeniz. About 10 years ago, he was regarded as the leader of
anarchists in Turkey in the police records. Related with that, in 2002, he had gone to the
court of imprisoned Usak anarchists to tell that anarchism is not terrorism (and also
cannot have a leader) which helped to free Usak anarchists.

Bron : a-infos-en@ainfos.ca

Anarkismo.net: Alberto ?Pocho? Mechoso, anarchist and expropriator by Juan Carlos Mechoso - FAU


Alberto ?Pocho? Mechoso ? Extract from the book ?Acci?n Directa Anarquista - Una Historia
de FAU? ---- Founder of the Uruguayan Anarchist Federation (FAU), an especifista anarchist
organisation, Alberto "Pocho" Mechoso was also a unionist in the Meat Workers Federation
and an active militant of the Organizaci?n Popular Revolucionario Orientales ? 33
(OPR-33), the armed wing of the FAU that supported strikes and conducted kidnappings and
expropriations of employers to finance the struggle.--In his later years, "Pocho" was
active in the Popular Party for Victory (PVP), an organisation that dissolved the FAU
within it. "Pocho" remained together with other comrades of the FAU within the PVP with
the intention of re-establishing the especifista organisation. Arrested in Buenos Aires on
September 26, 1976, his body was found with seven others on the seabed, in barrels filled
with cement, on May 23, 2012. We remember this comrade who, even without having known him,
is very dear to us. His example will be present in our militant struggle, today and forever.

Liberty or death!
Neither forget nor forgive!
Farewell, Pocho!
Arriba los que luchan!

Adapted and translated from: Alberto ?Pocho? Mechoso presente by Bruno, OASL

Alberto ?Pocho? Mechoso was born in Trinidad, in the department of Flores. He did his
first two years of school there, continuing later in Montevideo. He did not mange to
finish primary school. Coming from a family of workers who had insufficient income, he
learned to share the difficulties with his four brothers.
The family, tired of a situation that did not offer any possibility of improvement,
emigrated to Montevideo. It was a matter of trying one?s luck, like so many neighbours who
had already embarked on this adventure. Ansina street, in the neighbourhood of Palermo,
was where he made his first Montevidean friendships and immediately formed a group of
friends. The eaves of the school on Gaboto street were witness to some of the punishments
he suffered for responding to the teachers. He was acute and quick to inquire about things
he considered wrong.

La Teja and Cerro were the neighbourhoods that saw him grow up. Three brothers became
anarchists and in his house libertarian[ism] became an every day topic. He asked
questions, was sympathetic ? his rebellious spirit approximated this ideology that
demanded justice for the poor and did not ask for it from one?s knees.

Later he worked in the meat industry and during a long strike ended up being sacked. For a
time he was then a market vendor with some of his brothers. The FAU still didn?t exist
yet, but there was the Cerro-La Teja Anarchist Grouping and the Ateneu Livre, also in
Cerro-La Teja. He began to militate in the Ateneu.

It was already more than half way into the 1950s, and at this time work was scarce. The
economic crisis was already beginning to hit hard in workers? households. With a group of
young people like him, friends with each other and almost all libertarian sympathisers, he
began talking about finances to set up a work co-operative and give a part to the nascent
FAU. Finally, they decided to expropriate the Bank of Paso del Molino: La Caja Obrera.

It was a careful job, studied in detail. They found a greater quantity of money than they
had expected. They made the donation and left the rest for the agreed purpose. This was,
incidentally, the first bank expropriated in Uruguay.

A year later he was arrested in relation to this episode.

He spent six years in detention: in Miguelete and Punta Carretas. He read a lot in prison,
for example: "Nationalism and Culture" by Rocker, "Life and ideas of Malatesta" by Luiggi
Fabbri, "The Revolution" by Landeur, novels etc. He received at least one book weekly, in
a package.

"How are these guerrillas, will they see it through?", he asked in a visit in mid-1959. He
followed the Cuban process with great interest.

He left prison more politically educated and immediately made contact with the FAU. They
began conversations to define his position of militancy. Mauricio (Gatti) was the first to
think that they would have to incorporate him into activities of the armed kind.

Pocho had quick reflexes, he had good conduct to accommodate people, was jovial,
rebellious and determined ? all this made him a natural person. He liked jokes, playing
with serious issues, he made jokes about himself and engaged in militancy. But this was
accompanied by a deep faith in what he did and true respect for work. He was good in the
operations but did not underestimate anything, and always wanted to analyse the details well.

Finally, in the formation of OPR, he was a key part of all organisational work and also in
encouraging confidence in comrades who were starting out. Here he poured out his
experience and his decisions. He joined the first operational team, at the head, when it
was decided to face armed activity specifically and continuously. In the beginning, with
his predecessor team, he carried out bank expropriations decided by the Organisation and
which were vital to the development of ongoing projects. After that he served in various
operations, including the holding [to ransom ? translator] of the bourgeoisie.

He formed part of Aguilar and his experience and determination were invaluable
contributions to this body that was responsible for the armed action of the Organisation.

He was arrested, savagely tortured, resisted with unusual integrity and on his own staged
a spectacular escape from a barracks. He recovered from cuts on the hands and broken ribs,
and by decision of the FAU moved to Argentina. There he was immediately reinstated into
activity.

He was captured and again suffered torture in the Pozo de Orletti [clandestine prison].
Today he is one of the comrades considered to be desaparecido (missing). Pocho, his public
nickname, or Martin, his battle name, always maintained his customs, his culture as a good
man of the people. A neighbourhood boy, he liked spending time on the streets, was
self-taught, a reader, modest and with a deep sense of belonging to those at the bottom.
He left an indelible mark.

We know that he shared this completely. It is not people alone that produce the
development and permanence of an organisation. It is a number of efforts, of many people
that produces something fruitful. It is in this context that we point to this militant
contribution. But it is certain that in the mark of this vital group there are comrades
with outstanding contributions. Pocho and Santa Romero, no doubt, exemplified this.

Original text: Alberto ?Pocho? Mechoso ? Fragmento tomado del libro ?Acci?n Directa
Anarquista: Una historia de FAU?
http://www.anarkismo.net/article/%E2%80%9Chttp://federacionanarquistauruguaya.com.uy/2012/05/24/alberto-pocho-mechoso-fragmento-tomado-del-libro-accion-directa-anarquista-una-historia-de-fau/%E2%80%9D

Translation: Jonathan ? ZACF
Related Link:
http://federacionanarquistauruguaya.com.uy/2012/05/24/alberto-pocho-mechoso-fragmento-tomado-del-libro-accion-directa-anarquista-una-historia-de-fau/

Bron : a-infos-en@ainfos.ca

Canada, LinchPin #16 - a publication of common cause* - Organized Labour at the Precipice The Missed Opportunities of CUPE 3902


WAI KIAT TANG ---- In the 2011-2012 ? academic year, CUPE 3902 - a trade union local that
represents tutorial assistants, sessional lecturers, invigilators and lab assistants at
the University of Toronto (UofT) ? had generated a high level of mobilization and
engagement amongst its membership, relative to the much more cordial experience of the
last bargaining period. This could partly be attributed to a general feeling of
dissatisfaction amongst the more active layers of the membership seeking solutions against
rocketing costs of living expenses in Toronto, as well as ballooning tutorial sizes and
diminishing educational spaces that mock the ?world-class? mantra that the UofT
administration promotes in their efforts to attract private investment from business
elites and the broader public at large.

This bargaining period was
burdened by the narratives that have
followed the 2008 capitalist crisis:
business and political elites working to
shift the burden of the great recession
onto the broader working class through
an austerity agenda that attacks our
public services, and an accompanying
ideological offensive against organized
labour. These narratives have been
directed towards the broader realm
lies in advancing the material benefits of
their own membership, while sacrificing
and ?taking hostage? the broader public
interest at large.

The fact that this narrative has been
so persuasive to non-unionized working
people should pose questions for
progressives seeking a militant labour
movement that fights against the bosses
and to this its To picture?

To answer this, we need to examine
the labour movement in its North
American Historically, context. the
North American Labour Movement,
as ?represented? by its leading labour
bodies in the American Federation of
Labor (AFL) and Canada?s Trade Union
Congress (TUC) generally submitted
to a ?Business Unionist? mentality that
sought to downplay political challenges
to capitalism and the bosses. Instead,
labour leaders worked at carving a larger
piece of the pie for its membership ?
ignoring the broader question of class
struggle against capitalism. It is from
these origins that we can mark the broad
contrast between North American and
European labour. While this summary
is somewhat overly-simplistic, it does
at least help contextualize the ruling
class narrative that villainizes organized
labour as comprised of selfish, greedy
workers who share no interests with the
broader working class.
In a university setting the narrative
follows a similar vein. For many
undergrads, it?s not clear why working
class youth should support organized
labour on our campuses ? especially if
this support potentially comes at the cost
of our education, in the event of a work
stoppage. The natural reaction of the
majority of students is ?what?s in it for
me??
This was one of the most positives
aspects of the CUPE 3902 bargaining
proposals, such as demands for hard-
caps to tutorial sizes and labs ? intended
to facilitate spaces of deeper critical
discussion not possible in large lecture
halls. For me, this marks the need for
labour to connect its demands with the
broader interests of the community as a
means of creating organic relationships
that strengthen the class struggle
supposedly championed by the left.
In the end our union accepted a
contract that failed to offer what many
would say were modest economic
demands ? namely wage increases tied
to inflation and the guaranteed funding
package granted to graduate students.

Our union also backed down from
our demands for hard tutorial caps,
accepting instead the establishment of
joint admin-union working groups to
?study? the tutorial size question with
regards to quality of education. It?s
not clear if these working groups will
have any teeth or whether they will
simply serve as another release valve
to hold back the question of quality
of education for another few years.
This concession amounted to a major
missed opportunity to bridge closer
relations and positive impressions
between the academic workers and
the students who will eventually
move into the workforce. For many
students, their first concrete exposure
to labour struggles will come in their
classroom ? as was the case when my
elementary school teachers went on
strike for better working and teaching
conditions against the austerity agenda
of the Harris government in 1997.
The fact is that if we want to win
as an organized labour movement,
we have to champion the aspirations
and demands of our fellow workers
and students. Furthermore, the fight
over this issue was an opportunity
to confront the powers that be over
fundamental questions governing how
the education system is run. What are
schools for? Who do they belong to?
Are education institutions merely a
factory shop to mold new workers into
the workforce, or are they fundamentally
public goods that seeks to educate and
produce critical-thinking members of
society?
If the progressive goals for free
and better education are going to have
substance, organized labour must
play a more active and militant role
in articulating these aims at the picket
line. Rather than contributing to the
progressive labour movement, CUPE
3902?s failure to take up this fight can
only contribute to the cynicism that
working people rightly feel towards
business unionism. Organized labour sits
at a precipice, with a looming threat of
continued irrelevance and distain from
the public at large. If we want to counter
this, we must smash the business unionist
mentality that?s been ingrained in the
North American labour tradition and
embrace a social progressive unionism
that is more community-centered in its
demands ? one that fights, ultimately,
under the battle cry of ?all for all?.
========================
* Anarchist organization

Bron : a-infos-en@ainfos.ca

maandag 30 juli 2012

Een facelift voor eurostop.be‏


Beste Eurostopper,

De website eurostop.be onderging een hele stijlverandering en heeft sinds kort een volledig nieuwe look. Neem snel een kijkje op www.eurostop.be! Je komt op de homepage terecht waar je je kan inschrijven of inloggen. Je krijgt een overzicht met welke ritten vandaag en morgen vertrekken, en je kan snel je eigen rit ingeven. Wie inlogt, komt op een persoonlijke pagina terecht waar je heel eenvoudig je profiel en je ritten kan beheren.

Je krijgt dus nog steeds de vertrouwde service die Eurostop je al jaren biedt, maar het geheel oogt veel aantrekkelijker. Bovendien kan je ook reisfoto’s en reisverhalen doorsturen. Zo wordt de Eurostop-community een beetje hechter en persoonlijker. Een echte facelift dus, waar de laatste 5 van Madonna bij in het niets verzinken. Surf naar de site, en oordeel zelf!


http://www.eurostop.be/nld

De website eurostop.be onderging een hele stijlverandering en heeft sinds kort een volledig nieuwe look. Neem snel een kijkje op www.eurostop.be! Je komt op de homepage terecht waar je je kan inschrijven of inloggen. Je krijgt een overzicht met welke ritten vandaag en morgen vertrekken, en je kan snel je eigen rit ingeven. Wie inlogt, komt op een persoonlijke pagina terecht waar je heel eenvoudig je profiel en je ritten kan beheren.

Je krijgt dus nog steeds de vertrouwde service die Eurostop je al jaren biedt, maar het geheel oogt veel aantrekkelijker. Bovendien kan je ook reisfoto’s en reisverhalen doorsturen. Zo wordt de Eurostop-community een beetje hechter en persoonlijker. Een echte facelift dus, waar de laatste 5 van Madonna bij in het niets verzinken. Surf naar de site, en oordeel zelf!

De vernieuwingen stoppen echter niet bij de website. In augustus lanceert Taxistop ook een mobiele versie van eurostop.be. Via de mobiele site zal je makkelijk op je smartphone kunnen inloggen en je ritten beheren. Heel handig voor wie al aan z’n avontuurlijke reis is begonnen, maar onderweg toch nog een lift zoekt!



Ten slotte stapt Eurostop ook mee in de wondere wereld van de sociale media. Sinds kort hebben we namelijk een eigen Facebook-page! Zoek ons snel op en like ons, dan kan je je reisverhalen en –foto’s delen met andere Eurostop-gebruikers op Facebook.



De vernieuwingen stoppen echter niet bij de website. In augustus lanceert Taxistop ook een mobiele versie van eurostop.be. Via de mobiele site zal je makkelijk op je smartphone kunnen inloggen en je ritten beheren. Heel handig voor wie al aan z’n avontuurlijke reis is begonnen, maar onderweg toch nog een lift zoekt!

Ten slotte stapt Eurostop ook mee in de wondere wereld van de sociale media. Sinds kort hebben we namelijk een eigen Facebook-page! Zoek ons snel op en like ons, dan kan je je reisverhalen en –foto’s delen met andere Eurostop-gebruikers op Facebook.

Eurostop-site: http://www.eurostop.be
Facebookpage: http://www.facebook.com/eurostop1975
mobiele Eurostop-site (actief in de loop van augustus): m.eurostop.be

31 July 2012 Fourth intented expulsion of Ms LO to Cotnou ,SN 231 2.00 P.M.


She is pregnant with twins for nearly 6 months now. She has been detained for nearly Five months now, first in the detention centre of Caricole, and then in the closed centre 127 Bis close to the airport of Brussels. The office of the Shame will again try to expel her toward Cotonu, Benin, given that she is Cameronian and that her airplane came from there.
Liliane does not want to go back to Benin, she does not have anyone there. She lives in miserable conditions. She refueses completely to take this plane which will take her towards an immense misery.
She has increasingly health problems caused by stress, which could have dramatic consequences for her pregnancy. Tomorrow is her fourth expulsion, with escort. She is panicing. She does not want to and cannot depart.

Plan SN 0231 14.05 to Cotonou, Benin.
Gather all this saturday, 31 July at 12:05 at the check-in of the plane SN 0231 towards Cotonou in order to speak with the passengers of the plane and support L.

 If you cannot go, you can act:
1/ call, send your emails, fax or letters of protest to SN airlines and demand that your message be transmitted to the pilot on bord. In order to send an email, you have to go to the website: http://www.brusselsairlines.com/com/contact or: FAX= 027233599 /             02/7238496       / 027534931- PHone:             078 188889       / 027232362 (Company):
___________________________________

Madame, Sir,
your flight number SN 0231 departing at 14:05 with destination to Cotonou on 31 July 2012 will depart with L.O. a Cameroonian national.  She has been detained in the detention centre 127bis for Four months, she is supposed to be expelled although she is pregnant with twins for nearly Six months now! You have to prevent her forced return, towards a country which is not her´s, where she does not want to go to and where she will live in miserable conditions.
You have the power to oppose yourself to the departure of Liliane. Don’t let go this opportunity for Liliane and for all our dignity!

____________________________________

2/ send this message to the Office of Foreigners and to the concerned Cabinets:

To the attention to:

Mr. Elio Di Rupo, Prime Minister (info@primeminister.fed.be  @primeminister.fed.be / Fax: 022173328, 02512693)
Madame Maggie de Block, Secretary at the Ministry of Justice:
info@fedasil.be @fedasil.be /info.maggiedeblock@ibz.fgov.be
Mr. Fredy Roosemont, Director of the Office of Foreigners:
helpdesk.dvzoe@dofi.fgov.be @dofi.fgov.be / Fax 02939669

Mr Prime Minister, Ms Secretary of State for Asylum, Immigration and Social Integration, Mr. Director of the Office of Foreigners,

your plane number SN 0231 departing at 14:05 to the destination of Cotonu, Benin this coming 7 July 2012 will depart with a cameroonian national, L. O.
She has been detained at the dentention centres 127b and Caricole for four months, she is supposed to be expeled although is pregnant with twins for Six months! You have to prevent her forced return, towards a country which is not hers, where she does not want to go and where she will live in miserable conditions.
You have the power to oppose yourself to the departure of L. Do not let go this opportunity for Liliane and for all our dignity.

Thank you in her name,
[First Name, Name]
Upset and solidary citizen
Thank you in the name of Liliane.

Getting the Voice Out

31 juillet : QUATRIEME tentative d’expulsion de Mme L.O. enceinte de bientôt 6 mois.


Une quatrième tentative d’expulsion est prèvue de Mme L.O. Ce 31 juillet 2012 vol SN 0231 Cotonu 14h05.
Elle est enceinte de jumeaux depuis bientôt 6 mois. Elle est enfermée depuis bientôt 5 mois d’abord au centre fermé Caricole, puis au centre fermé 127bis à côté de l’aéroport de Bruxelles.

L’Office de la Honte va à nouveau essayer de l’expulser vers Cotonou au Bénin, alors qu’elle est Camerounaise, ceci parce que son avion venait de là.

Liliane ne veut pas rentrer au Bénin, elle n’a rien ni personne là-bas, et elle vit dans des conditions misérables. Elle refuse complétement de prendre cet avion qui la ramène vers une misère immense.

Elle a de plus en plus de problèmes de santés et de stress, qui peuvent avoir des conséquences dramatiques sur sa grossesse. Demain est sa quatrième expulsion, sous escorte. L est paniqué . Elle ne veut et ne peut pas partir. Elle va tout faire pour ne pas partir et demande notre aide.

Vol SN 0231 14.05 vers Cotonou Bénin

Rendez-vous ce mardi 31 juillet à 12:05 au check-in du vol SN 0231 vers Cotonou pour parler au passager de l’avion et soutenir L.



Si vous ne pouvez pas y aller. VOUS POUVEZ AGIR :

________________________

1/ Téléphonez, envoyez vos courriels, fax et lettres de protestation à SN Airlines et demandez à ce que que votre message soit transmis au Commandant de bord.

Pour envoyer une message il faut aller sur leur site http://www.brusselsairlines.com/com/contact/

ou alors Fax = 027233599 /             02/7238496       / 027534931 -Tél             078 188889       / 027232345 / 027232362

_______________________

Madame, Monsieur,

Votre vol numéro SN 0231 de 14:05 à destination de Cotonou ce 31 juillet 2012 embarquera L O une ressortissante Camerounaise. Enfermée au Centre fermé 127bis depuis 4 mois, on veut l’expulser alors qu’elle est enceinte de jumeaux de bientôt 6 mois !

Vous devez empêcher son retour forcé , vers un pays qui n’est pas le sien, où elle ne veut pas aller et où elle vivra dans des conditions misérables.

Vous avez le pouvoir de vous opposer au départ de L. Ne laissez pas passer cette opportunité, pour Liliane, pour notre dignité à tous !

______________________________

2/ Envoyez ce message à l’Office des étrangers et aux cabinets concernés :

A l’attention de :

Monsieur Elio Di Rupo, Premier ministre (info@premier.fed.be / Fax 022173328, 025126953)

Madame Joëlle Milquet, Vice-Première ministre et Ministre de l’Intérieur milquet@lecdh.be / milquet@milquet.belgium.be / Fax: 022380129,025048500, 025048580)

Madame Maggie De Block, Secrétaire d’Etat à l’Asile, à l’Immigration et à l’Intégration sociale, adjointe à la Ministre de la Justice :

info@fedasil.be / info.maggiedeblock@ibz.fgov.be

Monsieur Freddy Roosemont, Directeur de l’Office des Etrangers :helpdesk.dvzoe@dofi.fgov.be / Fax 027939669

Monsieur le Premier Ministre, Madame la Vice-Première Ministre et Ministre de l’Intérieur et de l’Egalité des chances, Madame le Secrétaire d’Etat à l’Asile, à l’Immigration et à l’Intégration sociale,Monsieur le Directeur de l’Office des étrangers,

Votre vol numéro SN 231 de 14:05 à destination de Cotonou ce 31 juillet 2012 embarquera L O une ressortissante Camerounaise.

Enfermée aux Centre fermé 127 bis et Caricole depuis 4 mois, on veut l’expulser alors qu’elle est enceinte de jumeaux de bientôt 6 mois ! Vous devez empêcher son retour forcé , vers un pays qui n’est pas le sien, où elle ne veut pas aller et où elle vivra dans des conditions misérables.

Vous avez le pouvoir de vous opposer au départ de L. Ne laissez pas passer cette opportunité, pour pour notre dignité à tous !

Merci pour elle

[Prenom NOM]

Bron : Getting the Voice Out

31 Juli : Vierde uitzettingspoging van zwangere vrouw SN 231 14.05 (engl)


She is pregnant with twins for nearly 6 months now. She has been detained for nearly Five months now, first in the detention centre of Caricole, and then in the closed centre 127 Bis close to the airport of Brussels. The office of the Shame will again try to expel her toward Cotonu, Benin, given that she is Cameronian and that her airplane came from there.
Liliane does not want to go back to Benin, she does not have anyone there. She lives in miserable conditions. She refueses completely to take this plane which will take her towards an immense misery.
She has increasingly health problems caused by stress, which could have dramatic consequences for her pregnancy. Tomorrow is her fourth expulsion, with escort. She is panicing. She does not want to and cannot depart.

Plan SN 0231 14.05 to Cotonou, Benin.
Gather all this saturday, 31 July at 12:05 at the check-in of the plane SN 0231 towards Cotonou in order to speak with the passengers of the plane and support L.

 If you cannot go, you can act:
1/ call, send your emails, fax or letters of protest to SN airlines and demand that your message be transmitted to the pilot on bord. In order to send an email, you have to go to the website: http://www.brusselsairlines.com/com/contact or: FAX= 027233599 /             02/7238496       / 027534931- PHone:             078 188889       / 027232362 (Company):
___________________________________

Madame, Sir,
your flight number SN 0231 departing at 14:05 with destination to Cotonou on 31 July 2012 will depart with L.O. a Cameroonian national.  She has been detained in the detention centre 127bis for Four months, she is supposed to be expelled although she is pregnant with twins for nearly Six months now! You have to prevent her forced return, towards a country which is not her´s, where she does not want to go to and where she will live in miserable conditions.
You have the power to oppose yourself to the departure of Liliane. Don’t let go this opportunity for Liliane and for all our dignity!

____________________________________

2/ send this message to the Office of Foreigners and to the concerned Cabinets:

To the attention to:

Mr. Elio Di Rupo, Prime Minister (info@primeminister.fed.be  @primeminister.fed.be / Fax: 022173328, 02512693)
Madame Maggie de Block, Secretary at the Ministry of Justice:
info@fedasil.be @fedasil.be /info.maggiedeblock@ibz.fgov.be
Mr. Fredy Roosemont, Director of the Office of Foreigners:
helpdesk.dvzoe@dofi.fgov.be @dofi.fgov.be / Fax 02939669

Mr Prime Minister, Ms Secretary of State for Asylum, Immigration and Social Integration, Mr. Director of the Office of Foreigners,

your plane number SN 0231 departing at 14:05 to the destination of Cotonu, Benin this coming 7 July 2012 will depart with a cameroonian national, L. O.
She has been detained at the dentention centres 127b and Caricole for four months, she is supposed to be expeled although is pregnant with twins for Six months! You have to prevent her forced return, towards a country which is not hers, where she does not want to go and where she will live in miserable conditions.
You have the power to oppose yourself to the departure of L. Do not let go this opportunity for Liliane and for all our dignity.

Thank you in her name,
[First Name, Name]
Upset and solidary citizen
Thank you in the name of Liliane.

Bron : Getting the Voice Out

Is België een politiestaat aan het worden ?



Geachte Mevrouw de Minister,

Beste mevrouw Milquet,

Ik schrijf u in verband met het recente schokkende politiegeweld in Brussel.

Een groep manifestanten van vooral Congolese Brusselaars kwam zaterdag betogen tegen het aanhoudende geweld in Oost-Congo. Ze geloven dat de Rwandese autoriteiten een rol spelen in de regio door allerlei rebellenbewegingen te steunen die de regio destabiliseren. Het is daarom dat ze hun betoging eindigden voor de Rwandese ambassade. Volgens politiewoordvoerster Ilse Van de Keere van de zone Brussel Hoofdstad-Elsene is het daar tot incidenten gekomen. Men vermeldt er twee: ‘een vernield bushokje’ en ‘voor de Oegandese ambassade werd een blikje in de richting van het ambassadegebouw gegooid’.



Beide incidenten zijn jammer en te vermijden bij betogingen, maar ze zijn peanuts in vergelijking met het gewelddadige optreden van de politie tegen de betogers. Bewijs hiervan zijn de verschillende videobeelden van de media en van voorbijgangers, die tonen hoe ongenadig onze politietroepen slaan op mensen.

Vorig jaar schreef ik een open brief aan de toenmalige minister van Binnenlandse Zaken mevrouw Turtelboom. Daarin vroeg ik rechtvaardigheid voor de jonge Ricardo die op weg naar een muziekfestival –een manifestatie tegen een gesloten asielcentrum- zwaar werd toegetakeld door de politie. Tot op heden heb ik geen antwoord ontvangen. Ondertussen is mevrouw Turtelboom minister van justitie geworden. Oh ironie!

Het voorbeeld van zaterdag is geen losstaand feit en dat weet u. Laat me een aantal voorbeelden noemen uit mijn gemeente: Elsene.

Ongetwijfeld weet u nog hoe de politie is opgetreden tegen de betogers in Matongé een aantal maanden geleden. Buiten proportie gewelddadig: er werden meer dan 50 klachten ingediend bij Comité P.

Een ander voorbeeld van op het Flageyplein, het grootste plein in Brussel. Een plein waar dagelijks honderden mensen samenkomen. Ik ben trots op die sociale mix die hier plaatsvindt. In al die jaren dat ik hier in de buurt woon en dagelijks passeer op het Flageyplein, zag ik slechts één keer een vechtpartij tussen een groep jongeren. Maar ik was wel getuige van het gewelddadig politieoptreden tegen de indignados, die zich hadden verzameld voor een open vergadering op het pleintje.

Mevrouw de Minister, bij de recente beelden over seksisme in onze stad in de reportage ‘Femme de la rue’ reageerde u terstond. U beloofde onder andere adminstratieve sancties in te zetten. Dat u de strijd tegen het seksisme aanbindt vind ik als burger een goede zaak.

Maar: kan u ook met dezelfde spoed reageren op het politiegeweld in onze stad?

Aanpakken van ontoelaatbaar seksisme is wellicht een complexe zaak. De aanpak zal veelzijdig moeten zijn en u heeft samenwerking nodig van ouders, school, omgeving en beleid. Politiegeweld daarentegen kan u bijna in uw eentje aan. Het gaat om geweld door politiemensen die de staat vertegenwoordigen. Zij moeten de regels en wetten die ze trouw hebben beloofd, respecteren en waarborgen. En u kan hen dat opleggen en de overtreders straffen of uit het korps gooien.

Als ik op de beelden zie hoe mensen worden geschopt, bespuwd en toegetakeld door degenen die ons moeten beschermen, dan vind ik dat onaanvaardbaar in onze rechtsstaat.



Als bevoegde Minister en als Brusselaar met wie ik de liefde en bezorgdheid voor onze stad deel, vraag ik u wat u gaat ondernemen tegen dit politiegeweld? Bent u van plan om hiertegen eindelijk ook de nultolerantie in te voeren?

Ik hoop op een antwoord.

Bleri Lleshi is politiek filosoof en mensenrechtenactivist

http://blerilleshi.wordpress.com

https://www.facebook.com/Bleri.Lleshi

foto’s: @youtube

Youtube beelden van politiegeweld bij de betoging op 28/07/2012

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=GvloRijdnp0&list=UUVWwKelO6TJEHELMfPWGFBA&index=1&feature=plcp

Ricardo getuigt over agressie politie

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=G85jPq6Y_1o

Repressie politie op Flageyplein 11/06/2011

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=zwtK37-GD6k&feature=related



(en) Britain, Anarchist Federation magazine Organise! History: The Anarchist Federation - In Thought and Struggle



The AF has its roots in a number of small anarchist groupings active in the 1970s. In
addition, the founding members were inspired by the rich anarchist tradition on the
Continent, especially France. Taking what we thought was best from the past and from
abroad, the goal was to create an anarchist communist organisation, firmly based on the
class struggle or ?social anarchist? tradition. ---- The project received crucial impetus
with the bringing on board of the innovative magazine Virus. The Anarchist Communist
Discussion Group was then launched at the Anarchist Bookfair in October 1985. We received
remarkable interest in our project and by April 1986, there was enough stability to
formalise the organisation into the Anarchist Communist Federation. Although there is some
historic continuity with earlier anarchist groups in Britain, the federation was mainly a
new phenomenon, drawing on people new to anarchism in the 1980s.

We started out with a set of aims and principles, which remain largely intact, but there
has still been considerable development in our politics, as new people join and offer new
perspectives, and as we develop our ideas in the course of what is going on in the class
struggle itself. In the late 90s we changed our name to the Anarchist Federation, not
because we had changed our politics, but for pragmatic reasons.

The central plank of our principles, like all anarchist organisations, is the recognition
of the need to bring an end to capitalism in all its varieties as well as the state, which
can never be used as a vehicle to properly transform society. In addition, we believe that
these objectives can only come about through a social revolution, where the working class
organises itself to overthrow the system both ideologically and physically. Our definition
of the working class is broad, reflecting the fact that capitalism has undergone
significant changes. A social revolution can only come about as a result of the will of
the vast majority of the population, including office and shop workers, public sector
employees, the unwaged, women working in the home, children and retired people, as well as
the traditional industrial workers. Anarchism is not about individuals changing their
lifestyle and hoping capitalism will go away, but is about individuals changing themselves
and being changed as part of a general social struggle.

But we never fetishise or glamourise violence, recognising that the use of violence can
brutalize, being a ?blunt instrument?, can lead inadvertently to working-class casualties,
and can produce new hierarchies. The revolution will primarily come about through
non-military means, as we develop our power through a variety of social, economic,
political and cultural forms of resistance. It is to this end that we work. Nevertheless,
we realise that physical confrontation with the state it is unavoidable; it will not go
quietly but will defend property. Therefore we do not hold pacifism to be a point of
principle.

Exploitation and oppression take many forms and extend into all parts of our lives. One
important principle of the AF is that it is not just class exploitation and oppression
that needs to be abolished. Although we are a ?class struggle? organisation, this struggle
is social and personal, as well as economic. Therefore, we argue that anarchists must
fight on a number of other ?fronts?. For example, we believe that the oppression of women
pre-dates capitalism and will not automatically disappear with its end. Sexism permeates
the working class and also the anarchist movement and it will require particular struggles
to rid ourselves of this legacy. At the same time, we do not see struggles against sexism
as totally separate from those against the overall system of hierarchy and oppression.
Recently, the women?s movement has been in decline and this is reflected in the lack of
focus on specifically anti-sexist struggles in our propaganda and our activities. This is
something we are trying to deal with - how not to be gender-blind in our analysis of the
working class and the class struggle. We also recognise that there may be instances where
women will need to organise as independently in order to develop ideas and confidence, and
we applaud those initiatives aimed at developing anarcho-feminism. However, we do not
support ?cross-class? alliances, which end up benefiting mainly middle class women. For
example, ?equal opportunities? policies have largely meant that women have equal
opportunities to become bosses and managers, politicians or media personalities.

The Anarchist Federation has also been in the forefront of developing revolutionary
perspectives and practice within struggles around sexuality and gender identity,
confronting any bourgeois domination of Lesbian- Gay-Bi-Transgender-Queer movements and
routinely confronting capitalism at Pride events. Because woman and LGBTQ people at times
need to organise in our own interests, or for mutual support even within the anarchist
movement, the AF has its own women?s and LGBTQ caucuses.

The social revolution must bring an end to all forms of prejudice, therefore racism too
needs to be combated within the working class itself. We have seen a growth in racism for
a variety of reasons. Misplaced fears against economic migration and ?false? claims to
asylum, and hysterical responses to 9/11 and 7/7 compound the problems of decades-old
ingrained post-colonial racist cultures. As such, much of our propaganda and activity has
been directed at building anarchist resistance to racism and fascism, on the streets where
necessary. But there we refuse ?unholy? alliances with reactionary religious groups.
Nevertheless, like the rest of the British anarchist movement we have had limited success
in attracting members from the full spectrum of ethnic backgrounds. We recognise that
suspicion of the motives of opportunist left-wing political organisations plays a part in
this. As with women and LGBTQ people, people of colour may need to organise themselves
even within revolutionary organisations. We consider that our practice and propaganda play
some role in correctly analysing, undermining and confronting racism nonetheless. We hope
that our practice, in the workplace and community, will help divisions within the working
class to be overcome.

We also recognise the special forms of oppression and discrimination experienced by people
because of our age or our mental or physical ability. Unlike capitalists, anarchists do
not value people on the basis of their economic contribution and exploitability as paid
workers. Where such groups are dependent on the welfare state, our activity as anarchists
in our own defence economically in the current period will be vital in spreading
confidence and direct action amongst us. But discrimination runs deeper than economics.
Anarchists must not perpetuate the stereotypes we receive, from the media for example,
about elderly or disabled people, anymore than we do about different races, genders and
sexualities. We work towards insults in this sense being confronted just as much as
homophobia, racism and sexism. Indeed, anarchists must never turn a blind eye to any kind
of domination and should be prepared to combat signs of discrimination at all levels.
However, we do not believe that we should be calling on the State for help. Prejudice and
reactionary practices will only disappear through activity and struggle, enabling people
to change in their core, not just on the surface.

In terms of the workplace, the nature of Trade Unionism in Britain has posed many problems
for us when trying to decide on a workplace strategy. The unions are not only reformist
but are often totally implicated in the exploitation of the working class. Our experience
led us to adopt what some may call an ?anti-union? position. We argue that people should
not take up paid positions in the union and that in many cases there is no point in even
being a member of a union. There is no point in trying to ?democratise? the unions or try
and make them more combative. It is in their nature to negotiate with capitalism, not to
undermine it seriously. They cannot be reformed. This position has caused some
difficulties because as most workplace activity takes place within the context of the
official union, what do we actually do? We have argued that we should be trying to
organise informal groups of militant workers, whether they be union members or not. The
aim is not to establish an alternative union structure, which would only end up becoming
another reformist union, but to be a source of revolutionary propaganda and a catalyst for
action. In practice, our members take a very pragmatic approach to organising in the
workplace. Members adopt whatever strategy seems most effective for furthering struggle
and resisting exploitation. Though we do not advocate anarcho-syndicalism as an overall
strategy, we agree with the formation of structures which group anarchists as workers or
across industries, in order to further anarchist influence in economic struggles. Several
of our members are also members of the Industrial Workers of the World or the Solidarity
Federation- IWA. The main principle of all our workplace activity is to build up
effective, revolutionary, non-hierarchical forms of organisation, whatever name is given
to them.

Just as important is another ?front? of which we fight: the community. We are aware that
community in the ?traditional? or idealised sense does not really exist. But there are
issues that affect localities where people live. These issues include transport, provision
of public services and the effect of the environment on health. Though these issues can be
raised in a workplace context, effective action requires a broader organisational base,
incorporating people as both producers and consumers. The locality is also the context in
which we engage in anti-fascist, environmental, welfare, anti-war and anti-religion
campaigns. Though members will raise these issues at work, we stress the importance of
organising local actions and distributing propaganda at the community level- on the
streets, in public meetings and through direct action. Members work with other
class-struggle or social anarchists to set up local groups with the aim of raising
awareness of anarchist ideas amongst the wider working class and initiating action in our
defence or to further goals common within our communities.

Finally, we have a strong internationalist perspective and are particularly critical of
national liberation movements and ideologies. There can be no ?better? government, however
representative it is of the peoples it governs. The only way we can achieve true
liberation is through internationalism, which refuses to choose between oppressors.
History has shown that the ?lesser of the two evils? soon turns out to be just as ?evil?.
Meanwhile, you have abandoned your own principles and weakened your own movement. Our
members in Ireland have pioneered, in very difficult conditions, an anarchism that refuses
to take sides with either nationalism. It is only by building up the international
anarchist movement that we can effectively challenge all oppressors, and therefore we are
active members of the International of Anarchist Federations and have played a role in
enabling the formation of social anarchist federations in other countries.



Organisation

We are organised on federalist lines, which means we are a federation of individuals and
groups with no central political apparatus. This does not mean that we have no
decision-making structure. Not to have a formal structure usually leads to informal
leadership cliques with more influence than other members. We have one national conference
and three national delegate meetings a year, which take decisions on our general
orientation, strategy and action. However, these decisions are reached through extended
discussion in our Internal Bulletin and on our internal on-line forum. We use ?direct
democracy?, in that members of local groups take their group?s opinions to meetings, as
opposed to ?representing? them and having individual power. Local delegates and nationally
appointed officers are therefore functionaries, with no power to operate outside their
mandate. They are recalled if they either overstep this or fail to carry out what they
have been tasked with. It is very rare that we have anything that is not generally agreed
after discussion. We aim for consensus in decisionmaking, but we do not fetishise it. If a
consensus cannot be agreed upon and we feel that a decision must be reached nonetheless,
then we can move to a vote. The decision must be based on a two-thirds majority. This is
to ensure that we are moving forward as an organisation. If we do vote on anything, the
vote is first open to any member to register a negative vote. If the decision is still
made, then groups and/or individuals are still free to not implement the decision as long
as they do not seek to undermine the organisation.

One of our central concerns is, therefore, how to ensure maximum participation of all
members and how to avoid formal and informal hierarchies. After all, it is our experiences
that will provide the basis for alternative ways of organising society. We do not always
succeed in achieving the standards of participation that we aspire to. However, we are
continually reviewing our practice. Though the structures and mechanisms for participation
may be in place, we recognise that there are many individual reasons why some are more
dominant than others, related to issues of confidence, age, experience, gender and
educational background. Therefore it is not enough just to say that the organisation is
non-hierarchical. It is necessary to actively encourage participation, through rotation of
tasks, involving individuals in small groups and commission work and helping to build
confidence through workshops and educationals.

We are an organisation of activists and propagandists for anarchy. We publish and
distribute a bi-annual magazine, Organise! and a monthly free bulletin, Resistance . We
also produce a range of pamphlets, posters and stickers. The aim of our propaganda is
primarily to spread anarchist ideas throughout all sections of the working class. However,
Organise! is aimed more at those who are politicised to a greater extent and therefore
focuses on new analysis, debates and theory that will provoke discussion in the anarchist
and wider political movement. In addition to distributing propaganda, individual members
are engaged in a wide variety of activities, in the workplace, in local anarchist or
anti-authoritarian groups, in universities and colleges, in campaigns and actions against
the war, around environmental issues, supporting asylum seekers, and challenging
reactionary ideas of religious fanatics and fascists, on the streets where necessary. But
how do we differ from other anarchists?

The anarchist movement has grown in numbers and in influence over the past decade. People
have been attracted to anarchism for a variety of reasons and therefore it is a diverse
movement, both in terms of ideas and practices. This diversity can be a positive feature
of the movement, and the AF recognises that we do not have a monopoly of ?truth? on what
anarchism should be. However, there are several principles that we take to be vital, and
feel that it is only our organisation that groups all of these principles together. We
have outlined these principles in this text, but we will now discuss briefly why exist as
a distinctive organisation.

1. Organisation

Not all anarchists put the same stress as we do on formal organisation, at both the
national and international organisation. Though strong local groups and initiatives are
the basis of an effective national organisation, co-ordination and sharing of ideas must
happen on the widest level if the working class is ever to organise a revolution. In
addition, this organisation must be permanent in the sense that it continues to exist and
be active regardless of what big events may be taking place or how active particular
individuals are (although the Revolution itself would of course make the AF?s existence
redundant, which is just one way in which we differ from authoritarian communists). We
need an organisation that can continue to exist, regardless of whether some individuals
drop out or become less active. For similar reasons we need to be sceptical of investing
too much time and effort in ?networks?, which come and go, as well as having a tendency to
operate with informal hierarchies. However, although influenced by Platformism and not
opposed to Platformism per se, we do not go so far as some contemporary Platformists; that
is to say, down the route of focussing decision-making and organisational discipline at
the centre, which we consider by-passes the legitimate autonomy of local groups to act as
they wish within the Aims and Principles.

2. Anarchist Communism

We are part of the anarchist tradition sometimes referred to as anarchist communism. That
is to say, we seek the abolition of the state and also of money and private property. We
strive for complete freedom and complete equality simultaneously. We believe in the
importance of building a political organisation that is based on the working class (in the
broadest sense), and which is active on a number of fronts. This is what distinguishes us
from anarchosyndicalism. Though we are part of the same social anarchist tradition
(anarchist communists and anarchosyndicalists are likely to be in the same organisation in
countries like Spain, France and Italy), we emphasise different tactics and strategies.
For us, building an anarcho-syndicalist union can only ever form one prong of an overall
strategy and even then has to be adapted to specific contexts in line with revolutionary
anarchist principles. This is why the AF exists separately from the Solidarity Federation.

Anarchist communism also rejects other forms of anarchism such as green anarchism or
?life-stylism?. Though concern for the environment is a key part of our politics, it does
not take priority over any other issue. We welcome the fact that people refuse to conform
to bourgeois codes but a revolution will not come about by dressing differently or living
in squats. In any case, historical experience has shown that these alternative lifestyles
are short-lived, with many soon dropping out and/ or becoming key members of the
establishment. Anarchism is something to be maintained in all stages of life, even if the
anarchist holds down a job, has children, or takes out a mortgage. Anarchists, after all,
should be part of the working class, not in their own ghetto of alternative ?activists?.
That doesn?t mean, however, that anarchists should seek to adopt some stereotyped working
class image. The anarchist movement should contain a diverse range of people, not
conforming to any stereotype. What matters are one?s ideas, practice and commitment.
Similarly, we reject insurrectionism as a strategy to achieve anarchism. Individuals may
become frustrated at our inability to strike effectively against our oppressors, but
unfortunately there are no shortcuts. It is the everyday organising and struggle that
forms the basis for all the more obvious revolutionary moments.

Individual ?heroics? can never be a substitute for mass action. In addition, individual
acts of violence are usually counterproductive, bringing down repression on a movement not
yet strong enough to defend itself. As the Italian Anarchist Federation declared after
being mistakenly associated with a recent letter bomb- ?Anarchism cannot be delivered
through a letter box?. However, there may be circumstances where violent actions are
justified, but only when the actions are directly linked and supported by a wider
movement. We must be to develop an anarchist presence within the working class both in the
workplace and the locality. The future for anarchism and for the planet lies in anarchism
being taken up by a wide variety of working class people in their everyday struggles.

3. Building the Movement

The AF will support and work with any individual or group who shares the general aim of
creating an anarchist society that is economically egalitarian. We have our distinctive
perspective on how to bring this aim about, a perspective that is part of a long
tradition, and will continue to argue for this perspective to be the basis for the
building of a strong and effective anarchist movement. However, we also recognise that if
this tradition is not to become a historical relic, it must be continually enriched by new
ideas and practices.

We hope that British anarchism will grow into an effective and influential movement within
the working class, bringing together a wide variety of occupations, social groups and
generations. This will require longterm commitment and perseverance, through both the
?highs? and ?lows? of political activity. We will do whatever is necessary to contribute
to the building of such a movement, as the future of us all depends on it.

Bron : a-infos-en@ainfos.ca

Vidéo d'un débat de journalisme critique : La Syrie face au "Monde"‏



A diffuser sans modération...

Débat (houleux) à l'émission La Barge sur OTVQTV

http://www.youtube.com/embed/veMib6xWo-c

Avec:

- Serge Michel, directeur adjoint des rédactions du journal Le Monde

- Jean-Baptiste Beauchard, chercheur de l'Institut de recherche stratégique de l'école militaire (IRSEM) et secrétaire-général du Cercle des chercheurs sur le Moyen-Orient (CCMO)

- Bahar Kimyongür, auteur de Syriana, la conquête continue, Ed. Investig'action & Couleur Livres, 2011 ( www.michelcollon.info )



Site de OTVQTV: http://www.otvqtv.com/qtv/site/index

Bron : Kimyongur Bahar

vrijdag 27 juli 2012

(en) Britain, Anarchist Federation Organise! magazine Issue 78 Winter 2012

CONTENTS ---- Editorial: What's in the latest Organise!? Read it below ---- History: The 
Anarchist Federation - In Thought and Struggle. ---- Greece: Let?s go one step further --
Hungary: the far right menaces -- The Luddites bicentenary --- Statement of international
solidarity with those in Cuba: You Are Not Alone ---- Southern Europe: Austerity- Agony 
and Antagonism ---- Special section on Turkey and Syria ---- Response to: Prostitution is
Not Compatible with Anarchism ---- Culture: Steinlen and Delannoy - the anarchist 
illustrators -- Letters --- Editorial: What's in the latest Organise!? ---- This issue of
Organise! has been put together very much with an eye on the Saint-Imier international 
gathering in August 2012. This assembly in Switzerland celebrates the 140th anniversary of 
the founding of the antiauthoritarian international in 1872, where the movement that was 
to become the class struggle anarchist movement was revitalised and found new direction 
after the horrors of the crushing of the Paris Commune and the travesty that the first 
international workers? organisation - the First International - had become.

More importantly, Saint-Imier 2012 it is where those committed to building an 
anarchist-communist, or ?social anarchist? society, will also take stock and re-orientate
itself in an international context. In addition, our own international ? the International 
of Anarchist Federations ? will be holding its Congress in Saint-Imier, parallel to the 
main event, and Organise! fans are most welcome at its open sessions. This issue therefore 
contains a perspective on the Anarchist Federation drafted by some of those who will be 
attending saint-Imier. The article will be the starting point for our intervention there,
although you will find us on many panels and in meetings on everything from the arts to 
nationalism. And expect us to be very vocal in helping the movement work out what its 
future direction should be.

This issue has an international flavour, therefore. It comments on the situation in arenas 
of struggle affected by the ?Long Arab Spring?, specifically Syria and Turkey, as well as
in on parts of Europe which western anarchists could engage with more: Romania and 
Hungary, and on countries about which anarchists in the West have more established 
approaches: Cuba, Greece, Portugal and Spain. We also included a considered response to an 
unhelpful intervention made at the last London Anarchist Bookfair at our meeting on the 
struggle of sex-workers to self-organise. In addition, we offer another anniversary 
article, critically marking the significance of a very much misunderstood early industrial 
movement: Luddism.

First, some thoughts on where we find ourselves in the rapidly evolving struggle against 
austerity and for a free and equal society. Organise! editors recently received a little 
zine about the anarchist movement called The Scoundrel. It?s a cheeky title, like The 
Idler, and is just as useless for engendering meaningful change, also unashamedly 
advocating ?doing nothing?. This is because ideology is an ?infection? and there is ?not a 
lot? that we can do about capitalism except wait. Presumably we are waiting for an 
insurrection which will happen spontaneously, without any groundwork? The Scoundrel 
doesn?t address that. But in the meantime, ?Given my sincere pessimism about the 
possibilities of actively destroying capitalism?, the only thing for it is ?Rather like 
the medical profession?s Hypocratic (sic.) Oath, we should do no harm?. We quote it to 
scoff at its anarchomiserabalism, obviously. But it might strike a chord. Who has not 
thought at some point in the last couple of years, ?What?s the point trying to change 
anything. It doesn?t make any difference?? On one level, such despondency at the moment is 
understandable. It?s not as though the recession(s) and rising levels of poverty and 
inequality are making the working class flock to our banners. The most recent resurgence 
of anarchism was not a response to the current economic crisis but to a variety of more 
positive factors slightly longer ago, when it felt like there was enough anger and vision
to fight war, neo-liberal ideology and environmental disaster successfully. Maybe the 
student protests were the last phase of that feeling of social power and potential. They 
were an affront to both inequality and passivity.

Now we are almost entirely on the defensive. We still have to fight those things, but seem 
further from being effective. The world has been plunged into a situation in which even in 
western Europe, people cannot feed their families. Households are plunged into fuel 
poverty and have to choose between food and heating. Food banks are opening all over. This 
would have been unthinkable a few years ago for people with British passports. It was 
destitute asylum seekers that used them. ?Skipping? for food was a lifestyle choice for 
activists making a point about surplus production and waste. Now people with jobs do it. 
We have no security in social housing and many more are homeless. Some people with jobs 
are paying in rent what people who own their houses pay as a mortgage; but the former have 
no chance of saving for a deposit and will be at the mercy of landlords for decades to 
come. How many people can say that they have job security? Recent university graduates are 
as likely to work via a job agency as to be embarking on a ?career?. Migrants who came 
here legally to work are living on the streets, too poor to return home.

The result of such insecurity is that people are increasingly needing to rely on the 
state, and the state ? we hardly need to say it ? could but won?t support them. The 
state?s answer to the crisis is to ditch its responsibility to spend workers? taxes 
supporting people who can?t support themselves economically. Now Atos &co. ensure that 
people with disabilities or mental health problems that mean they cannot do sustained paid 
work are being kicked off the sorts of benefits that once made their longterm situation 
manageable. They now join people in the other benefit categories, which in themselves are
being diminished and withdrawn, with people are being forced to work for free for big 
companies. Taxation policies actively attack the lowest earners and pensioners, but the 
press laughs at it, treating it like a joke by referring to the ?pasty tax? and ?granny 
tax?, when it is naked class warfare.

So what should we do, and is there any point doing it? The first wave of resistance to the 
new economic reality has passed. Occupy and Uncut spread the word effectively that there 
was a groundswell of awareness of and opposition to the excesses of capitalism. Also, that 
the ConDems lied, and lied again, and are still lying. These movements have probably done
more to spread those two specific messages to the wider public than anarchists have. But 
there is nowhere to go from that critique of bad capitalism and bad politicians except 
into the political process at one level or another, because the logic of replacing them 
with fair capitalism and truthful politicians stays intact. But there are no such things!
This is a logic that is hermetically sealed off from what is really wrong, and from what 
is possible as an alternative. Of course many people in Occupy and UnCut know this, but 
they didn?t say it when they had the world?s attention. And so another mode of resistance
came and went without fundamentally changing anything, or carried on for the sake of 
carrying on, not knowing what else to do.

This realisation easily leads people ? activists included - to be tired and despondent 
about their potential and to feel powerless. What can they do? Unlike the people of the 
Arab Spring, who have moved from being ruled by dictators towards representative 
democracy, we have that ?democracy? already. This is why people feel they cannot change 
things; because the system we have seems to be the only process open to us. Vast numbers 
of people don?t ?not vote? because they are anarchists, but because they know there is 
little point. After years of Labour ? and the more generalised international collaboration 
of the parliamentary left with neo-liberalism - we are in a worse position that we were 
under the Tories. We really are! But this is exactly the point where we have to make an 
intervention, in ideas and action. We can provide an analysis that explains both why our 
dreams and aspirations will always be thwarted by the system, but that there is a way out.

The bottom line is, they can?t stop us if we all rise up. But we are still a long way from 
that happening, because exposing the system and offering a free and equal future is not 
enough. To potential revolutionaries, anarchism is a nice idea, but how could we get 
there? The material reality of people?s experience makes it seem insane to risk what 
little security you have on a Utopian dream.

So it is not just important to tell the truth about what is going on. It is necessary to 
show how Revolution is attainable; that is, step-by-step and through hard work. There are
many stages, including set-backs. But a set-back doesn?t mean that all is lost. In fact 
set-backs are part of the process, because we learn by getting past them.

So, the process towards Revolution is not a case of all or nothing. That is to 
misunderstand it. It is not the case that if we spread the word enough and get enough 
people together with the right analysis, that there will be a sort of snowball effect and
everyone will take to the streets. It isn?t so much a tipping point in class anger that we 
need, as a tipping point in class confidence.

But there is another essential ingredient needed to get to that point in the revolutionary 
process: Solidarity! If we admit that there will be setbacks on the way to a free and 
equal society, that is to admit that some people will suffer, and apparently more so than
if they had settled for a quiet life. So it is essential to demonstrate that we are in 
this for and with other people, and with a conscious understanding of the significance of
one struggle in relation to the rest. There is no ?quiet life? to be had anymore for most
people. So we need to spread the doctrine of active Solidarity as an anarchist strategy, 
as well as that of anarchism as a goal.

Anarchists, more than any other revolutionary movement, have been at the forefront of 
solidarity historically, in the workplace, the community, and with prisoners. We have a 
lot to learn from historical examples, but here let?s note a more recent form that is not
only exposing capitalism and class war and symbolically opposing them, as Occupy and UnCut 
have, but actively undermining them in a way that everyone, whatever their level of 
confidence, can take part in.

Solidarity networks are becoming slowly but surely more widespread. They are an exciting 
form of struggle because they bring together individuals enacting key tenets of anarchism; 
self-help and mutual aid, solidarity on a class basis, collective direct action, and 
de-centralised and highly flexible organisation. These networks form around key 
ideological principles and support individuals and group ?cases? where it is realistically 
possible to win the case through sustained solidarity and direct action. Very importantly, 
the ?victim?s grievance becomes generalised and they switch from being victims to becoming 
owners of their own case, and then becoming experienced actors in resolving cases more 
generally. In this way, winning a case is not a matter of championing one person but 
demonstrating that a victory is a victory for all, that this strategy works and, it must 
be said, showing the class enemy what we are capable of and that we can force its submission.

In terms of who the ?enemy? is, it is worth noting that in the UK, it is often someone in
the new economic sector that ?brokers? capitalism ? for example job agencies (such as in 
the case of the Office Angels victory in 2011) and ?letting agencies? (as in the, already
successful, case against illegal fees being charged in Scotland). Such campaigns also 
target specific bosses and landlords themselves, of course, and are effective where 
tenants would otherwise have to take landlords to court but not be able to afford to, and
in cases that trades unions wouldn?t trouble themselves with. Such campaigns include 
Glasgow Solidarity Network and Nottingham Solidarity Network, as well as the inspirational 
Seattle Solidarity (SeaSol) in the U.S. They owe much to campaigns such as Edinburgh 
Coalition Against Poverty and London Coalition Against Poverty, which likewise take up 
issues on a case-by-case basis where the state fails to protect the people it is supposed
to serve and facilitates our exploitation instead. How successful they will be remains to
be seen, and organisational structures within them need to be carefully considered and 
subject to on-going critique, to eliminate informal hierarchies and ensure individual 
accountability to the group. But reading about them and being involved in them feels like
the western working class is trying something potentially very significant.

But anarchism is about personal and individual responsibility too. Campaigning at this 
micro-level is time consuming and tiring. Campaigners give up elements of their family and 
social life to show practical solidarity for people they hardly know. Anarchists see this
as sowing the seeds of something bigger that can operate without us needing to be the 
?leadership of ideas? anymore. So it is vital, if such initiatives are to continue to be 
successful, that the people whose cases are taken up remain part of the network, as an 
advertisement for it and to give active mutual aid in their turn: from Isolation, to 
Activism, to Anarchism! This is why anarchism is both a goal and a strategy for achieving
it. It is not simply a philosophy or a utopian structuring of ideas.

But this is not to say that any and all action is effective. We need to evaluate what we 
do at each stage, because what we do will be opposed and mistakes are costly. The first 
stage is propaganda that helps explain what is going on. Is it effective in making our 
message and ideals clear and relevant? The next is gathering together in groups, campaigns 
and organisations, temporary or long-term, best structured to spreading these ideas and 
taking action. For one thing, this has to be in ways that can draw in exactly those people 
who have been reached by our propaganda and must not consist in the main of anarcho ? 
dilettantes and tourists (who won?t put down roots ideologically or in terms of sustained
work and accountability to other people where they live, work and struggle, but see 
anarchism as a fashionable pond to dip in and out of). For another thing, as well as 
attracting people, they have to know that we will stand by them. If we have good systems 
of solidarity in place, it becomes more realistic to try to persuade people that anarchism 
is attainable in the longer term.

If we do this, then the other side of the coin is that it is more damaging to discourage 
taking action than it is to fail in that action. We have to get it right and win next 
time, not retreat into a pointless rejection of purpose or conviction. Attempts to 
demobilise anarchists are worse than ?doing nothing?. We are at a low ebb, it?s true, but
the struggle can?t be read just in the here and now but in the context of what has been 
done and what could be done. Let?s re-group and re-vitalise at Saint-Imier, being inspired 
by the actions and achievements of comrades from other countries (often doing far more 
than us and in far worse situations), develop a newly-informed international perspective,
and come home with new positivism: Unashamedly.


To read more, download the entire issue as a PDF http://www.afed.org.uk/org/org78.pdf

http://www.afed.org.uk

Bron : a-infos-en@ainfos.ca

(en) Anarchist Bookfair St-Imier - Switzerland - 9th to 12th august 2012 and more....



In 2010, the first anarchist bookfair in the bilingual city of Biel/Bienne took place.
With over 500 visitors, more than two dozen exhibitors, and a small, but excellent
selection of lectures on the theory and practice of anarchism, the event was a resounding
success. Therefore, another bookfair was held in the city in 2011. This summer, an
anarchist gathering is taking place near Biel/Bienne in St. Imier, Switzerland, so it was
obvious for the organizers of the bookfair that the bookfair should take place a few
kilometers away, in order to spare the exhibitors and visitors another trip. -- Anarchist
Bookfairs ---- Anarchist Bookfairs 30 years ago, there were a few anarchists in London
that attended some so-called socialist bookfairs, but these events were agonizingly
boring, expensive, and also frequented by huge publishing companies.

Consequently, the desire to create an independent anarchist bookfair was born. With
reference to the labels "anarchist? or "libertarian,? on one hand new publications were
proposed, and on the other hand, a specific conception of how the events should be
organized was introduced. The bookfair was not only about selling a lot of books and to
introduce people to anarchism, but also to create a platform for activists and a wide
range of cultural events. The specific notion of anarchism, which attaches great
importance to individual freedom, was also intended to be experienced at the bookfair.
Therefore, racism, sexism, homophobia etc. had no place there. However, the
do-it-yourself-attitude, the solidarity of the visitors and exhibitors, and the direct
democratic way of making decisions was very important.

The first ?Anarchist Bookfair? was not a resounding success, as only half a dozen
exhibitors participated, and, as almost no visitors showed up, the few people that were
left in attendance switched the bookfair into a billiards tournament. But, even after this
sobering experience, the enthusiasm remained and the event became more well-known year
after year, able to attract more anarchist publishers and to organize larger events. The
bookfair has become so popular over the years that it is being held for the 30th time this
year. Modestly, the organizers and promoters deem it to be the largest and most important
regularly occurring anarchist event in the world. The numbers are actually quite
impressive: 100 bookstands, 40 events, and about 3,000 visitors? and that is for each
convention day.

By now the ?London Anarchist Bookfair? isn?t the only one of its kind. This is why the
organizers began putting an emphasis on ?London.? Over the course of the last few years,
half a dozen bookfairs have been organized in the UK alone. In Canada and the U.S.,
anarchists that are interested in literature are spoiled with choice, because between
Spring and Autumn there is a bookfair nearly every weekend. Also, in Latin America, where
anarchist bookstores and libraries have a long tradition, there have been some attempts to
organize bookfairs in the recent years, for example in Monterrey, Mexico and S?o Paulo,
Brazil.

Finally, there have been quite a few events taking place in mainland Europe: Since 2003, a
?Balkan Anarchist Bookfair? has taken place every few years (2003 in Ljubljana, 2005 in
Zagreb, 2008 in Sofia and 2009 in Thessaloniki). Since 2006, there has been a yearly
"Anarhisti?ki sajam knjiga" in Zagreb, Croatia and more anarchist bookfairs in Poznan,
Poland. In Western Europe, Spanish comrades have attracted attention with the "ferias del
libro anarquista." There are bookfairs in Barcelona, Bilbao, Madrid, and Valencia. In
Paris, Gent, Florence, Lisbon, Dublin and Oberhausen, even more bookfairs have been
organized. Over the years, the concept hasn?t changed much, but the programs have been
massively expanded. Today, most of these events are called bookfairs, but they are also
cultural events, minor art-galleries, cabarets, lectures, movie series, and meeting places
all in one.
What will be offered

The book fair will be held in St. Imier this year. St. Imier is a place that holds immense
significance for anarchist history and a place in which the spirits of old ladies and old
men with shaggy beards are still not completely expelled from the attics and back rooms of
the old houses. That is why we are motivated this year to offer the broadest possible
overview of anarchist books and publications, publishers, magazines, languages, and
authors. There will be publishers, distributors, authors, and organizations traveling from
all around the world to enliven the bookfair. We are also committed to the authors having
their say, so we have reserved the Hockey Hall of St. Imier to convert it into exhibition
hall for readings and book presentations. Events, which are directly related to the books
on display, will be enjoyed for all five days of the anarchist gathering, but the bookfair
itself will be open for four days to the visitors, so that the exhibitors have enough time
to arrange their tables.
Around St. Imier

The watchmaking city of St. Imier is located in the central region of the green hills of
the Jura. Although it belongs to the predominately German-speaking canton of Bern, it is a
Francophone community. The 4700-strong community has an urban influence, which is partly
due to its long history as an industrial center and also to the fact that St. Imier is a
regional center. The city has a great importance for the anarchist movement, as it was the
epicenter of the famous "Jura Federation," the most important anarchist section of the
First International. The inaugural meeting that took place between the anarchists that
split-off from the First International was held in 1872 at the H?tel de la maison de Ville
in St.Imier. This meeting is commemorated today on plaques that have been displayed on
various houses by the municipality. Located in the center of the town since 1986, the
"Espace Noir" is a cultural center with an anarchist infoshop, bookstore, gallery,
restaurant, and a theater/concert hall with a lively program.

www.buechermesse.ch
www.anarchisme2012.ch

Bron : a-infos-en@ainfos.ca

donderdag 26 juli 2012

Enkel de media nemen de adviezen van de kredietbeoordelaars nog 'au sérieux'


Kredietbeoordelaar Moody’s gaf eerder deze week Duitsland, Luxemburg en Nederland  - drie van de vier resterende Triple-A-landen in de eurozone -  een negatief vooruitzicht mee. Reden? De onzekerheid over de verdere ontwikkeling van de eurocrisis en de ernstige gevolgen van een eventueel vertrek van Griekenland uit de eurozone.

Georges Ugeux, de enige Belg die ooit een topfunctie bij de New York Stock Exchange bekleedde, zou er op zijn weblog in de Franse krant Le Monde om lachen, mocht het niet om te wenen zijn:

‘De negatieve vooruitzichten voor Duitsland, Nederland en Luxemburg zijn het product van een compleet foute analyse. Een Griekse exit zou geen enkel impact hebben op de Europese banken en wel om de simpele reden dat de privésector een haircut van 80% heeft genomen op 100 miljard euro aan Griekse schulden.  Dat maakt dat er nog 20 miljard moet worden terugbetaald, iets wat meer dan waarschijnlijk ook zal gebeuren.

Gedeeld door zo'n 400 schuldeisers spreken we over een gemiddelde van 50 miljoen euro. Uiteraard zijn er een paar Europese banken die aandelen hebben in Griekse banken, maar alvast geen Nederlandse of Duitse. Twee van die aandeelhouders zitten wel in Frankrijk.

De dag is aangebroken om te erkennen dat de kredietbeoordelingen van deze agentschappen niet meer dan een anekdotische impact hebben en dat ze enkel nog door de media au sérieux worden genomen om reden waarover ik liever niet wil speculeren. Het bewijs? De langetermijnsrente op Duits staatspapier ging daags na de aankondiging amper 0, 06% hoger.'

Bron : Express.be

Barroso wil opnieuw meer geld van Europese belastingbetaler


In welke wereld leven de eurocraten? De vraag lijkt gerechtigd nadat woensdag bekend werd dat EU-voorzitter Jose Barroso in een brief aan alle regeringsleiders van de EU heeft laten weten dat de Europese Commissie geen genoegen neemt met een verhoging van de begroting van 2,8 procent, zoals de lidstaten van Europese Unie dit willen. De Europese Commissie wil daar nog eens 4% bovenop, dat is ruim 5,2 miljard meer. Dat melden verschillende media.

Indien de beoogde verhoging van 6,8% er niet komt, zullen bepaalde projecten die de groei in de EU moeten aanzwebgelen geen doorgang kunnen vinden, aldus de EU-voorzitter. Minder geld geven aan de Commissie is een ‘valse besparing’, aldus Barroso. Een lagere begroting betekent dat er minder geld naar zwakkere regio's gaat en er minder geld is voor onderzoek en kmo’s.

Eerder deze week zond Canvas een reportage uit over de - in crisistijd - hallucinante inkomens van de eurocraten (vanaf minuut 21.30).

Bron : Express.be

(en) Cubao Quezon City,Anti-Sona 2012- Anarchist Protest in the Philippines



July 23, 2012, Monday ---- A group of anarchist demonstrators wearing mask, around 30
individuals, (with black clothes tied on in their face) unpredictably showed up from
Aurora Avenue, Cubao Quezon City staging uncompromising rebellion against the State of the
Nation Address or SONA. ---- Circle A black flag was waved in the air, along with green
and black and red and black flags that symbolizes an ever-expanding expression of
solidarity in the struggle for radical social change and liberation that are inclusive for
all common people and every walks of life not solely amongst activists circles and
political movements.

Bron :  a-infos-en@ainfos.ca

History, The Anarchists and the Social Revolution - Interviewing Salvador Torrents in Australia by Campio Carpio




Foreword ---- Salvador Torrents was one of numerous Spanish anarchists that found refuge
in this distant continent of Australia following numerous chapters of rebellion and
struggles for Justice throughout the history of the Iberian Peninsula. ---- Until death,
they all remained faithful to their libertarian ideals, constantly contributing and
planting the seed of anarchism with the hope that one day it would flourish. --- Salvador
Torrents, was born so it is believed, in 1885 and began his libertarian militancy at a
young age in the township of Matar?. In 1903 along with Abelardo Saavedra, Jos? S?nchez
Rosa and Mariano Castellote, he participated in the first anarchist meeting held in the
town. He further contributed in establishing the anarchist group ?Nueva Semilla? New Seed
as well as the ?Ateneo Obrero? of Matar?.

Following the events of July 1909, he exiled himself in France. He was forced to return to
Spain and in approximately December 1915 he elected to migrate to Australia. He settled in
Essendon, Melbourne for a brief period finally establishing himself in the coastal
township of Innisfail, Queensland. In either late 1919or early 1920 he was joined by his
compa?era Teresa and daughter Paz Universal (translated into English the name signifies
Universal Peace)

.In early 1950, compa?ero Campio Carpio, a recognized and respected writer in the Hispanic
libertarian journals interviewed compa?ero Torrents via correspondence. This interview was
published in a booklet form in 1975 by the Spanish anarchist publishing collectives of
Militando from Sydney and Ravachol from Melbourne, it was printed in Melbourne by Ravachol
Press.


The Anarchists and the Social Revolution

Translated from Spanish to English by Vicente Ruiz (hijo)


1975 Introduction

The current resurgence of the anarchist movement around the world could not avoid
influencing the youth of the last discovered continent. The bi-lingual anarchist
publication ?Acracia? is distributed in all major cities such as Melbourne, Brisbane and
Sydney as well as other large townships around the country, together with ?Nosotros? which
is a Spanish literary and informative magazine. In addition, the editorial group
?Ravachol? is publishing quite a number of brochures and booklets with ideological and
noble contents. Some of these being ?The Place of Anarchism in Socialistic Evolution? by
the great Kropotkin; ?The Principles of Humanism? by the Romanian-Uruguayan Eugen Relgis
and ?La Revoluci?n Social Espa?ola? (The Spanish Social Revolution) by Ram?n Liarte.
Recognition must also be given to the printing collectives of Strawberry Press, Slash/
Asterisk* and Ravachol Press who have assisted with their artistry in the layout process,
as well as their labor in operating the presses.

A result of this dedicated labor is the new appearance of the magazine ?Militando?, which
in turn is encouraging other publishing initiatives of our ideals within our own shores as
well as around the world. The times in which we live, demands of us, a conscious and
constant effort by every single one of us, of both social and cultural assimilation to
ensure that the revolutionary process we so desire is not halted. Such is the
responsibility that civilization has given individuals who crave a better world.

Complementing this activity, we present, ?The Anarchists and the Social Revolution?, an
interview achieved via correspondence by compa?ero Campio Carpio with this most esteemed
and late compa?ero Salvador Torrents, an anarchist pioneer of the Iberian East that with
his exemplary life style and actions contributed to the rebirth of the anarchist militancy
in Australia.


The anarchist movement is a valuable movement because of its militants, no matter where
one finds them. There are compa?eros that eagerly follow the difficulties of the
activities and situation of our movement in every corner of the world. Speaking different
languages and of different cultural backgrounds our ideal finds us with a common ground,
although we may take different paths, our purpose is the same. No problem is alien to us
nor is any principle of rebellion foreign to us. We feel in unison the throbbing of our
restlessness to the rhythm of events happening around us in anticipation for the
revolution that we advocate.

Compa?ero Salvador Torrents, who originated from the Catalonian region of Spain, passed
away 4 years ago in Australia. He would have been in his 70's but his views, analysis and
opinions of the fundamental problems of our society belonged with the youth, and I do not
mean that conformist youth that accepts events as inevitable incidents and subsequently
watch historical facts pass by as a ?fait accomplie?. Torrents could see in that
conformist youth the product of the capitalist system, which was building, strengthening
and defending with all sorts of control and censorship the State, against the
revolutionary spirit that quivers within the proletariat around the world.Taking into
account the experience gathered by compa?ero Salvador Torrents through his years of
activism, we shall endeavor to utilize his views and opinions to stimulate the younger
generations into studying and analysing the social problems inherent within the capitalist
system, and at the same time expose some of the purest libertarian ideological thoughts.


Salvador Torrents, whom regularly contributed articles in our journals,was a self-educated
labourer able to grasp from the libertarian ideology allthe constructive concepts it has
and incorporate them into the melting pot of clashing ideological and social thoughts. The
new generations have in this persona the example as to how the continuous social
injustices around the world cannot delay the forthcoming Social Revolution.

With this in mind, we ask compa?ero Torrents:

Compa?ero, your historical experience, would have made you aware and alert to the
deviation towards social democracy by certain individuals from within our ranks, declaring
it as the lesser of all evils. Thus considering our future as a revolutionary movement
which we all eagerly desire; should we as anarchists accept such a transition as an end
result or, should we oppose such a stance by implementing the path of direct action as
proposed by the founders of the First International and its adherent organisations, which
historically has proven to be the logical course of action?

In the 50 years or so that I have been reading the writings of numer-ous and varied
illustrious exponents of our ideology, each one of them has projected their individual
point of view. There are innumerable differences amongst them regarding the most
appropriate path to overthrow the capitalist system and establish a libertarian society.
Yet,they have no doubt; that such a goal can only be achieved through a revolution. A
revolution that we ourselves must accomplish, revitalising ourselves, without waiting for
the day that it may erupt, we need to act now, on a daily and hourly basis. Demonstrate
that when put to the test,we, as anarchists are capable to live by the ideals that we
advocate.

During the last War, various monarchs believed they had the divine blessing to rule
eternally and yet had to prepare their suitcases in order to escape the inevitable. The
collapse of the Russian Empire and its new authoritarian regime, can only teach us a good
lesson. What could happen should the third world war erupt? With the cunningness and
cruelty of aspiring generalissimos on one side; and the apathy of the people whom always
await the arrival of the so-called liberators on the other; it is extremely difficult to
make a judgement on what may transpire in times of semi prosperity should there be another
carnage.

History could very well repeat itself or on the other hand, the promotersof the carnage
may find that their venture could backfire.

As anarchists, we must be alert and use all our knowledge and energyto reveal our
reasoning in opposing such criminal ambitions by never deviating from our principles; we
seek to live in freedom, without generals, politicians or bishops no matter which playing
field they may come from.

What could we as anarchists do, so that today's youth -used as canon fodder for wars and
misguided by politicians of all persuasions- develops an awareness and consciousness
accepting the responsibility as members of the human race to struggle in defence of their
lives and that of humanity by ensuring the advancement of the revolution?

The Australian youth is overwhelmed with the virus known as sport,which also embraces 90%
of the population. Should you try to put an end to this illness, you are looked upon as a
mad old man, out of touch with the reality of life. We must not make a distinction between
the old and the young. When coming to terms with the principles of anarchism the age of a
person is of no significance. Planting the seed of rebellion is our task and I am sure
that this seed will eventually eradicate each and every conflict as well as those
political drones whose only interest is to maintain their privileges.

How do you see the confrontations by the Spanish anarchist movement encompassed within the
CNT-FAI -against the apathy of the world's reformist workers organisations, the lack of
interest shown by the capitalistic United Nations as well as the social democracies of the
world with regards to the continuous struggle against Franco's nazi fascist regime- in an
endeavor to establish a society of free Iberian producers?

The militants of the CNT-FAI have proven to be quite capable in putting into practice the
theories they have always promoted. The Iberian revolution was a praiseworthy event,
during which thousands of magnificent compa?eros lost their lives. The capitalist nations,
hypocritically and blatantly, did whatever they could to crush the revolution.


Reactionary forces will always find mercenaries to accomplish their ambitions.

When at the beginning of the last century (19th century) , a series of rebellions erupted
throughout Spain against the savage Ferdinand VII,the King of France, representing the
European monarchies sent to Spain the army of the One hundred thousand children of Saint
Luis, commanded by the Duke of Angoul?me to destroy the liberal movement. It would be
ignorant not to think that history could not repeat itself for a third time.

One will find the patriotism of the capitalists wherever a profit is to be made. In order
to establish a society of free producers, the good will of a group or the inhabitants of a
locality is not good enough, you also require the support of numerous other regions that
are willing to sup- port, encourage and further develop such an initiative. Modern times
have taught us that when the neighbour's house is in flames, our house is also runs a
risk. Had Spain been left alone with its tragedy, its inhabit-ants would have found the
appropriate solutions to their problems, because they had the knowledge and understanding
of the principles of freedom and justice in order to position the revolution on a road of
continuous progress.

Workers must belong to the sindicato.1, not only to gain improvements that are often
erroneous deceptions, but principally to educate themselves so that when the time is ripe
they are able to break away from the capitalist system, thus have the knowledge and
ability to organize production in a free society.

I am sympathetic towards the cooperative movement, not in order to save a couple of cents
but because I lived it, I experienced it during my youth, in Matar?, in order to better
defend ourselves against the capitalist system and to educate ourselves in how to self
manage without the need of the State. Our movement has suffered from the lack of
administrators, due to the absence of adequate preparation. It is true that during the
period 1936-39 very capable individuals evolved from within our ranks, but we have to
prepare ourselves for tomorrow and replace of all those that died.
____________________________________________________

1. Translators' note: I have refrained from translating the word sindicato to union. The
term sindicato has a completely different connotation to what is understood by the word
union. It was within the environment of the sindicato that the majority of Spanish workers
were taught to read, write and were encouraged to further their self education, thus the
materialistic aspirations of new members would soon be transformed into a revolutionary
spirit.
=============================================================

We have to start somewhere, an example is the Ateneo Obrero (the libertarian community
center) or as compa?ero Garcia Pradas explains it in number 5 of ?Cenit? when referring to
the various community initiatives being undertaken in Britain, all of which contribute to
the development of a consciousness.

What I believe to be the best way to accelerate the pace towards emancipation is the
Rationalist School as proposed and established by Ferrer and Faure and which in a similar
manner, is implemented by the anarcho-syndicalist movement with its educational courses.
The seeds sown by them have yielded good results, for it was from that environment that
illustrious representatives and exponents of anarchism sprung,and believe me we need lots
of them.

The ignorant and gullible masses are easy prey for the illusionist representatives of
politics and religion just as they are for the exploitation of man-by-man. We, ourselves,
have to work towards the revolution from this very instant. Let the politicians and
capitalists kill each other. We are anarchists. We have to promote our ideals, unmasking
all the fake saviours whose only desire is to become the new masters. We should not and
cannot be accomplices to the crimes of the social democracies. We have seen, no matter
which country it is, that the immediate task by these manipulative and shrewd individuals
is to crush the rebellious spirit, and in the long term, they become the new autocrats and
executioners. This, we have seen so many times that we would be more than stupid to accept
them. There are many recent examples.

How do you see the immediate future for anarchism and what course of action should we as
anarchists take - when confronting the possibility that the next global war for control of
the World could well be between the two ideological forces of bourgeois and communistic
capitalism?

Observing what is happening around the globe, I firstly have to notice the recent
electoral results in Australia, what a disgrace and it is moving backwards rather than
forward, for this nation has chosen the most conservative government one could think of.
In the name of democracy, political propaganda took a holiday in order to prepare for war
and declared communism to be within the law so as that it could be a respectable ally.
Using this as a reference one cannot be very optimistic. Nevertheless, not every country
is Australia. History is a great teacher. The Franco-Prussian War gave birth to the
glorious Paris Commune, which, though stifled in blood, it left revolutionary roots that
no tyrant could extinguish.

The advocates of capitalism try to lull the workers who unfortunately do not always rebel,
thus being able to abduct the worker's children using them as canon fodder, exterminating
them with their wicked ventures, and preventing them from being free individuals. Working
class internationalism is as necessary as the daily bread.

Your years of activism, would have helped you conceive an opinion of a future after the
collapse of the francoist regime?

Looking at the future through my own experience of life, I must recognize that the basic
conditions of humanity have somewhat improved. Regardless, there still are large sectors
of the population dissatisfied with the system of exploitation they are subject to, and
consequently they are the ones undermining the foundations of the present social system.
As time passes by, the number of discontented people increases. They may delay the
collapse of the current system but it is inevitable.

Although I live in Australasia, I am aware of the constant shove the discontented
Spaniards are giving the inauspicious regime which oppresses them, defying Franco's wrath
and the so called democratic nations witnessing their fate with the same cynicism as
Hitler did,certifying the slaughter that the executioner inflicts upon those heroic
workers. Hitler lost the war, but won peace. The legacy of the fields of death is not in
Belsen, Dachau or Buchevald; it is everywhere.Yesterdays' heroes of freedom today bear the
trademark of the democracies that we as anarchists know so well.

Many direct descendants of Don Quixote, willing to risk their lives defending the freedom
of the world are still found in that Iberian peninsula. Moreover, those compa?eros, all
worthy representatives of the C.N.T., never submit an invoice for their deeds. Their
destiny is far beyond that of self-interest. Their mission is to precipitate the social
revolution, and this encourages both the elderly and the young ones.


As a final question, could you tell us, which has been your most satisfying experience
during your long and respectable years as a militant?

I have had several extraordinary experiences although the most satisfying one was when in
Matar? we celebrated the first anarchist meeting, some 48 years ago. Amongst a few friends
and acquaintances, I was able to collect a few pesetas to cover the expenses for this
event, which, for me, is unforgettable. The orators we selected were some of the best that
we could choose in those years.

The meeting was a great success. Most of those who attended had no other opinion of
anarchism and anarchists except for the one conveyed to them by the priests, capitalists
and politicians. With proficiency and simplicity, the speakers presented our ideas. I
remember them as if it were yesterday: Saavedra, Rosa S?nchez, Gonz?lez Sol? and Ojeda, as
well as the veteran bricklayer Mariano Castellote. Despite the years that have elapsed,
many of the issues raised are as vivid in my mind as if the event had just occurred.
Anarchists and sympathizers from the region attended and we were able to initiate contact.
Amongst these were my intimate friends and compa?eros Vilagrassa, Compte, Vehils and the
veteran Casanovas, whom like me, is in Australia. As a result of this meeting, a few of us
got together and formed the group ?Nueva Semilla?(New Seed). We organized numerous other
events with speakers who came from Barcelona, including Leopold Bonafulla, Romero, A.
Loredoand the unforgettable first-rate Teresa Claramunt. How many wonderful and emotional
moments I can recall spending at the ?Ateneo Obrero? of Matar?, premises from which we
wanted to fix the problems of the world! There we debated and argued with passion and it
was in that environment where we became anarchists. Those passionate debates attracted the
interest of young people, many of them joining our ranks and becoming radiant advocate of
our ideals.

The events of July 1909 gave reason for those gatherings. We took an active part during
those days and there we saw the true face of the oppressor, humiliated when the people
unleash their fury in defense of justice.

From there, so as not to fall into the clutches of law and order, I had now to cross over
to France, with no money, no knowledge of the language, without craft or trade, only able
to work as a laborer and looked upon at all times as an undesirable, the same as today's
?rojos? refugees. Great credentials if you wanted to make your life somewhat easier. In
Toulouse, I met several compa?eros, forced, like me, to cross into France. I remember the
demonstrations outside the Spanish Consulate upon hearing of the authorities' intentions
to assassinate Ferrer, a crime carried out with the blessing of the worlds' conservative
forces. Just like today. I do not know what is so bad, so gruesome or so odd about the
Iberian workers, because when ever we try to get our heads just above the water level all
the jackals from heaven and earth join forces and descend upon us.

Whilst in France I received a letter from my father advising me of the birth of my first
daughter. He sent me a cutting of her hair. We named her Paz, in memory of Ferrer's daughter.

Memorable times I have spent in France, debating and discussing with friends the problems
of the revolution thus forgetting our dilemmas as refugees. I recall some of those
discussions with the then federal Republican Bruno Llad?. The last time I saw him was in
the Barcelona Prison, he had been a member of the Sabadell Strike Committee. Po,was
another that debated issues with me, he too was from Sabadell.

Another emotional experience I had was early in 1915 when, along with compa?eros Corney
and Gabalda, we visited to the old compa?ero Anselmo Lorenzo. Having knocked, his daughter
opened the door and smiling asked; ?you wish to see the grandfather?? She took us to his
study. The maestro took us in with kindness and affection.

We spoke about every topic you could think of, although the main theme was the war. We
however could not comprehend anarchists supporting the war, just like Kropotkin. Lorenzo
said: ?If it were not for these poor legs, today I would go to Madrid to deliver a lecture
expressing our opinion about the war?.

It was quite common in those days, to read articles written by Lorenzo in both
?Solidaridad Obrera? and ?Tierra y Libertad?. One may formulate a judgment about an
author, but to meet him in the flesh and have the opportunity to talk with him only
reinforced my opinion of him.

Whilst in France I also met E. Armand who published ?L ' Unique?,and I met Sebastian
Faure, Ma??, Costa, Ballesteros as well as Tom?s. During a visit to the editorial offices
of ?Le Libertaire? I had the opportunity to meet with P. Martin, whom with his thick beard
reminded me of compa?ero Anselmo Lorenzo, he also had the same opinions as the old veteran
from Barcelona with respect to the war, the anarchists and the social revolution around
the world.

After France I elected to move to Australia because it reminded me of the old England
where persecuted compa?eros found refuge.

Compa?ero Salvador Torrents concludes with the following sentence:

And here I am, indulging every so often with pills of encouragement after reading articles
in our journals about the courageous, rebellious and anarchistic Iberian Peninsula.

============================================
Edited, Published and Produced by: Acracia
with the co-operation of Grupo Cultural de Estudios Sociales de Melbourne August 2012

Bron : a-infos-en@ainfos.ca