The tactic of tent(s) building direct actions continue with internationals but Israelis only as media and support part. The harsh escalation of suppression expressed more in house demolition than in direct actions clashes, but even in the Friday demos we experience an escalation of harassment of the state forces. Both in Israel Media and the public arena the mounting international pressure and the stubborn refusal of the ruling elite to yield bring the aura of an imminent disaster. The cracks within the ruling elite expand and threaten the efforts to invest increasing part of the national product in the settler colonialist project while recruiting the support of the organized orthodox Jewish parties by increasing benefits to their communities. Weekly Non-Violent Protests in #Palestine, February 8, 2013 Bil'in, Ni'lin, Nabi Saleh, Kufr Qaddoum, Maasara, Issawiye, Abu Dis, Jalama, Hebron... Weekly protests against Israel's APARTHEID wall and ILLEGAL settlements and in solidarity with the Legendary Samer Issawi (200 Days on Hunger Strike) and the hunger Striking Palestinian prisoners in Israel jails http://www.facebook.com/media/set/?set=a.500567726656717.116045.251098394936986 South West Bank Beit Ommar Call for participation in direct action: South West Bank Committee We are the sons and daughters of Canaanites will establish Canaan Village (Canaan) on endangered Canaanite Palestinian land. We declare that it is our natural right to develop, reclaim, improve, use, and live on all our lands free and without threats from occupiers/colonizers. Beginning Saturday 9 February, we will have several days of direct work to help farmers in the South West Bank reclaim and improve their agricultural lands. We call on people of conscience and media to join us as we work our lands and thus defend it against attempts by foreign colonizers to usurp it. If interested to help, meet us at Bab Zqaq in Bethlehem at 7 AM Saturday when we will move to the location/s of the work. South West Bank committee against settlement and apartheid wall South West region Today, the South West Popular Committee along with international activists embarked on a new effort to establish a village, Canaan, on Palestinian land in South Hebron Hills. The village's name was not accidental. We wanted to declare that we are the indigenous people of Palestine. We are the descendants of the Canaanites and our ties to the land can never be broken or taken away. Early last night, various Palestinian activists from a wide array of villages in the South West Bank area along with international activists met in a home to discuss plans for the coming day. Signs were prepared which stated 'Our Land is Our Right', 'Canaan Village' and a declaration of intent which stated that "we are the sons and daughters of the Cananites, we establish Canaan Village on endangered Palestinian land." "We declare that it is our natural right to develop, reclaim, improve, use and live on all our lands free and without threat from occupiers/colonizers." South West Bank Committee have organized a protest today 8/2/2013 to open the road connects Hebron with southern villages; hundreds of Palestinians have participated in this protest. This road was blocked by the Israeli occupation forces 10 years ago depriving 10s of thousands of Palestinians from using this main road as part of the Israeli occupation movement restriction movement imposed on Palestinians. Protesters chanted slogans against Israeli apartheid, in addition to slogans asking for the freedom of movement, and slogans calling for the release of Palestinian prisoners in the Israeli occupation jails. The protest was suppressed violently by the Israeli occupation forces. Feb. 9, 2013: In the early morning hours, following a night of planning, we established Canaan as our first attempt, in the south of Yatta (the entrance to Twani). Within less than a minute, while we barely managed to establish the tent, an occupation jeep arrived. The occupation soldiers encircled us and told us we must leave. We refused to obey such a racist demand. An officer of the occupation army then went on to demolish our tent, steal our additional tents and equipment and violently prevent us from reclaiming our land and our belongings. Activists build new protest village Canaan, http://on.fb.me/V5P81X https://www.facebook.com/photo.php?fbid=501047813270234 Several hours later, we went on with a much larger group of activists, international supporters and an especially large number of journalists, to the east Yatta, near Ein Mai'in, Hazawai, we established a large tent and began building a room from stones of the land. Within half an hour, we were heavily encircled by at least 6 jeeps of the occupation forces. A large military vehicle which fires skunk water was brought in. We were told that we have 10 minuets to leave the area and that the land was a 'closed military zone'. We did not yield of course and were immediately showered upon by heavy skunk water. Occupation soldiers then went on to attack journalists and arrest them. They beat an elderly woman and other activists. In several instances, activists jumped in and prevented with their bodies the arrest of two people. After several hours of struggling with the occupation soldiers which numbered more than 50, 4 journalists, 8 Palestinians and 2 international activists were arrested, our tent was destroyed and we were prevented from returning to our land. For many hours during the hot afternoon, hundreds of activists remained in the area and demanded the right to return to the Canaan Village. Younes Arar Please follow this link for protest photos: https://plus.google.com/photos/100847693474150205774/albums/5843065937589329377?authkey=CNLxxcWj8cO7DQ Bilin This Friday in Bil'in: (Feb. 8, 416th weekly demonstration) "There seems to be a tendency to escalation from the side of the army recently. Last week the soldiers started shooting gas from the moment the first cars could be seen nearing the demonstration area, perhaps because the rain made them eager to finish things early. This week gas was shot in high quantities and directly at people. The army slowed down the gas showers only after most peaceful demonstrators had been forced back, and the shabab took over with their stones covered by a favorable wind (as we know, stone throwers are a lesser threat to the army than people chanting slogans). When the shabab decided to head home, soldiered crossed the wall with the skunk truck, but didn't manage to provoke the shabab to return. The presence of Ashraf, who had been arrested in Burin last week, was greatly missed." http://on.fb.me/Wywsca http://www.facebook.com/media/set/?set=a.562966700380305.130534.136633479680298 http://www.facebook.com/media/set/?set=a.408148932611052.95998.387324478026831 Al-Ma'sara Friday weekly demonstration, Feb. 8, 2013: http://on.fb.me/V3tCuF Nabi Saleh Today's demonstration in Nabi Saleh is calling for the release of all Palestinian political prisoners and in support of Samer Issawi and all Palestinian political prisoners on hunger strike. Activists on the ground report that Israeli Occupation Forces have been firing non-stop teargas, rubber bullets and skunk. At least 4 people have been hit by rubber bullets and 2 with teargas canisters and many people overcome by the teargas. Activists on the ground in Nabi Saleh are reporting that dozens of IOF entered the village for at least 30-40 minutes and have now withdrawn. While in village, the IOF fired lots of teargas, stun grenades, rubber bullets and skunk. Reports of journalists deliberately being targeted by IOF with teargas and stun grenades. Skunk also fired directly at houses. Reports of at least 10 people injured by rubber coated steel bullets and at least 2 by teargas canisters, including one hand injury as a result. "Quite shaken after the last round of shooting in Nabi Saleh. The soldiers invaded the village, spraying skunk water, shooting rubber bullets, sound bombs and gas in every direction. We ran to hide inside a house, and they tried shooting several sound bombs into it, shaking the house, and those inside it." Israel Putermam http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=RqGbF1pvrfM Haim Schwarczenberg http://www.facebook.com/media/set/?set=a.323368044449563.72883.202358256550543 http://on.fb.me/XVBEEL Ni'lin Weekly protest against Israeli #apartheid wall https://www.facebook.com/photo.php?fbid=532246836797562 http://on.fb.me/WzbcTT Kufr Qaddom Friday, weekly demonstration, Feb. 8 http://on.fb.me/11U0Px1 http://www.facebook.com/media/set/?set=a.563002150376760.130542.136633479680298 Sheikh jarrah ?Feb. 8, 2013: 150 people at sheikh jarrah erecting a protest tent against the coming eviction of the shamasneh family on the first of march Amir Bitan http://www.facebook.com/media/set/?set=a.602072773141075.147360.100000150737581 http://on.fb.me/XsA77f Tel Aviv - Jaffa Samer al-Issawi is a Palestinian political prisoner from 'Issawiyeh (Jerusalem), who has been on a hunger strike in Israel's prison for 202 days. Although released in a prisoner-swap deal in October 2011, Israel re-arrested Samer claiming he violated the terms of his release by leaving Jerusalem even though the place of his arrest was Hizmeh, which is within the Jerusalem municipal boundaries. Samer has been hunger striking since July 29, 2012, and according to recent reports his health has been fast deteriorating, putting his life in danger. Joining solidarity demonstrations in Palestine and all over the world, a group of Jaffa-based activists began a daily vigil in solidarity with Samer 'Issawi and all political prisoners at clock tower square, a famed local landmark. Protesters, both Palestinian and Jews, attended the second vigil, calling for the release of 'Issawi and all political prisoners, as well as putting an end to administrative detention as an illegal punitive measure by the state. Haim Schwarczenberg https://www.facebook.com/media/set/?set=a.323766647743036.72947.202358256550543 Protest in support of Samer Issawi, Jaffa, Feb. 6, 2013: http://on.fb.me/X7GKiO Protest in support of Samer Issawi, Jaffa, Feb. 7, 2013: http://on.fb.me/UGfU3b Protest in support of Samer Issawi, Jaffa, Feb. 8, 2013: http://on.fb.me/WUpxcZ ------------------------------------------------ Don't say we did not know #348 Another way to steal land from Palestinians is to declare that land as a National Park. https://www.facebook.com/photo.php?fbid=10151689765629688 On Monday, 26th January, 2013, before sunrise, staff from the Israel National Parks Authority arrived with Municipality of Jerusalem workmen to Wadi Rababa in Silwan. They were escorted by Border Police, regular police, the dog unit and bulldozers. They broke into privately owned land and started demolishing fences, terraces, sheds and storerooms, and caused damage to ancient olive trees. They undertook work for the creation of a National Park that had been announced in the area. During the activity they made their dogs attack Palestinians protesting the robbery of their land and damage to their property. Some were injured and some arrested. Questions & queries: amosg@shefayim.org.il ********************************************************** * Please Distribute Widely: APRIL AGAINST THE WALL: Call for Solidarity Benefits for Anarchists Against the Wall * * http://www.facebook.com/events/401468346610841/ * * http://www.awalls.org/april_against_the_wall * ********************************************************** ================================= * From my blog at: http://ilanisagainstwalls.blogspot.com See Previous reports about the joint struggles the Anarchists Against the Wall take part in at the blog See also: http://awalls.org / http://ilan.shalif.com/anarchy/glimpses/glimpses.html
woensdag 13 februari 2013
Palestine-Israel, The joint struggle continue along with the mounting tension for the nearing post-election earth quack*
dinsdag 12 februari 2013
(en) Brazil, Anarkio.net: The A-Info #17 - February 2013 (pt)
The newsletter is available anarchist A-Info February 2013, good read! Click on http://anarkio.net/Pdf/ainfo_periodico17.pdf to open PDF file. --- The oppression and exploitation do not stop. ---- A culture of oppression and exploitation not just one day to another and is not destroyed by any group with the institutional logic of the system. Not a mutation occurs antagonistic that the plug will fall and all will leave the system, taking him for a collapse. ---- Expect it, holding block parties and reformist is a waste of time. If only remained thus disorders that reformism would be lower. But not enough to slow the revolutionary movement, still seek to attack, brake and reduce the actions of those who do not want to wait the reformism. It's unfortunate! We show that anarchism is the fastest and safest source of breaking all control structures, power, oppression and exploitation, with each one the responsibility and commitment to action. Without this commitment, there is no mold in the reorganization social libertarians. Chances reformists time and give breath to the oppression and exploitation at all levels. Thus, not only the oppression and exploitation are strengthened, but multiply, replicate through their doctrinal institutions. A society based on these elements are single does not consent axs free. If you want freedom and justice, it just breaks through organizations of all scales in cultural, social, economic, sexual, educational etc. Until now, anarchism proved immune to the advances of totalitarian, the vanguard of the oppressors and exploiters. Unidxs, stop the system and destroy! What are you waiting?
France, Alternative Libertaire #224 - Valls Immigration not in Gu?ant
After three months of waiting and suspense, circular regularization of undocumented migrants, promised by the government, is finally out on 28 November. --- immigration --- Following statements by Holland which reassured the electorate right in stating that there would be no massive regularization, the appointment of Valls inside and policy of mass expulsion of Roma, there were strong indications that in this area there either, there would be no change. The government of Holland, and in particular Valls, in the footsteps of its predecessors by courting the xenophobic right. ---- Under the guise of a so-called dialogue with advocacy groups and some foreign unions, this is a circular reform details and simple reminder of Ceseda (Code of Entry and Residence of Foreigners and the Right asylum) told the prefects, who is out. The logic remains the same and is sometimes lower than in some previous provisions. By definition unenforceable in law, she leaves it to the discretion of prefects who retain their discretion and continues the policy of categorization of human beings by the differentiation of temporary residence: private and family life or employee or temporary worker or student. The few small steps to the right to family life, are within the criteria set up by Sarkozy in June 2006 which set the presence of the parents and the school two years at least one child a year. A "mistake" of Nicolas Sarkozy, who had quickly locked the regularization process with the influx of applications, lesson Manuel Valls obviously well used. This will require parents to five years of presence in the territory three years of schooling and for at least one child. The young adults enrolled es-es came before the age of 16 can keep the hope of being regularized es, provided they have joined their families. For others, no family, no papers. An absurd policy in favor of Employers As for the workers, their regulation is still subject to the whims of the owner must complete the contract work and pay special rights to OFII (French Office for Immigration and Integration) for the introduction of a worker who is already ... in the territory. A limiting provision has been removed: the list of occupations. But views the conditions, the presence of 3 years and 24 months payslips or 5 years and 8 months of attendance payroll over the last 2 years or 7 years and 12 payslips for the last 3 years, this not weigh heavy. Constant: not angry employers and maintain a reserve of labor available for moonlighting. Persist racketeering undocumented (any temporary residence amounts to more than 700 euros), and the quota policy: 30 000 adjustments per year. Those who will enter the nails of the new circular will therefore be regularized at the expense of other undocumented. This is mathematical. Unless public pressure to do change the balance of power. Chlo?e (AL 93)
zondag 10 februari 2013
NZ joins Australian asylum policy
http://www.indymedia.org.nz/articles/673 NZ joins Australian asylum policy by No One Is Illegal Saturday, 9th February 2013 John Key has today struck a deal with his Australian counterpart that turns both countries’ asylum policies on their heads. Key and Australian PM Julia Gillard have announced today, 9 February 2013, – while shopping in Queenstown – that NZ will accept 150 refugees from Australian detention centres annually. This will reduce the number of refugees NZ accepts from UN refugee camps from 750 to a maximum of 600. Key tried to explain this bizarre move with having to return favours to Australia for sharing their 'intelligence' on so-called people smugglers. Australia had been "extremely helpful to New Zealand over the past four or five years", according to Key. "There are boats that we can point to that were on their way to New Zealand where Australia has effectively taken those people." The truth is he can point to exactly one boat with a group of ten Falun Gong refugees, which had been intercepted by the Australian coast guard, and where the refugees had stated that their destination had actually been NZ. They also had no idea how far they would have still have to go and in what direction to sail. The agreement has been slammed by Amnesty International, the NZ Refugee Council and the Australian Refugee Action Coalition, who correctly point out that the NZ contingent of 750 refugees is pathetic to start with (Australia is taking around 20,000). Background Five years ago, in February 2007, the then Prime Minister of Australia, Kevin Rudd announced an end to the offshore processing policy for asylum seekers arriving in Australia. The policy had been introduced by his predecessor, John Howard, in 2001. Offshore processing means that any asylum seeker arriving in Australia is held in a detention centre on an offshore island while their claim is being processed. Rudd replaced offshore processing with the 'Pacific Solution' under which smaller Pacific countries would be bullied into building and maintaining detention centres, with the participation of NZ. However, this never got off the ground. Then earlier last year, Australia returned to offshore processing under Julia Gillard who argued that there should be 'no advantage' for so-called boat people over those refugees who are settled from refugee camps as part of the UN contingent. 'No advantage' in this context means that asylum seekers are locked up for what Australian officials believe to be the average time refugees spend in one of those UN camps before being resettled. This is has been set to be two to three years. However, the reality in refugee camps is different. In many of the camps people linger for 20 years or more. NZ is taking Buthanese refugees from camps in Nepal who are adults and were born in the camp. Australia's policy of detaining people on far-away places like Nauru or Manus Island in Papua New Guinea was supposed to deter people from taking their lives into their own hands and make their own way to Australia to claim asylum. But it hasn't worked. Since re-introduction of the policy in August 2012, more than 20,000 asylum seekers have tried to get to Australia. Most of them get picked up by the Australian coast guard, but many of them drown when their flimsy and overloaded boats strike high seas. NZ desperate to come in line with Australia Also last year, the NZ government introduced the 'Immigration Amendment Bill' (the second amendment to the Immigration Act in just over a year), which would introduce mandatory detention of asylum seekers (those who arrive in groups of ten or more, which none ever have), just like in Australia. Because NZ doesn't really have any offshore islands suitable for detention centres, the refugees would be held in the Waiouru army base. If any boats ever arrive here. The Bill made it to the select committee stage where 32 of 33 submissions were made against it and then it got stuck. It is doubtful, whether the National government would have the numbers to pass the Bill at the moment. Now John Key has struck a deal with Julia Gillard to take 150 of 'their' refugees (after they have been found worthy of refugee status and have been sufficiently traumatised by being processed by Australian authorities and having been locked up for several years). This number would be subtracted from the 750 refugees NZ normally accepts from UN refugee camps. Apart from being complete nonsense, because with a total of 20,000 refugees, the 150 going to NZ will hardly make any difference to Australia, this also contradicts the official 'no advantage' bullshit that Gillard has been putting out. If the result of this deal is that NZ will take 150 fewer refugees from UN camps in favour of those who arrived in Australia by boat, then the chances of those waiting in the camps for their resettlement will just have gotten a tiny bit smaller, giving a tiny bit more encouragement to leave the camp and try their luck. So why are Key and Gillard striking this deal? Are they too stupid not to see the contradiction they are creating? Or are they cynical enough to actually want to encourage more people to try to get to Australia by boat in the hope that they will capsize and never make it? Australian Senator Hanson-Young almost hinted at that, when she criticised today's agreement: "Why wait for someone to take a dangerous boat journey?" The high rate of refugees drowning on the way to Australia is already partially a result of Australia's policy of destroying any refugee boats they intercept, so that "people smugglers" will always choose to send boats that are pretty much worthless – and therefore dangerous – anyway. Or is this the beginning of NZ's withdrawal from the UN refugee quota programme? Is NZ giving up its own assessment of refugees in favour of letting the Australian authorities do the processing? It looked that way, when Key announced that this arrangement could come in handy if any boatloads of refugees ever arrive in NZ. They could then potentially be processed by Australian authorities in one of their detention centres. Whatever the real reason for this deal is, the NZ government will from now on carry part of the responsibility for the protests, the hunger strikes and the suicides that occur daily in Australian detention centres.
(en) France, Alternative Libertair AL 11th Congress - Against free trade: productive autonomy (fr)
Since the global economic crisis began in late 2007, the criticism of free trade is now in vogue in Europe and in France. During the 2012 presidential campaign, there has been, the FN PCF, a revival of the idea of ??"protectionism". -- If only FN defends protectionism French borders, all government parties - UMP, Modem, PS, PG, PCF, EELV - defend protectionism European borders, using various formulas such as "economic patriotism", the "fair trade" or "de-globalization". ---- This idea is also supported by a number of intellectuals in the social right as Emmanuel Todd, antisocial as Jean-Luc Gr?au, or left as Jacques Sapir, the movement of MPEP and Le Monde Diplomatique . ---- To enable this protectionism is mentioned most often the implementation of social and environmental standards that penalize manufacturing in emerging countries, but also tools like Buy European Act , which the U.S. model would reserve procurement companies occurring in the European territory. It is also not just a speech, but a fact. Since 2008, protectionist measures are growing around the world, while the process of deregulation of markets, orchestrated by the World Trade Organization since 1994, has stalled. The return of protectionism in the world Manipulation of exchange rates, subsidies, non-respect of intellectual property, taxation of social and environmental standards ... the current trend in the world is to protectionist measures. Observatory Global Trade Alert, London, has recorded a steady increase in these measures - total 1200 2008 to early 2012 - in the countries acceding to the WTO. Taxes and customs duties strictly represent only a minority share (16%) [ 1 ]. China, Russia, India and the Mercosur (Argentina, Brazil, Uruguay, Paraguay) are at the forefront of this protectionist movement [ 2 ]. Thus, in 2011, Brazil has decided to tax 30% manufactured vehicles with less than 65% of parts from the Mercosur area. Shortly after, Argentina has banned the sale of smartphones manufactured abroad, forcing manufacturers LG, Samsung and Nokia to locate their assembly on its territory [ 3 ]. End of 2011, the Mercosur is imposing 30% tax on imports. By March 2011, Russia banned the import of certain foodstuffs to support local production in June, she took measures to safeguard its automobile industry. In December 2011, India suspended plans to open the retail sector to foreign multinationals like Wal-Mart, Carrefour and Tesco. In March 2012, the U.S. Senate authorized the Department of Commerce to apply countervailing duties on Chinese imports to punish considered unfair competition, the Chinese government subsidizing massively companies. The double discourse of capitalist Powerful countries take when it suits them, liberties with the rules of free trade they gradually imposed on the world. Even say that it is unfortunate whenever they need to make an official statement, as in the G20 in 2009, 2010, 2011 and 2012! Poor countries dependent on imperialist domination or direct control, however, are condemned to remain "open markets" for the benefit of Western and Asian multinationals. This silent return of protectionism worldwide brand he a pause, not assumed, in the process of free trade, or the beginning of a regression of one? It is not for us to say. This will depend on the situation, both protectionism and free trade are two strategies that capitalists handle alternately, according to economic sectors, times interest. Two fractions of the same bourgeoisie may also disagree about it. "Unfair competition" is always the other. The capitalist type is readily ultraliberal others. It may, on the one hand, vilifying "interventionism" and the other to accept the intervention of the State in its favor. It calls for the removal of trade barriers in the markets it wants to enter, and at the same time that he willingly accepts book captive markets. Should not seek ideological coherence. The only capitalist dogma, it is the private ownership of the means of production and distribution. Everything else is adaptable to circumstances. The ravages of free trade Presented as a condition of "development", free trade is the official ideology of large organizations created by rich countries to dominate the world economy, the International Monetary Fund, the World Trade Organization, the World Bank, G20. Their credo: the removal of barriers and the international division of labor will be prosperity for all. In each country to specialize in the economic sector in which it has the greatest assets, and abandon others. For fifteen years, the neoliberals have sharpened their rhetoric on this "new international division of labor" formerly the South provided raw materials, and the North manufactures. Today, Western capitalism always assigned to the southern supply raw materials to China and emerging countries to host the polluting factories and West high technology and brainpower. This presentation is the fantasy of a high-tech country, stripped of its factories and its workers. But it is undermined by the reality that the so-called "emerging" are eg producers of intellectual services and high-tech India for IT, China industrial design and electronics. The big winners of the international division of labor are not the workers from any country whatsoever, but multinationals that control the entire game real consequences of free trade, it is social dumping , fiscal dumping, relocations, mergers, monocultures, mono-industries, the ratio of transit time of goods, increasing pollution, the market for "pollution rights" ... and monstrous profits for the capitalists North, South and emerging countries. Free trade therefore leads to a triple disaster: a disaster social worker deindustrialization and unemployment in the West forced industrialization and working poverty in developing countries, farmers dispossessed and hungry in the South; ecological disaster: the relocation of production leads lengthening disproportionate economic cycles and the scaling of transport and pollution, with an impact on global climate catastrophe democratic a country deprived of all or part of its productive apparatus loses its economic autonomy, and sees reduced by all the leeway in its political and social. This considerably weakens the revolutionary perspective of socialization of the means of production and a collective choice on consumption patterns. The two sides of the same coin In the controversy that pits rising protectionism to free trade, many arguments are invoked in bad faith, which can fool the social movement, forced to choose between two "camps" none of which are his. A as Both are warmongers . If the protectionist policies of imperialist tensions can lead to control a captive market - what were the colonial empires of the past - the did not cancel this dynamic, as shown by the Iraq war. Tomorrow, more than the control of markets, it is the struggle for control of natural resources which can be a factor of geopolitical tensions. A Both his misery mongers . Protectionist policies may lead to higher prices and lower purchasing power of workers and workers in the North and the South. But free trade is organizing it, social dumping rampant, unemployment worker and peasant ruin. Both An organized competition between workers . If free trade is the fierce competition at the global level, protectionism is competition within a limited economic space: the European Union, for example, putting in competition 27 different social legislation. A Both are interclassist . Both try to believe that the proletariat must tighten their belts and agree with employers on behalf of the "national interest" or competitiveness in the global market. Neither one nor the other is anti- statist . They are in a multinational free trade, or monopolies in a protectionist, big companies need the device diplomatic, military and police power of a so-called public to defend their interests. Neither the other are not the "self-sufficiency" . This is exactly what the free traders blame most commonly protectionists while historically, this has never been made, even in the most protectionist phases of capitalism. Three options to the crisis in the euro area This false opposition between liberalism and protectionism is found in advanced solutions in response to the crisis in the euro zone in which the German economy occupies a key position. However, it is easy to see by the dominant role played it, our commentators most often fail to specify the conditions under which exports were boosted by a strong social decline (decline in wages of 4.5% average between 2000 and 2009, insecurity and impoverishment of a large part of the proletariat). Faced with this, few options are present in perspective: the supporters of free trade, mainly in France represented by the PS, UMP employers and their satellites, we propose to catch up on Germany and organize a "clash of competitiveness" through a renewed austerity: lower wages, lower social rights, breaking utilities, massive public subsidies to employers, etc.. , the most reactionary right, but also a part of the left more open to the sirens of protectionism offer for them to abolish the euro and return to national currencies in order to have other levers that the lowest social and wages to regain competitiveness. However, this would merely change the rules of competition in the capitalist market, contrary to the vision that opposes them countries like Germany to Greece, anti-capitalists should focus on the community of interest between working classes of all countries in the euro area. This is why we can only find ourselves on the goals of regaining lost social rights in Germany and elsewhere, to fight against the decline in the countries of the euro area as a whole, in a logic of international solidarity between workers. The alternative: productive autonomy For nearly twenty years, environmental organizations, workers and peasants of the North and the South - Alternative libertarian among them - have fought and are fighting against free trade and deregulation of markets. But now that protectionist rhetoric back in force, it must be clear that it is not under the flag as we continue the fight. It should nevertheless be heard from workers' threatened by redundancy plans and relocations, and lend an ear to bourgeois politicians when they claim protectionism. It is therefore crucial that the social movements, to avoid the risk of being led astray by the protectionist rhetoric that is a false choice, clearly state, with their own words, that the alternative to free trade, is the autonomy productive. The international Via Campesina peasant said this way since 1996, defining the concept of "food sovereignty": each region must be able to feed itself without placing itself under the control of the multinationals of the agribusiness. So not to export agriculture, GMOs, to land grabbing, monocultures, imperialism, yes local production under the control of farmers and the population. International trade should be confined to so-called exotic. Anything that can be produced locally can not be imported from the other side of the world. The libertarians have accused the concept of "food sovereignty" aggravate hunger in the world and be protectionist. Instead, it was the internationalist cement peasant struggles in the South as in the North. Due to the triple disaster social, ecological and democratic which leads free trade, we say that social movements in the West, Asia or Africa can now converge in the sense of "autonomy productive" every region of the world. This autonomy is productive in the interest of the people threatened by social dumping and relocations, whether in the West or in Asia, and in the interest of the people that free trade was sentenced to economic dependence, particularly in Africa . Relocation of production is a necessity. This does not mean spooky "autarky", but short circuits of exchange, and limiting long exchanges that can not be produced locally. Productive autonomy involves reducing production to the needs of the people and to break with productivism. This reduction leads to a second: that of working time. And then a third: that of profits. This is why the autonomy of each productive region of the world hinders the interests of capitalists. It can only come against them, under the pressure of the people and under the control of Workers. The fight against free trade and productive autonomy must be part of a broader struggle for socialism against imperialism and ecology. It can match with claims that may be brought by social movements in the North and the South and in emerging countries against the fiscal and social dumping, against export subsidies for production indexed to the needs of populations, to break with the WTO, the abolition of public debt in both North and South. Relocation of industry claimed by the current protectionist n?ok?n?sien are only marginally possible against the logic of the global market. However they are a nationalist discourse as opposed to building solidarity. Relocations we defend is only possible in a movement to break with the market economy and can wear internationalist activism advocating social equality, ecological and democratic global scale. [ 1 ] The World Economy March 27, 2012. [ 2 ] "From China to Russia, protectionist measures are growing," Echoes of 8 March 2012. [ 3 ] The Expansion of March 2012.
(en) France, Organisation Communiste Libertarie - Courant Alternatif CA #227 - Contents + Edotorial (fr)
The February issue of 2013 is out Tuesday, February 5, 2013 by admi2 ---- editorial - page 3 ---- Resistance to major works unnecessary page 4 - resistance anti THT in Cotentin ---- page 5 - Airport, the showdown? ---- page 6, 7, 8 - No TAV Struggle in LYON ---- page 9,10,11 - Vinci, the business of capitalist development ---- Social ---- page 12, 13, 14, 15 - Seafrance, reappropriation or dispossession ---- page 16, 17, 18 - and restructure Steel ---- Page 19 - Who are we? ---- page 20, 21 - Agreements Wagram ---- page 22, 23 - Big Brother ---- Far Left ---- page 24, 25 - Times are tough ---- European Union ---- page 26, 27 - A capitalist necessity ---- Imperialism ---- Page 28 - Georges Ibrahim Abdallah ---- Page 29 - Books ---- Page 30, 31, 32 - Mali, announced a war EDITORIAL "When the rotation does not change the reality" One in seven, if one refers to the latest survey by INSEE, is affected by poverty. It will only expand as the economic crisis continues, the tandem Holland Ayrault persist in its policy of fiscal austerity and wage. Capital managers, they have no other choice. Of course some will say they have taken the measure of the problem. Implementation of a plan to fight against poverty, the RSA has been upgraded: less than 10 euros per month. The minimum wage has been increased: 3 or 4 million people affected each receive 3 or 4 euros more each month! "The state coffers are empty" exclaimed F. Then Prime Minister Fillon. Faced with this reality, our newly elected socialist eco-must make painful choices. They were quick to respond to the report Gallois, advocating a "clash of competitiveness." Our duo were then awarded 20 billion in business, down payroll over three years. Gift that we will fund in 2014 in part by the increase in VAT, nearly $ 10 billion will come out of our pockets again. As said F. Holland on TF1 News: "The alternating power exchange but does not change the reality ..." It is discovered that workers Florange, Renault, PSA and thousands of others who are posting job losses in both the private and the public. To establish these measures useful to capital, the government can count on the servility of the union bureaucracies who do not hesitate to sign agreements with the MEDEF. This is the interprofessional agreement on securing employment signed long ago, the CFDT and CGC and the CFTC, which unravels a little more labor code and delivers more employees to employers. It is true that if one considers the reclassification of F. Ch?r?que, after his departure from the CFDT to IGAS and Terra Nova (1), it is not a bone in his masters gave servile dog but a plump roast for its future. It is he who will oversee the entire government plan against poverty. But do not delude the radical non-signatories CGT / FO! The alternation has not changed the reality! This is what note and also suffer the Roma evicted from their encampments and thrown into the mob. Immigrants and undocumented workers are hunted and hunted like during Sarkozy. And have no doubt: the conductor E. Walls, Minister of the Interior, is SOCIALIST. These months of social-ecological power we have not seen major changes. Or a zest semblance of democracy and media consultation nothing to save time, seeing as the resistance to the draft Notre Dame Des Landes and the occupants of the ZAD always exposed to the forces of repression. Capital requirements imposes its managers, it must feed its insatiable profits. Still more sweat for workers, increasing misery and blood people. It is this "reality" that controls the intervention of France in Mali. Abuses and trafficking of all kinds of reactionary gang leaders, rampant throughout the Trans-Sahelian were known. The leaders of the neighboring countries were there each their own benefit, interest or state. All get accommodated. But these small local bullies can leave their territory to go "rob Bamako" left management with a puppet government, it was too much. Because in the safe in Bamako, are deposits of gold, uranium, oil, gas ... the "Godfather" French which ensures its economic interests. But like any cartel must enforce our mafia French statist and imperialist had to react and stop these bullies who dared defy it. Reinforced arms and soldierly by the destabilization of the region (especially Libya and the Arab Spring), these frogs foul desert fed financially, certainly kidnappings of Westerners or other traffic but also by Qatar and Saudi Arabia, are taken for beef. Which obviously will explode. This imperialist intervention rid undoubtedly Malians these bullies fanatics (some of which will be resold). The objective is to secure the area. Not to bring security to the local population, but for companies Franco-European cartel can stuff yourself and to exploit the riches of the subsoil in dismembering the country without being too disturbed by rivals American and especially Chinese, Indians or other. And, if saluting the "liberators" have no doubt that people with anxiety Malian wonder about the fate that they will reserve the mafia cartels re-landed fanfare. IN FRANCE AND EUROPE, AND MISERY AUSTERITY. MALI, IMPERIALIST WAR AND MISERY. CAPITALISM IS EVERYWHERE YOU NEED TO FIGHT. Caen January 22, 2013. (1) - IGAS: General Inspectorate of Social Affairs. Terra Nova: thinktank laboratory or progressive ideas socializing.
Spanish state: when the building creaks by Jos? Luis Carretero (ca)
The Franco Spanish transition of the monarchy, presented internationally as a model of peaceful pursuit of democracy, was a huge fiasco for popular aspirations. ---- What actually occurred was the survival, even minimally retrofitted and made up of the essential elements of the Franco regime, which was renovated but not subjected to a process of breaking existing authoritarianism. The work of the single party passed a bipartisan operate them fierce and exclusionary, based on an electoral law specifically designed to prevent the emergence of new political forces (except local domain of nationalist organizations in their respective fiefdoms). And thirty years of that bipartisanship arrogant and haughty, protected by the monarchy, the core areas of the business and academic world, and the mass media have given to much. SPANISH STATE: WHEN BUILDING CREAKING The Franco Spanish transition of the monarchy, presented internationally as a model of peaceful pursuit of democracy, was a huge fiasco for popular aspirations. What actually occurred was the survival, even minimally retrofitted and made up of the essential elements of the Franco regime, which was renovated but not subjected to a process of breaking existing authoritarianism. The work of the single party passed a bipartisan operate them fierce and exclusionary, based on an electoral law specifically designed to prevent the emergence of new political forces (except local domain of nationalist organizations in their respective fiefdoms). And thirty years of that bipartisanship arrogant and haughty, protected by the monarchy, the core areas of the business and academic world, and the mass media have given to much. What we're seeing now is nothing more and nothing less than the depth of the process of social and political degradation generated by the confluence of bipartisanship and consensus with the housing bubble and the European Sponsorship: all robbed, almost to exhaustion. And corrupt patronage networks extend across the whole of Spanish society, associated with the major parties (but not only them), draining social wealth (including this dramatic crisis) to power the machinery of power sharing cacique, arrogant and exclusive that consisted essentially bipartisanship juancarlista regime. From the tangle mafia party (Barcenas, Fundaci?n Ideas ...), the business of the royal family (Urdangarin and his wife), or thefts of bourgeois nationalists (Pallerols), passing almost every small municipality in this country, some can now see that, under the numbing party and brick consumption, thrived and became increasingly strong social metastasis undemocratic and kleptocratic, without limit. We had glimpses previously (Naseiro, the GAL ...), but now something has changed. With six million unemployed and two million households without any income, with brutal cuts in public health and social services, corruption is no longer a cause for indignation funny virtual. Now people feel, really concerned. The delegitimization of the regime reaches heights unseen in the last thirty years, and calls into question the entire political architecture of the "consensus of the Transition". With the PSOE in the greatest crisis of legitimacy of your history (compounded by their inability to regenerate manifests his image, his leadership and his speech, which, moreover, no one would think). With the PP betraying social class who clinched their vote power, thanks to the passivity of a working class that they could not trust anyone (jaded middle class), and demonstrating its essence a puppet of the powers oligarchic (and even the Prime Minister seems to have received envelopes of who knows who), the credibility of the political framework that supported the monarchy wobbles rapidly. Of course, can not forget those who are helping, too, by the way: media groups associated with different sectors of the right or social liberalism (El Pa?s, El Mundo ...), families neocon policies now offered as saving and regenerating (Aguirre ...). Everyone is playing their cards to the increasingly apparent collapse of a government on the brink of an opposition and catatonic. But the contradictions within the power bloc above only serve to illuminate the fact that the situation is unsustainable in the medium term and open spaces for new developments relatively recently unthinkable. It looks increasingly clear that Rajoy's presidency will not survive the whole legislature. And a "regeneration" of PP bankrolled by his neocon wing again shortly deslegitimarse deepening in the same economic policy by individuals who are unlikely to be seen as something different when it comes to corruption A technocratic government style Italian sworn regarding timely payment of the debt to the bankers friends of Mrs. Merkel, will be underpinned by the two country's crumbling buildings: bipartisanship absolutely degraded, on the one hand, and a monarchy with a social image not much better, on the other. Something will happen, but we do not know what So now cross and recross all kinds of rumors and initiatives in the areas of emerging bloc antagonistic to the current regime. In line with a massive mobilizations that continue, but neither seem, by themselves, capable of bringing down what is definitely the "Syriza effect" brings up multiple attempts to generate a common electoral front able to force the start of a process constituent open the way for a crucial phase change. The organization and strengthening of social movements is not happening at the pace desired by the dead weight of majority unionism and dogmatism and the inability for the cooperation of the alternative. However, as we have said, are constantly struggles and anger of the majority of society is increasingly evident and massive. The hypothetical electoral front is also obstacles (again, fragmentation and dogmatism fueled by decades of marginalization and isolation, or past and undigested conjunction with the regime), but it seems increasingly possible if the current parliamentary left does not prevent . Something is moving. And all initiatives to unlock and accelerate the situation should be welcome: the convergence and reinforcement of struggles, growing organization of the subordinate classes, the emergence of alternatives in all areas of social life (also in the election, is involved in it or not). It is time to forge unity and confluence. To build a movement worthy of the name, and to prevent the coming changes (which undoubtedly will happen) occur towards authoritarianism and dependence transnational financial oligarchy. The Spanish State (as revealed S?nchez Cedillo) is in a key position for the foreseeable future of the Euro-Mediterranean area and the global capitalist crisis. In our hands is a way out of the current "perfect storm" that passes through greater democratization of the political world and constitutes the beginning of a transition to a radically different society in the social, economic and ecological. But for that we need to be at the center of the action. And the action is now. Jos? Luis Carretero Miramar Teacher Training and Employment Guidance, researcher at the Institute of Economics and Skills (ISAS) and member of the Workers Solidarity Trade Union Confederation
Southern Africa, Reaping what you sow: reflections on the Western Cape farm workers strike by Shawn Hattingh - ZACF
Not only the ecological crisis involves all major balances of the planet - Climate change, pollution and radioactive chemicals that affect biodiversity, etc. - But its likely consequences will be devastating for humanity itself: critical risks food crises, health risks for future generations, forced migrations of populations, etc.. ---- Faced with this crisis struggles to defend the wider environment are not up to par. While fighting against a nuclear plant against an industry that pollutes the environment, against the construction of a highway or airport extra is legitimate and necessary, the combination of these struggles point provides no real solution to the ecological crisis. To date there is simply a movement of relocation of polluting industries and the development of green capitalism whose only motivation is to create new opportunities for capitalist profits. A conception of ecology limited to the protection of the environment will hardly slow down the destruction of the planet. Human activities must be completely reoriented. In Congress Agen in 2006, Alternative libertarian rightly stated: "ecological challenge facing three revolutions are necessary" - revolution in international trade revolution in consumption patterns, revolution in production methods. We know that within capitalist society, no significant changes in these critical human societies will be possible. Social inequalities are in fact at the root of these destructive human societies on the planet. This is why anti-capitalism is inseparable from the struggle ecologist. Of course we're talking about anti-capitalism, which is not just a change at the head of the State, such as that of the Stalinist parties who have built in the former so-called "communist" state capitalism even more destructive for the environment. We speak of a profound questioning of capitalism by generalized self-management of the economy and society. This should lead us to completely revise the model of social organization. It is resize the development of human societies to allow a balance between productive capacity and local needs. Several considerations are to be taken to not be satisfied with mere criticism rhetorical question but the pseudo comfort in which the capitalist system we install. Far adjust supply and demand for all types of control mechanisms such as markets, have to be tackled to restore direct links between producers / consumers and matrices / matrices and solve the adequacy of production necessary social and societal . To make a significant contribution to the ecological struggle Alternative libertarian must: demonstrate the link between the struggles against unequal society and ecological struggles, in-depth analysis constraints and changes in capitalism. The analysis should include both economic and ecological considerations and cultural - "cognitive capitalism" - the essence of this system is to transform all aspects of life into a commodity; bring environmental concerns into the whole movement social: in union struggles for housing, health ... For we know that the opposition can occur between certain ecological struggles and, for example, some struggles for employment is the result of non-delivery relevant interests of the capitalists and not taking into account the real interests of workers and employees. It is essential to carry arm design theory of ecology cuts across all social struggles. Provide turnkey solutions is not necessarily the responsibility of a political organization but focus the debate within the trade unions, even some contradictions point should be. We must also work to radicalize the ecological consciousness that develops on a background of green capitalism, without any sectarianism. This is a prerequisite for building a mass intervention, describe and disseminate alternative acts even imperfect (scop, amap, etc.). integrating the environmental dimension into the discussion. A self-managed company may limit the health consequences for workers and the environment for those without removing them. The transverse dimension of thinking is a priority to be an actress of a cultural revolution involving all forms of low consumerism today advocating elements of lifestyle and working alternative to those imposed by capitalist society. Firstly, AL must acquire a culture collective environmentalist; wear a reflection on the place of humanity on the planet, physically and psychologically dependent on its relationship with the rest of the living world can not live permanently placing himself "in outside "the living world. It has no future in that as part of the living world and integrated in an ecological balance found. Debates on the footprint of human activity is just beginning. The concept of decay, very popular in the environmental community must not lead to a choice between growth and voluntary simplicity. The main problem is the lack of articulation between theory and practice. This is because there are now more real environmental movement organized within the libertarian movement. AL to give full meaning to the questioning of productivism and advance based on what already exists. Capitalism, having invented the concept of sustainable development states to reconcile the economy, growth, and social environment through the use of new technologies, will continue its regeneration after its neoliberal phase, through the development of the green economy. Indeed, the Rio +20 Conference, the United Nations Programme for Environment (UNEP) introduced the global commodification of nature. It claims to give a value to any environment tangible or intangible. At this conference, the inability of the concept of sustainable development to resolve the contradictions of capitalism was recorded. To start a new cycle of growth it is to extend the logic of the market for the right to pollute by assigning a value to the living and to the mineral world with a system of compensation for destruction of nature. We must understand this new struggle and organize. To advance to face all these challenges, Libertarian Alternative adopts a work plan for the next two years, the achievement will be followed by the new secretariat intervention Ecology - transformation of the former commission ecology - created at this conference. Posted January 30, 2013 by commission congress ------------------------------ Message: 6 Date: Sat, 09 Feb 2013 21:57:00 +0200 From: a-infos-en@ainfos.ca To: en <a-infos-en@ainfos.ca> Subject: (en) Anarkismo.net: Southern Africa, Reaping what you sow: reflections on the Western Cape farm workers strike by Shawn Hattingh - ZACF Message-ID: <mailman.216.1360439841.24843.a-infos-en@ainfos.ca> Content-Type: text/plain; charset="windows-1252"; Format="flowed" The series of strikes and protests that recently took place in and around farms in South Africa?s Western Cape Province was fuelled by the deep-seated anger and frustration that workers feel. On a daily basis, farm workers face not only appalling wages, bad living conditions and precarious work, but also widespread racism, intimidation and humiliation. The extent of the oppressive conditions run deep and it is not uncommon for workers to even be beaten by farm-owners and managers for perceived ?transgressions?. Indeed, life for workers in the rural areas has always been harsh, but over the last two decades it has in many ways gotten even worse and poverty has in many cases grown. ---- In fact, since 1994 farm-owning capitalists have been on the attack. Approximately 2 million farm dwellers and workers have been evicted from farms since then in South Africa [1]. Many of these people have been forced into townships in the rural areas, where they have become either unemployed or casual or seasonal workers on farms. Services in these townships are also of an appalling standard with most people living in shacks or dilapidated Reconstruction and Development houses. Coupled to this, there has been a proliferation of labour brokers exploiting people?s desperate need for work, and piecework has been re-introduced on many farms. Farm owners obviously benefit from this situation: many no longer have to provide accommodation for workers, and hiring people on a casual basis or based on piecework keeps wage bills low. Thus, whether workers are seasonal, casual or permanent, life in South Africa?s rural areas is defined by exploitation and extreme oppression. It is no exaggeration to say that farm workers, who are mostly black, are viewed and treated as sub-humans by farm owners, managers and labour brokers. It is in this context that farm workers in the Western Cape rose up for the first time in decades. For once this saw farm owners and managers really reaping what they had sown This article examines, from an anarchist-communist perspective, the issues surrounding the farm workers strike including the workers? actions and demands, and the responses of the state and bosses to this. It, however, also looks at the role that some union officials and local politicians played, and how this impacted upon the strikes, including the sometimes contradictory role of officials from the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU). Finally, suggestions around how the struggle of farm workers can be taken forward in the aftermath of the strikes are made with a focus of building struggles and movements under the control of workers. Background The strikes and accompanying protest action in the Western Cape?s rural areas initially began on the 27th of August 2012 when workers on farms surrounding De Doorns downed tools. Poor pay, bad living conditions and unfair labour practices were their main grievances. Protests soon erupted in Stofland (Dustland), the township outside of De Doorns where most of these workers live in abject poverty. As part of this, running battles erupted between strikers and the police and people barricaded the national highway and railway that runs past the township. The appalling conditions on other farms and rural townships in the Western Cape soon meant that hundreds of thousands of workers across the province soon joined the strike. This saw protests spread to almost every rural town in the south Western Cape. By early November a number of strike committees had been established by mainly, but not exclusively, casual and seasonal workers in many of these areas. It was clear at this point that the farm workers strike had been largely self-organised and had initially taken place largely outside of trade unions and political parties. In fact, trade unions in the farming sector are relatively small, with as little as 3% of farm workers in the Western Cape belonging to a union [2]. Along with the initial formation of strike committees, a demand also emerged from workers that the minimum wage for farm workers should be increased from R 69 a day to R 150 a day. Added to this, workers also demanded paid maternity leave, an end to labour brokers, an end to piece work, rent free housing, a moratorium on evictions, and an end to police brutality in the rural areas [3]. In the early stages of the strike, the police were overstretched, and both the state and farmers were firmly on the back foot. At this point, the real prospect existed that the workers could win substantial gains through the strike as it was gaining momentum and spreading. During the initial phase of the strike wave, local politicians and prominent trade union officials also waded into the battle. With the entrance of these players into the strike, the situation became far more messy with political agendas playing themselves out and personalities often attempting to jostle for the limelight to increase their and their organisations? profiles. As part of this, the strike was suspended undemocratically several times by certain union officials, the first being in November: the very point when the strike was gaining momentum (how and why it was suspended will be looked at below). Yet despite repeated suspensions the strike repeatedly flared-up. Indeed, in January 2013 the strike recommenced, which saw protests once again erupt across rural towns in the Western Cape and battles once again rage between the police and protestors. What has become clear, therefore, is that despite the strike being suspended several times, and recently called off by Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) in late January, workers are going to continue to fight. In fact, plans are underway by farm workers to march on Parliament in the next few weeks. The messy entry of BAWUSA and COSATU officials into the strike While the strike was initially self-organised outside of the unions, officials from the BAWSI Agricultural Workers Union of South Africa (BAWUSA) and the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) ? along with its affiliate the Food and Allied Workers Union (FAWU) ? soon entered the arena, particularly in De Doorns. Their entry gradually saw a shift of power away from the workers? themselves and the strike committees that had been formed. In terms of this, the officials from these unions started to become the public ?face? of the strike, and at times they were able influence the strike in profound and often unhealthy ways. In fact, their actions were not always to the benefit of workers in practice. The reason why BAWUSA officials were able to enter the strike is that although the union is small, it has had a presence amongst some farm workers in De Doorns for a number of years and its general-secretary, Nosey Pieterse, has helped farm workers with eviction cases in the past. Through these connections BAWUSA officials soon gained a foothold in the strike in De Doorns. In fact, Pieterse along with the COSATU regional secretary, Tony Ehrenreich, were also soon singled out by the media as the unofficial spokespersons of the strike because of their already existing public profiles. Both of them, therefore, played a prominent role in the strikes; and came to largely overshadow the initial strike committees that had been formed by workers. Although BAWUSA is a trade union and supported the strike, it was established by aspiring black capitalists within the wine industry through an organisation called the Black Association of the Wine and Spirit Industry (BAWSI), which it is still linked to. The aim of BAWSI and BAWUSA, therefore, has been to ultimately push for greater black involvement in the wine industry across class lines. It is clear that BAWSI and BAWUSA officials saw the strike as an opportunity to grow the profile of these organisations and its officials, like Nosey Pieterse, soon manoeuvred into prominence. BAWUSA?s agenda during the strikes, however, was to negotiate a settlement with the state and farm owners through dialogue. While it led demonstrations in De Doorns on a number of occasions, these often seemed to be a secondary tactic with the primary objective being to enter into negotiations that included unions, the state and farm-owners (with the strike committees having no direct representation in the negotiations). The cross-class nature of BAWUSA was also evident in terms of Pieterse himself. Pieterse is an emerging capitalist farmer, and through BAWSI he has an interest in one of the largest wine companies in the Western Cape, KWV. Due to its cross-class make-up, the commitment that BAWSI/BAWUSA officials have in building a struggle based on worker control and direct democracy is probably questionable, despite their support for the strike [4]. COSATU officials from the start also supported the strike, and through FAWU it had some presence in De Doorns. COSATU officials viewed the strike as a way of finally making inroads in terms of union membership on the farms. COSATU from the start, however, made it explicit that it did not want a similar situation as had occurred on the platinum mines, where workers took action outside of the unions and set up their own independent structures. COSATU made this explicit when it stated: ?The unions are trying to avoid a Marikana situation where workers act without guidance from unions, and resolutions are not found in negotiations? [5]. Thus, COSATU wanted to gain leadership over the strikes and its agenda was to push for a negotiated settlement along with driving the strikes into the confines of the existing labour legislation framework. Indeed, Ehrenriech himself added: "When workers take their own action without direction and guidance, that is when the danger comes about?they don't understand the parameters of the law and all the other stuff? [6]. Hence, COSATU?s interest was not to build a struggle based on direct democracy and militancy. So although it supported the strike, it pushed for dialogue between unions, the state and the farmers? organisation ? in the form of AgriSA ? to resolve the strike. In the process though, the workers and their strike committees were excluded from the negotiations. The fact that Tony Ehrenreich is also a well-known ANC politician (in legislative opposition at a provincial level in the Western Cape) with a high media profile, gave him a major influence in the strike ? despite most farm workers having no affiliation to COSATU or its ally, the ANC. COSATU and Ehrenreich used this profile to, on a number of occasions, suspend the strike and ultimately call it off, without consulting or getting mandates from workers themselves. In fact, COSATU officials unilaterally called for the suspension of the strike when they deemed it useful or necessary. Perhaps the most important occasion was in November 2012 when the strike was spreading and gaining momentum. At that point, COSATU suspended the strike unilaterally, in order to try and negotiate a settlement with farm owners and to allow time for the state to supposedly intervene to legally raise the minimum wage. Thus, both BAWUSA and COSATU wanted to negotiate a settlement through dialogue, and suspended the strike unilaterally on a number of occasions to follow this path. Yet, this strategy largely ended in failure and excluded the workers themselves ? they were supposedly ?represented? by the unions, but not directly. The limitations of dialogue by union officials were perhaps best highlighted by the fact that the state point blank refused to raise the minimum wage ? a demand of both COSATU and BAWUSA at the negotiating table ? until it is up for review in February 2013. Likewise, AgriSA refused to reach any national or regional settlement that would see an increase in the minimum wage. Where there were gains, for instance where some farmers offered higher wages, these could mainly be attributed to the pressure farmers felt from the strikes and protests; and not the negotiating skills of union officials. When the state finally announced in February that the minimum wage for farm workers would be raised to R 105, this was also mainly due to pressure the strike created, and not due to slick dialogue by union officials. The problem, too, was that each time the strike was undemocratically suspended by union officials it was difficult, but not impossible for workers to regain the momentum. The fact that COSATU could, however, unilaterally suspend the strike on a number of occasions ? to follow a path of what amounted to social dialogue ? also reveals much about the strength of the fledgling strike committees. Although they initially played a major role in starting the strike in a number of areas, the strike committees simply did not have the strength to counter COSATU?s calls to suspend the strike, and workers gradually drifted back to work when the calls were made. A strike coalition was also established during the strike by unions and progressive non-governmental organisations to build and bring strike committees together so that workers could control the strike. Some of the unions and organisations in the coalition, like the Commercial Stevedore Agricultural and Allied Workers Union (CSAAWU) and the Surplus People?s Project (SPP) have a long history of attempting to build workers? committees and forums in the rural areas. However, while the coalition did bring some strike committees on board, and helped strengthen some on the ground, many areas remained without any such committees, and the coalition did not effectively become a platform controlled by workers themselves to coordinate the strike (despite the coalition?s intention to facilitate this). This meant there was no strongly organised and effective counter-weight to the COSATU and BAWUSA officials and their agenda. Indeed, COSATU ? despite participating in the coalition ? largely ignored the resolutions and the mandates that did emerge out of it. Rather COSATU unilaterally followed the path that its leadership thought was appropriate, and in effect sidelined other organisations including in many cases the strike committees and other organisations in the coalition. Perhaps also playing into this situation, was the fact that farm workers do not have a long history of organising or undertaking major struggles, unlike mineworkers, in South Africa. When a major organisation, in the form of COSATU, suspended the strike, most workers went along with it. Certainly many workers were confused by these calls to stop and start the strike and many felt disgruntled with it. Yet they did not effectively mount a challenge to it. This could be due to a lack of a history of sustained struggle, limited experience with workers? direct democracy and the confidence that these bring. The reaction of the state and bosses to the series of strikes While the state and bosses were involved in on-and-off negotiations with COSATU and BAWUSA officials, they used the numerous suspensions of the strike that accompanied this to go on the offensive. Across the Western Cape, and in the aftermath of the first suspension of the strike, thousands of farm workers were fired or suspended. Many more had disciplinary actions taken against them. When the strikes recommenced, some farm owners even locked workers in on the farms, preventing them from striking. Added to this, some farm owners hired private security to intimidate workers. In one instance in Robertson, a farmer drove around with a shotgun threatening to shoot CSAAWU workers that were out on strike. As part of their propaganda offensive, many farm owners threatened to also mechanise in the future and lay-off workers. Some of the registered unions, such as CSAAWU, also now face legal battles in the aftermath of the strike and some farm-owners are threatening to use these unions? legal status to sue them for damages. The state too used the suspensions of the strike to repeatedly strengthen its forces. While it was initially overstretched during November 2012, when it was unable to cope with all of the protest actions, it used the first suspension of the strike to re-enforce police units in the area and deploy a Tactical Response Team (TRT) to undermine the strike and end the protests. Many of the police units seem to have relished the task of attempting to end the protests surrounding the farm workers? strike. At least 3 strikers were killed at the hands of the police. Tear gas, stun-grenades and rubber bullets were also fired at strikers in almost every rural town in the Western Cape. On one occasion during the strikes in Wolsely, the police started using live ammunition when they ran out of rubber bullets. Townships where farm workers live were also raided at night, and a number of people were threatened and beaten up in their houses by the police. During one incident workers that had been arrested also reported that police fired tear gas canisters into the police vans in which they were being held. The National Prosecuting Authority also instructed state prosecutors to oppose bail for workers and activists that were arrested during the latter stages of the strikes and protest actions. Of course, the role of the police and the state in general during the strikes was to protect private property and the welfare of the capitalist farmers. So despite the fact that a number of local ANC councillors at times supported the strike, due to the dynamics of local oppositional politics, the ANC-headed state in practice backed the farmers. Thus, although there has sometimes been tensions in South Africa between sections of the ruling class in the form of top officials in the state (who are mainly black) and capitalist farmers (who are mainly white), the state has played a massive role in protecting farmers against the strikers. While there may, therefore, be internal squabbling in the ruling class, they have united when faced with workers rising up, and they have used the state, amongst other things, to try and crush the strikers. As Bakunin pointed out this is what the state is designed to do when he said ?the state is authority, domination, and force, organised by the property-owning and so-called enlighten classes against the masses? [7] and its role is to protect and maintain by force the privileges of the ruling class. It is, therefore, not a neutral entity or negotiating partner that will simply intervene to help farm workers, as COSATU and BAWUSA officials hoped, but rather an enemy of the strikers. Indeed, its forces will gun down workers if necessary to protect the interests of the capitalist farmers; as they did at Marikana to protect the interests of mine bosses. As such, the state has to be forced from the outside by the workers through struggle to meet their demands and not through a reliance on social dialogue. Forward to workers? power Despite the internal and external challenges, the farm workers? strike was both historical and in many cases heroic. One of the poorest sections of society finally rose up to fight for justice and better wages. While the strike has been called off for now, it is also clear farm workers are going to embark on strikes and protests in the near future ? many still want R 150 and their other demands met. So while the battle is over for now, the war is still being fought. The strike also was successful in highlighting the appalling conditions facing the poor in the rural areas, and it has probably changed the outlook of farm workers forever. As such, the strikes that have taken place on the farms and rural towns offer a great opportunity to begin to build a militant workers? movement in the rural areas. Certainly, there is a massive need for militant worker-controlled structures and radical directly democratic unions on the farms and in the rural towns that can fight for not only reforms, but eventually revolution. Perhaps the task for now is for worker activists, activists and organisations that are for workers? power and control to put their energy into contributing to building and maintaining the worker and strike committees that have emerged and to put energy into expanding them into new areas. This too includes building the coalition into a structure controlled by workers. It is important too that a culture of direct democracy be consolidated amongst activists on the farms and in the rural townships as part of this. Certainly, if the strike and workers? committees that have emerged are expanded and consolidated, this could enable workers to take the struggle forward in the future and direct it themselves. A start has been made during the recent strikes and this should be built on. Even if the current strike does not resume, future battles lie ahead and it is important that worker-controlled directly democratic structures are there to take this forward. Hence, the battle must also be seen as a long-term one. In the aftermath of the strikes there is also an opportunity for militant unions, like CSAAWU, to grow and bring more workers into the union. The problem faced by such unions in the past is that it has been hard to recruit on the farms due to intimidation and being denied access to the farms. The climate in the aftermath of the strikes may have changed this. Unions such as CSAAWU could also use the strategy of recruiting workers and community members in the townships first, where the major battles during the strikes were centred around, and then use this as a spring board to recruit amongst workers that live on the farms. As battles go forward, strong and militant, worker-controlled unions will be vital. It is also important that within the committees a revolutionary counter-culture, based on working class pride, be built going forward. This could help sustain people in struggle and counter any opportunists that may wish to use the movement for their own ends. Coupled to this, radical popular revolutionary education needs to be built. What is also important is that in trying to build a worker-controlled movement, the likes of the BAWUSA and COSATU officials would have to be engaged in a political battle. Their ideology of attempting to work with the state, as if it were an ally or neutral entity, would have to be effectively countered, along with their practices of undermining direct democracy. This is vital for when new strikes and protests erupt. Hopefully, workers have also drawn their own conclusions about the necessity of struggles remaining under their control and not under that of high profile individuals. An opportunity has been opened by the strikes, and it should not be left for the COSATU and BAWUSA officials to fill, but rather it must be filled by workers? power. Notes: 1. http://www.pmg.org.za/report/20080304-farm-evictions-briefings-deputy-minister-nkuzi-development-transvaal- 2. http://www.hrw.org/news/2011/08/23/south-africa-farmworkers-dismal-dangerous-lives 3. Xali, M. Western Cape farm workers courageous struggle. Workers? World News. February 2012 4. http://www.iol.co.za/business/business-news/strike-leader-is-also-farm-owner-1.1454850 5. http://mg.co.za/article/2012-11-14-one-killed-in-farm-unrest-before-cosatu-calls-end-to-strike 6. http://mg.co.za/article/2013-01-25-00-farm-unions-pull-together-for-now 7. Bakunin, M. 1992. The Basic Bakunin: Writings 1869-1871. AK Press, p.140 Related Link: http://zabalaza.net
(en) France, Alternative Libertair AL 11th Congress - Place ecology at the heart of the project libertarian communist (fr)
Not only the ecological crisis involves all major balances of the planet - Climate change, pollution and radioactive chemicals that affect biodiversity, etc. - But its likely consequences will be devastating for humanity itself: critical risks food crises, health risks for future generations, forced migrations of populations, etc.. ---- Faced with this crisis struggles to defend the wider environment are not up to par. While fighting against a nuclear plant against an industry that pollutes the environment, against the construction of a highway or airport extra is legitimate and necessary, the combination of these struggles point provides no real solution to the ecological crisis. To date there is simply a movement of relocation of polluting industries and the development of green capitalism whose only motivation is to create new opportunities for capitalist profits. A conception of ecology limited to the protection of the environment will hardly slow down the destruction of the planet. Human activities must be completely reoriented. In Congress Agen in 2006, Alternative libertarian rightly stated: "ecological challenge facing three revolutions are necessary" - revolution in international trade revolution in consumption patterns, revolution in production methods. We know that within capitalist society, no significant changes in these critical human societies will be possible. Social inequalities are in fact at the root of these destructive human societies on the planet. This is why anti-capitalism is inseparable from the struggle ecologist. Of course we're talking about anti-capitalism, which is not just a change at the head of the State, such as that of the Stalinist parties who have built in the former so-called "communist" state capitalism even more destructive for the environment. We speak of a profound questioning of capitalism by generalized self-management of the economy and society. This should lead us to completely revise the model of social organization. It is resize the development of human societies to allow a balance between productive capacity and local needs. Several considerations are to be taken to not be satisfied with mere criticism rhetorical question but the pseudo comfort in which the capitalist system we install. Far adjust supply and demand for all types of control mechanisms such as markets, have to be tackled to restore direct links between producers / consumers and matrices / matrices and solve the adequacy of production necessary social and societal . To make a significant contribution to the ecological struggle Alternative libertarian must: demonstrate the link between the struggles against unequal society and ecological struggles, in-depth analysis constraints and changes in capitalism. The analysis should include both economic and ecological considerations and cultural - "cognitive capitalism" - the essence of this system is to transform all aspects of life into a commodity; bring environmental concerns into the whole movement social: in union struggles for housing, health ... For we know that the opposition can occur between certain ecological struggles and, for example, some struggles for employment is the result of non-delivery relevant interests of the capitalists and not taking into account the real interests of workers and employees. It is essential to carry arm design theory of ecology cuts across all social struggles. Provide turnkey solutions is not necessarily the responsibility of a political organization but focus the debate within the trade unions, even some contradictions point should be. We must also work to radicalize the ecological consciousness that develops on a background of green capitalism, without any sectarianism. This is a prerequisite for building a mass intervention, describe and disseminate alternative acts even imperfect (scop, amap, etc.). integrating the environmental dimension into the discussion. A self-managed company may limit the health consequences for workers and the environment for those without removing them. The transverse dimension of thinking is a priority to be an actress of a cultural revolution involving all forms of low consumerism today advocating elements of lifestyle and working alternative to those imposed by capitalist society. Firstly, AL must acquire a culture collective environmentalist; wear a reflection on the place of humanity on the planet, physically and psychologically dependent on its relationship with the rest of the living world can not live permanently placing himself "in outside "the living world. It has no future in that as part of the living world and integrated in an ecological balance found. Debates on the footprint of human activity is just beginning. The concept of decay, very popular in the environmental community must not lead to a choice between growth and voluntary simplicity. The main problem is the lack of articulation between theory and practice. This is because there are now more real environmental movement organized within the libertarian movement. AL to give full meaning to the questioning of productivism and advance based on what already exists. Capitalism, having invented the concept of sustainable development states to reconcile the economy, growth, and social environment through the use of new technologies, will continue its regeneration after its neoliberal phase, through the development of the green economy. Indeed, the Rio +20 Conference, the United Nations Programme for Environment (UNEP) introduced the global commodification of nature. It claims to give a value to any environment tangible or intangible. At this conference, the inability of the concept of sustainable development to resolve the contradictions of capitalism was recorded. To start a new cycle of growth it is to extend the logic of the market for the right to pollute by assigning a value to the living and to the mineral world with a system of compensation for destruction of nature. We must understand this new struggle and organize. To advance to face all these challenges, Libertarian Alternative adopts a work plan for the next two years, the achievement will be followed by the new secretariat intervention Ecology - transformation of the former commission ecology - created at this conference. Posted January 30, 2013 by commission congress
(en) Canada, La Commune (UCL) Protest against the Plan Nord Montreal February 8, 2013 (fr)
Video http://vimeo.com/59288982 ---- Taken from printempsquebecois.com Shortly after noon, 200 demonstrators braved the freezing cold and snow blowing in swirls to massage around the Palais des Congr?s. Salon of natural resources held in this vast building is for them a "Fair Plan Nord [version] 2.0," a repetition in the more bucolic name of the event organized in April 2012 by the Government Liberal Jean Charest (defeated in September 2012 by the Parti Quebecois Pauline Marois) *. Under heavy police surveillance, the event aims to expose what she calls the "Death Map" economic plunder of Northern Quebec boreal rampage ecological resources (open pits, clearcuts) disregard for the rights and aboriginal claims. Facebook launched the call for manifest condemns "the development of the North [which] threatens us as parts of living" and calls for solidarity "with all the communities in resistance development model imposed on them , North and South, with the indigenous peoples who have chosen to oppose [...] **. "Inside, a heavy police presence prevented demonstrators from entering the Palais des Congr?s. The entrance to the Salon of natural resources is free, but a proof of photo identification is required to enter the premises (an extremely rare practice of control in Quebec). Outside, protesters revolve around the Congress by typing in its high outer walls colorful as they can get close. Groups the riot "accompany" in their circular path. Just the protesters they gathered their gathering was declared illegal on the grounds that they have not provided their route ahead to the police. However, the march would be "tolerated" as she remained peaceful. At 13 h, patrol cars were damaged and a window was broken and a few flowers graffiti on police cars ... At 13 h 10, the police ordered the dispersal of the crowd. They repel demonstrators who move away a bit, then come back, do push a little further, disperse, and then come back ... Although only one arrest was reported (a man who tried to interfere in the Palais des Congress without showing credentials), the atmosphere is not the camaraderie between protesters and police - and it is certainly never fun to slide on a patch of ice to meet identified by anti- riot ... - * It will be recalled that Premier Jean Charest had then raised the fury of the people in the ironic discontent and popular student who spoke outside the same conference center. View Gallery: "Salon du Plan Nord: Police skids, the PM lost the compass - April 20, 2012," http://printempsquebecois.com/manifestation-contre-salon-plan-nord/
zaterdag 9 februari 2013
(en) Ireland, WSM leaflet for distribution on ICTU's anti-debt marches 9th Feb - Take Back The Power
The leaflet is being distributed by WSM members at the ICTU-organised anti-debt march in Dublin on Saturday 9th February. ---- Take Back The Power ---- As we march today, we do so with our trade unions hamstrung and weakened. We have suffered the effects of 6 austerity budgets in 4 years. Our incomes and standards of living have been slashed and our public services decimated. Young workers, in particular, have had their wages and working conditions savaged. ---- Workers in both public and private sector have suffered pay cuts and job losses. In the public sector, following a 12 - 15% pay cut in 2010, the Croke Park Agreement (CPA) was sold to us as the only way in which pay and conditions could be protected. It has, instead, provided the cover for a ?3.1billion cut in the public sector pay bill and the loss of 28,000 jobs. Newly qualified teachers, for example, now start on a net salary which is 27% lower than the 2008 starting salary. ?Extending? the suffering And in January, with no consultation with the membership, the union leaders went into talks on a so-called ?extension? of the CPA. This time the government are saying they want another ?1 billion in cuts over the next 3 years. Their list of demands was described by the general secretary of the Association of Garda Sergeants and Inspectors as being akin to being given ?a choice of whether we wanted to be shot with a handgun or a shotgun?. It should be clear that there is nothing to talk about. Union leaders should have politely told the government what to do with their invitation to talks and should have set about organising resistance to the coming attacks. But they didn?t and the question for each of us is - What are we willing to do about it? Because while it is easy to blame the leadership, a more difficult and searching problem is - What are the alternatives? Blame How has it come to this? We can blame the union ?leaders? and there?s no doubt that the fact that politically many of them are tied to Labour (and Fianna F?il) is relevant. We can blame their lack of ambition, their constant repetition of the mantra of ?There Is No Alternative?. We can blame the fact that most of the union leaders see their role as being to mediate between the members and government/employers rather than to wholeheartedly represent the members. All of that is true. But blaming the leaders is not enough. Yes they have negotiated our defeat. Yes they have presided over a complete loss of solidarity among workers. But many union members have gone along with it. Whether through fear, through apathy or through hopelessness many union members have kept their heads down, accepted the pain and gone along with the idea that ?There Is No Alternative?. Others have become totally disillusioned with ?the union? and their anger at the leadership has made them walk away from seeing the union as a collective organ of struggle. Many members have literally walked with their feet and no longer take any active part in union meetings or structures. Others have been content to continue to blame ?the leaders?, the implication being that if we could replace the current leadership with a stronger or more left-wing one things would be different. But many have failed to engage with their fellow-workers and union members and attempt to break that sense of fear, apathy, hopelessness or anger. Take Responsibility It is time for every one of us to take responsibility for trying to turn things around. We have to stop referring to ?the union? as something outside of ourselves and begin to see that our unions are OURS. We have to stop seeing ?head office? and ?the officials? as anything other than employees of the union - our employees who should be taking their instruction from us. And we have to convince our fellow-workers that there is a benefit to engaging with the union structures and organising to resist. In your workplace and in your union, that means you have to take on that responsibility - there?s nobody else to do it for you. By booing Jack O?Connor or any of the rest of the leaders who have stolen our movement from us, we can let off steam. Shouting for a ?general strike now? might make us feel more militant. But the reality is that right now the majority (maybe even a large majority) of union members are unlikely to join a general strike. There is a huge job of work to be done to convince the fearful, the apathetic, the hopeless and the angry that their future lies in standing together in solidarity and that things don?t have to be as they are. For an effective general strike to be possible we need to take control of union structures, dump the current leadership and replace them not with an alternative leadership but with a new type of union which will take control back into the members? hands. We need to re-create a union movement whose primary function is to resist and obstruct attacks on our wages and conditions. Alternative In Spain, Greece and Italy they?ve had general strikes. But the austerity attacks continue. So a general strike in and of itself is not the panacea. It will not bring about an end to austerity. But it will at least register resistance. It will show solidarity with all those who are subjected to the savage cuts and cast into a life of poverty due to this doomed tactic. It will register a knowledge that the rich are getting a free ride though this depression. It will show Unity. But it will not be enough without an alternative being put forth. That alternative will come from action, not from negotiations about further cuts. As we participate in actions, we will get a sense of our own power, we will begin to realise that things don?t have to be as they are. That?s where you come in as a Union member. So if you wish to boo the leadership, go for it. If you want to shout for a general strike now, go for it. But you know that more is needed. Go back to your branch and look at ways of taking steps that register your resistance at ground level. Support those who are resisting cuts. Build opposition to the Croke Park Agreement ?extension?. Let?s begin to show practical pragmatic solidarity with those in struggle. Let?s say No more cuts - anywhere or to any service. Let?s collectively have the confidence to say we?re not taking any more of this. Let?s encourage non-cooperation and support other groups of workers so that they are not victimised for refusing to co-operate with the austerity agenda. Property Tax We are immediately presented with an obvious practical example of how this can be put into action. A massive campaign of boycott last year forced the government to re-think its strategy on the household tax. Now they have come after us again with another home tax - this time calling it a property tax. The legislation introducing the property tax is extremely draconian and the tax cannot be defeated by a boycott alone. The most obvious way in which government plans can be scuppered would be for workers in the Revenue Commissioners, members of the CPSU and the PSEU, to refuse to co-operate with implementation of the tax. Union members in those two unions should raise this as a possibility and should begin to campaign within their unions to convince the relevant groups of workers to take such a stance. But the rest of us cannot just leave it to them. Left on their own they would be crushed and some of those doing the kicking would be the current leadership of our unions. But let?s imagine a situation where over the next couple of months - within the unions and in wider society - we win people to the idea of a militant fightback against the property tax. Let?s imagine that we build a campaign of protest in our communities, at council meetings, TDs? offices - indeed everywhere we are - that makes opposition to the property tax the central political issue of the day. Let?s imagine that that opposition is militant and forceful and stating very clearly that while attempts are being made to foist this tax on us we will not allow ?normal business? to continue. In the context of having built such an atmosphere of militant protest, the likelihood that union members in the Revenue Commissioners would take action would be greatly increased. And if on top of that we can win other groups of workers to agree that in the event of any worker being disciplined for their refusal to implement this austerity tax, they too will be ready to take action, we will have transformed the political situation. This is the type of movement we need to build - and we need to do it now. It won?t be easy but anything worthwhile never is. The question is - are you willing to do your bit? Let?s do it, let?s get stuck in and see what?s possible.
Abonneren op:
Posts (Atom)