The indigenous leaders and the Colombian oligarchy share grandstand ---- There are lines that should not be crossed or four inches. The Association of Indigenous Councils of Northern Cauca (ACIN) and the Regional Indigenous Council of Cauca (CRIC), just crossed one of them ten kilometers. ---- One thing is that representatives of government, general and farmers brought to popular organizations be courtiers of "guerrilla". Another thing I do different is that two organizations that are popular world who have participated in various areas of policy convergence of various social sectors, involved political platforms broader social solidarity they have received from all the popular field in their demonstrations of the past. Turns out, when we thought had seen it all, we now have what was needed: that the ACIN and CRIC, from the hand of the ONIC (National Indigenous Organization of Colombia) to join the campaign shamelessly pointing against reserve areas peasant and indigenous and other agricultural organizational expressions. What was missing: McCarthyism indigenous "Popular organizations, armed groups, are our brothers, and will fight shoulder to shoulder with them to defeat our enemies (...) Live indigenous struggles and the struggles of all Colombians!" (Manifesto of Santander de Quilichao Command Quintin Lame, 1984) There are lines that should not be crossed or four inches. The Association of Indigenous Councils of Northern Cauca (ACIN) and the Regional Indigenous Council of Cauca (CRIC), just crossed one of them ten kilometers. One thing is that representatives of government, general and farmers brought to popular organizations be courtiers of "guerrilla". Another thing I do different is that two organizations that are popular world who have participated in various areas of policy convergence of various social sectors, involved political platforms broader social solidarity they have received from all the popular field in their demonstrations of the past. Turns out, when we thought had seen it all, we now have what was needed: that the ACIN and CRIC, from the hand of the ONIC (National Indigenous Organization of Colombia) to join the campaign shamelessly pointing against reserve areas peasant and indigenous and other agricultural organizational expressions. Accusations When ACIN and CRIC have been marked "front of the guerrillas" in the past (eg during Minga 2008 or expulsion of troops from Cerro Berlin in 2012), all the popular movement has sympathized with them; their chiefs have torn his clothes denouncing this demonization of government, because they understand the sensitivity of these accusations. But now these same organizations believe perfectly natural stigmatizing and labeling organizations who dare to disagree with their bosses in the same way they have been reported in the past. A statement from the ACIN, dated April 29, condemning the "ideologues of the FARC" for allegedly sponsoring "within communities, organized groups called Avelinos, RURAL RESERVES, among others. Which has (sic) the sole purpose of territorial dominance, ideological, political and hegemonic to obstruct the development of our own organizations. Another strategy of these organizations FOR GUERRILLA has been the economic advantage of the need for community awareness and buying the commoners, offering loans and boosting productive projects that seek to break the structure of indigenous fit "[1]. All of a return to the Manichean thinking that divides Indians into good and bad (obedient vs. Guerrillas), set in counterinsurgency ideology "remove the water from the fish" regardless. Even the language you have used is embarrassingly similar to that used by Uribe. In 2007, Uribe shouted that "every time the guerrillas and their followers feel that they can be defeated, the resource to which appeals against the violation of human rights." Today, as part of the "trial" indigenous six villagers for allegedly belonging to the FARC-EP, Alcibiades Escu?, leader of CRIC that 2004 was arrested for the alleged misappropriation of funds Indian health system to finance the paramilitaries, in terms not unlike those of Uribe, attacks to a human rights organization, "the trial is now going to give it to punish villagers (...) but do not delay in taking out a statement saying the council violates human rights (...) and to the NGO advocate Human Rights Francisco Isa?as Cifuentes, saying that is violation of human rights and international humanitarian law ". This is not new. Last year, amid the conflict over the eviction of Mount Berlin in Cauca and multiple tensions between farmers, indigenous and afro, an article called "The Cauca and compensation of Memory" signed by Efrain Jaramillo, an anthropologist who says he was adviser to the CRIC. In this article, together with a number of inaccuracies, rash accusations and attacks free sectors of the popular movement, accusing organizations like the "Landless Movement Grandchildren Quintin Lame" and "Indian Association Avelino Ul" being facades of the guerrilla movement . The unfounded accusations and inaccuracies of this article have already been refuted in another time and I will not dwell on them [2]. Contributing to this atmosphere of suspicion and criminalization of popular protest, Feliciano Valencia CRIC leader said in an interview with Semana, the fight with the farmers was for control of the drug economy (sic) and "Indians "had decided" to take up the matter "[3]. Persecution And indeed they have taken "action on the matter". In a frenzy McCarthy, CRIC and ACIN guards have mobilized their indigenous to advance a true offensive against, betraying boys who have real or imagined sympathy with the insurgency and guerrilla camps harassing. Incidentally, ONIC, coming from Luis Andrade Evelis condemned the Indian guards "take matters into" against the military presence in the territories, calling for sanctions against them [4] and Feliciano Valencia himself in that interview, recognized as an "error" to the soldiers out of Cerro Berlin, but no such deal with the guerrillas. Is exaggeration, then, to assert, as does a statement of the FARC-EP, the indigenous movement has bowed to the state and its security agencies, as well as advanced constitute an effective counterinsurgency? [5] Apparently, the rhetoric opposition to all "violent" is translated simply in active opposition to the insurgency, opposition fits firmly into the model of civil-military cooperation of the current government. Not surprisingly, Leon Valencia Santos recommended that the government, after the incident of Cerro Berlin, using the indigenous movement articulated around the ACIN and CRIC advanced precisely as a counterinsurgency. He said in his column in Week, which Santos has in these organizations "at hand a true peace movement with which it can agree ground rules to contain irregular forces without damage to anything the constitutional order and national sovereignty" [6 ]. Apparently, the government listened to their advice, and the indigenous movement obediently followed that line of conduct. The incident that sparked this series of recriminations between the leaders epistolary indigenous and peasant and indigenous organizations and the insurgency fariana, was the capture and "trial" of six suspected militants by the indigenous guard on April 29. Event widely publicized throughout the media of the regime, which was applauded enthusiastically by the command of the Third Division of the Army. The trial in question was full of irregularities, including that there were no guarantees for the proper defense, which limited the use of the word to the accused, that the assembly was manipulated and not allowed into the local community of Toribio, being filled the hall with about 800 people brought from 19 councils and the prosecution never gave evidence against the accused. This travesty of justice, ended his "lynching" pseudo-legal with the delivery of two of the defendants to the state to lock in one of the prisons of INPEC. Thus the "Autonomous" operates this "justice". The sentences given to these two unfortunates were 40, shame it is not pre-established, having been pulled out from under the sleeve by a CRIC leader who consulted stronger screaming in the front row if they wanted 10, 20 , 30 or 40 years for the accused, as is the mob Pilate consulted if they wanted to crucify Jesus or Barabbas [7]. The same could have been victims of medieval scourges that have nothing to do with the "uses and customs" but rather indigenous colonial traditions, such as the use of stocks, the whip, water deprivation or bury the condemned to the neck . These "beauties" disguise themselves as indigenous justice: do not know why we should accept that basic human rights such as the right to a proper defense or protection of torture just entering suspend an indigenous community. Containment Beyond the debate about the customs and democratic credentials indigenous authorities themselves, this trial was indicative of a serious problem as the people's movement sectors are co-opted by the state for counter-insurgency and to contain popular rebellion. This has been done since the time of the "clean" liberal guerrillas turned into fierce anti-communists after being "pacified" by Rojas Pinilla in 1953. Sometimes tech sectors are sectors counterinsurgency that were once revolutionary and guerrilla or reach an agreement with the State, become "more Catholic than the Pope" as they say in Creole, which have their political prestige and privileges mortgaged in maintaining the status quo. If not, look at some of the advisers who had Alvaro Uribe and today is Juan Manuel Santos. Although neither the CRIC and the ACIN can still be compared with Carlos Franco nor a Obdulio Gaviria, the language they use every day is similar to theirs, as already noted, except for splashing their communications with some progressive phraseology. The exercise of the "autonomy" much vaunted by indigenous movements is, at best, relative. As shown powerless against the state, is adamant sectors of popular resistance (both unarmed resistance and the army) that show differences with the authorities and CRIC methods or ACIN. Up to openly collaborate with the State (INPEC Army) when it comes to these sectors contain let themselves be used fully by the establishment counterinsurgency plans, making them worth the recognition of the media, the military and politicians. Moreover, we can say that, ultimately, the exercise of this autonomy is guaranteed by a corrupt state, paramilitarized mafia. What reveals a deeper pathology that affects part of the Colombian left from the "social contract" signed in 1991 by the new Constitution, important sectors of the popular movement, at least at the level of leaderships, were co-opted into the system and now have an objective interest in its maintenance. Those most vehement attack today social sectors resistance and insurgency are, sometimes, those from the left "progressive" believe sacred guardians of rule of law. The indigenous movement, since the "Quintin Lame Armed Movement" lay down their arms in exchange for the institutionalization of certain benefits under the new Constitution, every day is heading in this direction more decisively. As part of this institutionalization, the Indian chiefs speak with the state "authority to authority" in a fictional situation equivalence and mutual flattery, which creates a gap between the privileged leadership (who can think up to be candidates for the presidency of this republic decadent) and the bases of communities, which often resent them and using as a pressure group when it touches re-negotiate the terms of the "contract" of 1991. So we have seen situations like indigenous ritual inauguration of Santos in the Sierra Nevada, Embera Congress in which the leadership of the ONIC Santos frantically applauded as he called for a "Minga for Democratic Prosperity" [8] and now the complaint and delivery of suspected insurgents. The cooptation of the indigenous movement goes hand in hand with this institutionalization through a fictitious "autonomy" as well as the NGO-ization of the indigenous movement, the influx of capital from international cooperation, which (especially in the case of European cooperation and USAID, which funded the indigenous movement, CRIC, ACIN, ONIC) have political conditions. One of those conditions is to assume an active position counterinsurgency by fallacious speeches as the "neutrality" and "symmetry" in condemning all "violent" equally-ignoring the fact that "all" are not equal, nor in its origin, or its purpose, or methods. That symmetry fallacious, by the same dynamics of power, always ends criticizing and questioning the 'players' minions at the same state, which eventually comes to accept him as a guarantor of the sacrosanct rule of law [9]. In this inertia to please "international cooperation" (which is dominated by governments that share strategic interests and objectives with the Colombian State and promote the common agenda through its funding programs) have seen the indigenous movement accusing the end oenegizado insurgency of "crimes against humanity" and a delirious "extermination plan" of indigenous peoples. All this stridency is when, interestingly, the Montealegre Prosecutor himself has said that no convictions for crimes against humanity against guerrilla leaders, at which the most recalcitrant Uribe have redoubled stridency of their complaints. What are the elements to blame the insurgency an extermination plan? The existence of a social and armed conflict has repercussions within indigenous communities and of all rural communities in Colombia-conflict did not start the insurgency and conflict in which many Indians are active. Well said the commander killed FARC-EP, Carlos Pati?o "Caliche", in an interview with Hollman Morris 2005 that the neutrality of indigenous authorities was to ignore the reality of the country, now we see that after the supposed "neutrality "There is a conscious partisanship. They have guys who choose to enter the insurgency because they seek alternative leadership in their rebellion against the system, especially girls, often tired patriarchal practices, patronage and bureaucratic, not a plan to destroy the indigenous peoples. These sympathies aroused among indigenous insurgency on foot, as described by the commander of the FARC-EP Timoleon Jimenez, "for some reason we could define and clarify, seems to produce some degree of irritation in certain sector of its authorities" [ 10]. That has criticized the leadership of the CRIC and ACIN, organizations with just a few decades of existence, does not mean questioning the value of the ancient cultures of our land. That avoids bruising occasionally isolated people accused of collaborating with the army or paramilitaries, in the context of this conflict (blows that one can not share and that social movements do not share, but you have to prove with evidence and not reckless accusations) is not the same as a "ethnocide". To say that the order of the FARC-EP of his troops not to get captured by Indian guards is far from the delusional accusation that the movement has become indigenous "military objective" [11]. Similarly, it has often decide Indians shake hands with afros and farmers in other organizations, weary of their traditional organizations or narrow ethnocentric views (often egged on from the academy), or decide to form different indigenous organizations CRIC and ACIN because they see in them effective instruments of struggle, not become "para-guerrilla". Nor that makes them enemies of indigenous communities, communities that existed long before the CRIC, the ACIN or ONIC. However, as denounced by the Indigenous Partnership Coordinator del Cauca (CAIC), many of its members and leaders have been vilified and threatened by these leaderships [12], a fact which no doubt given the caliber of the comments that we have heard these weeks . Indigenous leaders oenegizados end, as denounced a statement of FOs Cauca, representing the state to communities, claim shared by many ordinary villagers [13]. They are the guardians of the community to the establishment, a fact that is exacerbated in the current authoritarian regime and counterinsurgency. Gramsci said, analyzing Italian fascism, which he sought to force all organizations "civil society" political police roles fulfilled: "[It is understood a] broad police, ie not just the state service aimed at the suppression of crime, but the combined forces organized by the state and individuals (...) to protect the dominance political and economic elites. In this sense in which some political parties as well some other economic organizations or gender should be considered entirely political police organizations, to have a character of research and prevention. "[14] This is exactly what we see happening in Cauca. In this context, what concerns us is that to our knowledge there is fear that the Indian guards can be mobilized again to attack leftist groups in the communities, particularly in sectors related to the CAIC, with initiatives such as rural reserve areas , the Human Rights Network Francisco Isa?as Cifuentes and Patriotic March. We hope that these fears do not materialize in new attacks, accusations and deliveries, but we're vigilant. Unit We have always raised the importance of unity for the advancement of the popular movement. We have a formidable enemy, who despite being a tiny minority of society, is well organized and has a monopoly of economic and political power. The popular sectors, despite being the majority, they are divided, sometimes opposing each other by secondary conflicts, disorganized and under the influence of the ideology of the dominant groups. However, witnessing a moment of consciousness, organization and advance popular struggles in Colombia. The unit is a political task is the order of the day, and while the Colombian left as well as many popular movements continue cannibalistic and sectarian dynamics, important steps have been taken as the Common Social Path for Peace and Comosocol social and political platforms as the Congress of Peoples Patriotic March and Comosoc, among others. However, these initiatives towards unity, although methods are renewing politics often end up playing the same vices of the traditional parties. It is still a mistake that many of these initiatives, despite the intentions and efforts of many grassroots activists, are still conceiving from a superstructure. The pattern of many of these valuable initiatives remains the unit from the top down, where sometimes split the charges and pre-race prior to solidify the foundation of movements. It needs to rethink and rethink policy as the horizon for unit movement. Many times we quiet the criticism of the leadership for the sake of unity. This was finally accepted as a lesser evil corrupt mayor of Bogota, Samuel Moreno, for example. So we have also quiet the criticism indigenous movement for the sake of that same unit, only to end up getting accusations and abuse. In both cases, the result of this silence has been disastrous. We know that the unity of the resistance of the afros, peasants and indigenous is now a major issue in Cauca. My question is whether this unit is made to thinking in terms of traditional authorities denounced, persecuted, point and threaten other expressions of popular movement that will fight over hegemony. Arguing the unit can not accommodate pernicious practices that harm the objectives of popular struggles in the medium and long term. The amplitude of a movement can include a wide range of political views, but can not include treason, and corruption, and clientelism. Nor can fall into ambiguous alliances with those who have one foot in the popular movement and another firmly nailed rotten institutions with whom they claim to speak from the people but whose political agenda is committed to foreign interests and often unspecified. There can be no unity with those who speak in code progressive but have objective interests in maintaining the status quo: the unit is to conceive the human tide of the underdog, the dispossessed, the marginalized, the exploited, the discriminated demolishes the economic, political and social that oppress them, so there is a radical transformation of present misery, whoever falls, although even the sacrosanct constitution of '91 left standing if necessary. Nor can we believe that unity is a red that will take the leadership to decide on the backs of their bases. The unit, above all, must be done from below and in the fight, since the resistance of these communities walk. The unit is a must with these indigenous bases left to their own devices, will necessarily drive all bloods and cultures, in the context of mutual respect and understanding, without hegemony and authoritarian positions. Example of this unit have been intercultural tables to troubleshoot territory, as happened recently in Itaibe, municipality of Paez, Cauca-reference of how afros, indigenous and mestizo peasants can dialogue with arguments and not with sticks, as sadly has happened in the past, confrontations that are clearly functional to maintaining their power through popular field division [15]. This is why we raise a heated protest alleged McCarthyism popular sectors, which dent the communities that these organizations claim to defend, that sows distrust and disunity in the popular movement, which exacerbates ethnic tensions (policy have always looked for colonialists to divide and rule), which will counter to the efforts of the present moment of forming a popular block that can play an alternative project for Colombian society, at the risk of being run over by locomotives Santistas. Jos? Antonio Guti?rrez D. April 24, 2013 [1] http://www.nasaacin.org/index.php/informativo-nasaacin/nuestra-palabra-kueta-susuza-2013/5689-comunidades-indigenas-condenan-a-los-ideologos-de-las-farc356 [2] http://www.anarkismo.net/article/23667 [3] http://www.semana.com/nacion/articulo/la-pelea-fondo-narcotrafico-lider-indigena-feliciano-valencia/261521-3 [4] http://www.elespectador.com/noticias/politica/articulo-361013-lideres-indigenas-piden-sanciones-hechos-violentos-contra-ffmm [5] http://www.tercerainformacion.es/spip.php?article51724 [6] http://www.semana.com/opinion/articulo/el-desafio-indigena/261595-3 [7] For an account of this judgment made on the basis of recordings and testimony was made by Human Rights Network "Francisco Isa?as Cifuentes" http://reddhfic.org/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=530:cp-toribio-20-de-mayo-2013&catid=117:comunicados2013&Itemid=229 [8]http://wsp.presidencia.gov.co/Prensa/2010/Octubre/Paginas/20101012_09.aspx http://wsp.presidencia.gov.co/Prensa/2010/Octubre/Paginas/20101012_09.aspx [9] These theories of symmetry and neutrality have been sufficiently challenged by the works of Father Javier Giraldo (see War or Democracy, for example), as well as Colombia Project Never Again (see especially Chapter V of Volume I ). The perverse effect of this alleged symmetry and how it ends counterinsurgency necessarily be an instrument, it appears from a recent letter by ONIC and CRIC government and the FARC-EP as part of the peace negotiations. While the government ask just respect IHL, with the insurgency are not limited thereto but detailing a long list of practices that supposedly REALIZED (which is questionable in many cases). Not specified, of course, that the State does the same and ten times worse. http://www.cric-colombia.org/portal/carta-al-gobierno-nacional-y-las-farc-frente-a-los-dialogos-de-paz-en-cuba/ [10] http://www.rebelion.org/noticia.php?id=168224&titular=nueva-carta-a-ind%EDgenas-del-cauca- [11] http://www.kaosenlared.net/america-latina/item/57611-carta-de-los-pueblos-ind%C3%ADgenas-de-colombia-a-las-farc-ep.html [12] http://reddhfic.org/index.php?option=com_content&view=article&id=531:comunicado-coordinacion-indigena-20-mayo-2013&catid=119:actualidad-2013&Itemid=227 [13] http://www.cric-colombia.org/portal/carta-al-gobierno-nacional-y-las-farc-frente-a-los-dialogos-de-paz-en-cuba/ [14] Poulantzas, Nicos "Fascism and Dictatorship", Ed Siglo XXI, 2005, p.393 [15] http://prensarural.org/spip/spip.php?article10916
vrijdag 31 mei 2013
(en) Anarkismo.net: Colombia, What was missing: McCarthyism indigenous (ca) by Jos? Antonio Guti?rrez D.
(en) WSM.ie: Dare to struggle, Dare to win! A conversation with IWW Sydney -audio
A Irish emigrant to Australia and WSM supporter gives his story about working on building sites, unions and audio conversation with IWW. - The Industrial Workers of the World from the Americas to Australasia have historically formed the bedrock of a radical revolutionary tendency in the labour movement, fanning the flames of class war fighting for a radical union where power resides in at its base asserting the need to abolish wage slavery where workers take full control over their labour. ---- From its inception in Chicago in 1905 anarchists along with many other left currents or none were naturally attracted to its ranks as the battle lines between labour and capital were unravelled; fighting for a new world in the shell of the old. Arriving in Australia I soon joined the ?Wobblies? as I found it best suited my needs rather than the mainstream unions. From working in casual employment in the construction industry involving every form of work from unskilled labouring, to ?lashing? to working on the docks where I could be in three different building sites in one week. Although union sites offer much better wages and conditions, they have little interest in organising the rest of us who find ourselves in low skilled and precarias employment. ' Solidarity Unionism? is more appealing and a contemporary articulation of Wobbly principles of organising on the job instead of reliance of paid union organisers where the initiative and power resides in the rank and file. ?Solidarity Unionism is labour organising in its most basic, most powerful form. Deemphaising or avoiding government certification altogether, a solidarity union is simply a group of workers who come togther, support each other other?s development as leaders, and carry out their own direct action campaigns around issues of concern at work such as unsafe speed lines, poverty wages, and abusive management.?(1) As the labour movement and capitalism creates a growing permanent casualised workforce we need to examine past struggles not only for inspiration but to meet the challenges we face today. Unlike the old yellow union model where once you leave your job you lose a member, the Wobbly model of remaining a member when you change job is much more suitable to the labour market today. This weakness of casual employment can be turned into source of strength by spreading ideas and organising models. Over a 100,000 mainly young people left Ireland last year with many of them arriving in Australia forming another generation as about 1/3 of, Australians already claim Irish ancestry. While for many the desire of finding a high paid job in the ?resources boom ? in mining became a reality. For many others working in conditions of 12 hour days for 4 weeks on, 1 week off is a short term fix of an industry highly dependent of the Chinese economy. While the experience of nice beaches and good lifestyle has been hugely positive and furfilling the reality of working in low paid, casual employment for many migrant workers with little rights and no access to social security is often swept under the carpet. In one particular case covered in the Australian Irish Echo, one Irish backpacker was so scared during her 3 month?s regional work to obtain her second year visa she slept with a knife under her bed under threat from the male owner of the cattle farm. After fleeing from the farm, Jessica Riley, 24, told the Irish Echo, ?There?s not even a safety net out there for backpackers. We have no rights out there to say we cant be exploited.?(2) http://www.mixcloud.com/workerssolidarity/interview-with-the-iww-in-sydney-about-the-iww-aboriginal-land-struggles-sydney-university-strike/
(en) France: Alternative libertaire - AL - a book on the history of the UTCL (fr)
Th?o Rival - Syndicalistes et libertaires. Une histoire de l'UTCL (1974-1991) -- ?d. Alternative libertaire, 2013, 316 pages, ?12. ---- In 1976, a group of young workers was expelled from the Organisation R?volutionnaire Anarchiste (ORA) and created the Union des Travailleurs Communistes Libertaires (UTCL). They were supporters of a form of trade-unionism based on direct action and soon found themselves heavily involved in the resistance to the shift within the Conf?d?ration Fran?aise D?mocratique du Travail (CFDT). ---- In the '80s, when the ebb in social struggles proved to be fatal for part of the far left, the UTCL was instead able to survive by linking its fortunes to that part of the left within the CFDT which, in the spirit of May 1968, would go on to create the SUD unions (Solidaires Unitaires D?mocratiques). From the huge strikes in 1974 to the birth of a coordination of strikers in 1986, recounting the history of the UTCL is like having a good slice of the workers' movement's history as a backdrop. Thanks to this research into the UTCL, which taps into previously unexplored CFDT archives, this study seeks to identify the role played by this original revolutionary current, syndicalist and libertarian at one and the same time. * * * The book contains four valuable appendices: a rich iconographic selection on the ORA and the UTCL; the political review document adopted in 1991 by the UTCL at the time of its break-up; a previously-unpublished interview on the ORA with Patrice Spadoni and Thierry Renard; a long interview with 12 former members of the UTCL. To order the book [which is entirely in French - tr.], please visit: the Alternative Libertaire online shop. The book will be launched by the author and several former UTCL members during the Self-Management Fair at Montreuil on Saturday 8 June at 5 pm (Seine-Saint-Denis). Translation by FdCA - International Relations Office. Related Link: http://www.alternativelibertaire.org
(en) Libcom.org: Stop laughing at the English Defence League by Joseph Kay
Three reasons why laughing at the EDL is counter-productive, and what we should do instead ---- You've all seen the images doing the rounds on facebook of EDL members waving mis-spelt placards. Maybe you've liked or shared them on Facebook. I had the autotuned 'Muslamic Ray Guns' tune stuck in my head for ages even though it was politically problematic. While humour and ridicule can be an important political tool, much of the 'humour' in this vein is counter-productive to an effective anti-fascism. ---- The problem with the EDL is that they're a violent, nationalist street movement. Not that they have northern working class accents and can't spell. 1. Class hatred. The first problem here is the most obvious one: laughing at the EDL for poor spelling or regional accents is barely-veiled class hatred - in the wrong direction. I'm not sure when exactly the left joined in patronising the working class rather than identifying with them, but this fuels the EDL sentiment that white, working class people are the only ones it's still ok to hate in 'PC Britain'. The concept of 'the white working class' is of course bullshit. The working class is the most diverse class. But sneering at accents, spelling and grammar cedes a whole demographic to the far right. Some of the grievances that feed into far right mobilisations are legitimate concerns around as housing, unemployment, the abandonment of former armed forces personel. These are and should be issues of class mobilsation. This should not be the natural constituency for the far right. The EDL have attacked picket lines. EDL leader and small-businessman Stephen Yaxley-Lennon even goes by the psuedonym 'Tommy Robinson' to sound more working class. By laughing at the uneducated proles this territory is abandoned to the anti-working class politics of racist scapegoating of muslims and immigrants. 2. Ignoring liberal racism. The second problem with this kind of laughing is it cordens off explicit, inarticulate, uncouth racism and thus ignores smug, implied, articulate liberal racism. The latter is far more common. Professional controversialist Rod Liddle was forced to apologise for describing the Woolwich murder as the work of "black savages", but far fewer people saw the problem with the Guardian's front page which said the same thing to its genteel, educated audience with an image and decontextualised quote: 3. Not all racists are thick. Third is the little problem that not all racists are thick. Racism is not the product of inadequate education or reason. In fact, plenty of racists spout well-educated nonsense about genetics, or in the past, phrenology. Some of the canniest racists are in government. When Theresa May said the Woolwich stabbing was 'an attack on us all' she knew exactly what she was doing. If only there was some kind of 'league' to rally to the 'defence' of 'England'... In this sense the EDL are the extra-parliamentary attack dogs of institutional racism, whistled into action when the government wants to pass represive legislation, or the right-wing press want to criticise the EDL as a way to paper over their daily hate-mongering and incitement. Laughing at mis-spelled placards underestimates the breadth and depth of the problem, and obscures the way it's intertwined with 'respectable' mainstream politics. Some perspective All that said, we shouldn't over-state the threat. While the EDL and friends spate of attacks on muslims and mosques has understandably created widespread fear, there's signs their sudden revival from infighting and near-collapse is not a complete ressurection. Nor will it necessarily be sustained. As a comrade wrote: Ok so not getting complacent, but should probably have a bit of perspective on yesterday however shit it was. EDL had a perfect storm. Bank holiday, good weather, immediately following a "terror" attack hyped by the media. Held in central London, the easiest place to get to in the UK. Most figures are 1500-2000. Obviously this is shit, but without having any of this on their side, in Luton in 2011 they pulled 3000. That said, at the time of Luton the EDL were keen, in public at least, to stress their allegedly non-racist opposition to extremist Islam. They even used the anti-racist slogan 'black and white unite'. Now, their leaders are openly saying "Islam is not a religion of peace? enough is enough..." and calling to "send the Black cunts home". So while the numbers haven't recovered their peak, they are no longer attempting to hide their racism and are certainly up for a fight. Strategy? Finally, some brief comments on strategy. I think what's needed is a two-track approach. Physical mobilisation to counter the immediate street threat, and class mobilisation to deny them a constituency in the longer term. In terms of physical mobilisation,Brighton's anti-facsist mobilisations are those I'm most familiar with. The main element of the mobilisations was the refusal of the familiar split between secretive, small group direct action and mass, symbolic action. Rather the mobilisations created the space for mass direct action and community self-defence, where participants could engage in tactics they were most comfortable with. Streets were blocked and roaming fascists chased and confronted. In terms of class mobilisation, there's some promising campaigning against the bedroom tax in Merseyside, and an increasingly urgent need to organise collectively around housing. Workplace organsing is also important in creating solidarity (it was heartening how many workmates turned out to oppose the March for England), while anti-raids work and migrant solidarity is also significant. This isn't a comprehensive list, I more want to pose the question to groups and individuals about what longer-term class-based organising involves, and stress it shouldn't be abandoned for the necessary short term street mobilisations. There's a place for piss-taking and lulz, but let's save the class hatred for the class enemy. South London Anti-Fascists are calling for a calling for a counter-mobilisation agains the BNP's march on Saturday. Get involved and contact them at southlondon-antifascists@aktivix.org Joseph Kay Source: libcom.org http://www.libcom.org/blog/stop-laughing-english-defence-league-29052013
Britain, March 2013 issue of Freedom + REOPENING PARTY
March 2013 issue of Freedom includes: ---- News ---- Bookshop firebombed ---- Capitalism is the blame ---- Hoovering up the anarchos ---- Reclaim the bedrooms ---- Dissidents challenge party bosses ---- International news ---- Who needs bosses? ---- Solidarity with Egyptian comrades ---- Ninety years of the IWA celebrated ---- Notes from the US ---- News in brief ---- The Bigger Picture ---- Anarchists in Kiev mark the anniversary of the Kronstadt revolt ---- Analysis ---- The internment without trial ---- Comment ---- Rape is a global problem ---- Up the anarcho-queers ---- Economics ---- Frack the dash for gas -- History ---- A history of violence ---- Feature ---- If you exploit us, we will shut you down! ---- Interview ---- We farm or we die, resist the iron mine ---- Prison news ---- A titanic volte-face ---- Sport ---- Phoenix from the flames The spirit of Shankly Getting Active Two music compilations to raise funds for Freedom bookshop Social space in London?s Elephant & Castle area What?s on Culture Book review of The March that Shook Blair by Ian Sinclair and Tom Jennings reviews the film Zero Dark Thirty. The fiction column by Martin H. continues with ?Monday morning? The politics of mythogeography Also in this issue The Svartfrosk column ?A sideways look? Donald Rooum?s Wildcat cartoon The Quiz What?s On Readers? letters and comments -------------------------------- REOPENING PARTY We will be having a grand reopening party for the Freedom Bookshop on Saturday 1st June starting 2pm. There will be nibbles and refreshments as well as highbrow bookish discourse and witty repartee. We extend an especial invite to everyone who has contributed to the cleanup and restoration. (p.s we?re still open upstairs in the meantime)
Invitation réunion CJS 3 juin Uitnodiging vergadering KSR 3 juni
Bonjour,
Je vous invite pour notre réunion mensuelle régulière Climat et Justice Sociale,
le lundi 3 juin 2013 à 19 h (jusqu’ à 21h) à la Maison des Crêpes Rue du Midi 13, Bruxelles
Goedendag,
Ik nodig jullie uit voor onze gewone maandvergadering Klimaat en Sociale Rechtvaardigheid,
op maandag 3 juni 2013 om 19 uur (tot 21 uur) in het Maison des Crêpes , Zuidstraat 13 Brussel
Je propose l’ordre du jour suivant:
- Activités autour le redémarrage de Doel 3 et Tihange 2
- Discussion de la note « Varsovie » par Natalie
- Activités:
- Varia
Ik stel volgende dagorde voor:
- Activiteiten rond de heropstart van Doel 3 en Tihange 2
- Bespreking van de “Warchau” nota van Natalie
- Activiteiten:
- Varia
Met vriendelijke groeten,
Amicalement,
Wiebe Eekman
0477 89 21 89
Climaxi - Activisten tegen steenkoolgas ontvangen door minister-president Peeters
Activisten tegen steenkoolgas ontvangen door minister-president Peeters
Een dertigtal activisten van de campagne ‘Stop Steenkoolgas’ hebben op maandag 13 mei actie gevoerd voor de gebouwen van de Vlaamse regering op het Martelaarsplein in Brussel. Ze vroegen garanties dat het reconversiegeld dat de Vlaamse regering vrijmaakt voor Limburg niet zal aangewend worden voor de plannen rond steenkoolgasontginning. Om dat standpunt kracht bij te zetten droegen de actievoerders gasmaskers. Een delegatie van deze 'Stop steenkoolgas'-activisten werd ontvangen, eerst door Vlaams Minister-President Kris Peeters, daarna door Minister voor Innovatie Lieten, die een petitie tegen steenkoolgas kreeg overhandigd.
Onafhankelijke experts niet gehoord in debat over heropstart Tihange 2 en Doel 3
Naar aanleiding van de in gang gezette voorbereiding voor de heropstart van de stilgelegde Belgische kernreactoren, heeft Jan Bens, directeur-generaal van het Federaal Agentschap voor Nucleaire Controle aan een journalist verteld dat windmolens een groter gevaar inhouden dan kerncentrales. Volgens hem kan er zich in België geen kernramp voordoen, ook niet als de reactorvaten duizenden scheurtjes vertonen. De milieuvereniging Friends of the Earth Vlaanderen & Brussel deelt deze opvatting niet en is voorstander van de sluiting van de kerncentrales.
Climaxi geeft korting tijdens bioweek
Van 1 tot 7 juni gaat in Vlaanderen de bioweek door. Een honderdtal activiteiten werden in deze week gepropt. Winkels geven korting, boeren laten proeven en ook Climaxi schiet in actie. De Eco & Fair winkel open deurt en Climaxi geeft 5 % korting op zijn producten: wijnen, pasta’s, tomaten, sauzen, pesto, visproducten, kruiden. Die kan je ook via mail aanschaffen.
Activiteiten:
Woensdag 5 juni, 19u: Stuurgroep rond verkiezingen en nieuwe projecten
Op 5 juni discussieert Climaxi over zijn werking voor de volgende periode. We bekijken alvast hoe we een rol kunnen spelen tijdens ‘de moeder van alle verkiezingen’ in 2014 en we hebben een aantal nieuwe projecten en samenwerkingsinitiatieven op punt staan rond de economische crisis én rond energie-armoede. We nodigen iedereen uit om deze drie projecten mee vorm te geven.
Graag een mailtje naar info[at]climaxi[punt]be
Donderdag 6 juni, 20u: Opgelicht
Opgelicht is een onthutsend verhaal over wurgprijzen, domme slimme meters, energiearmoede, de zonnepanelenzwendel, speculanten op de stroombeurs, machtsmisbruik en groengewassen vuile stroom.
Tom De Meester is de initiatiefnemer van een door 200.000 mensen ondertekende petitie om de BTW op energie te verlagen van 21% naar 6%. Hij is ook energiespecialist van de PVDA. 'Opgelicht' is zijn eerste boek. Hij stelt dit boek voor, vanaf 20u. Het publiek kan vragen stellen.
Inkom: 2 euro Waar? Uilekot, Groenlaan 39, 9550 Herzele
Vrijdag 7 juni tem zondag 9 juni: Masterclass Duurzame Ontwikkeling
Climaxi doet mee aan de Masterclass Duurzame Ontwikkeling met een workshop rond beleidsbeïnvloeding. Het traject ‘beleidsbeïnvloeding’ laat drie verschillende aanpakken van lobbywerk aan bod komen, toegespitst op duurzaamheid. Vera Dua (voorzitter Bond Beter Leefmilieu en oud-minister voor leefmilieu), Joeri Thijs (klimaatcampaigner voor Greenpeace) en Filip De Bodt (Climaxi) leiden de debatten.
Zaterdag 15 juni: Bank to Basics
Wat doen banken met ons geld? Betekent winst altijd winnen? Wat zijn de bestaande alternatieven voor het dominante bankmodel? Hoe kunnen banken bijdragen aan een duurzame en sociaal rechtvaardige samenleving? Waarom maakt onze overheid van de geredde banken geen ethische banken in dienst van de reële lokale economie?
Een organisatie van FairFin ism STUK Kunstencentrum, Leuven. Climaxi neemt deel aan een debatje van 15u45 tot 16u45 rond “Investeringen die mens en milieu schaden moeten de wereld uit".
Human Rights Watch - THE WEEK IN RIGHTS - May 30 2013
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Libyans are in the midst of dramatic change, trying to build a new political system after four decades of dictatorship. For Libyan women, the stakes are high.
“The revolution made us proud to be there on the front line,” said Selwa Bugaighis, a lawyer. “But now there are some who think it is time for women to go home.”
Although a number of women were elected to parliament in 2012, these gains are fragile. To help ensure equality, women should participate fully in drafting the new constitution. Gaddafi-era laws should be changed, like laws that discourage women from reporting sexual assault.
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 | Kenya’s Police Abuse Nairobi’s Refugees Refugees told us how hundreds of Kenyan police unleashed 10 weeks of hell on communities close to the heart of Nairobi, torturing, abusing, and stealing from some of the country’s poorest and most vulnerable people. Randomly attacking men, women, and children in their homes and in the streets is hardly an effective way to protect Kenya’s national security.
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 | Burma Should Revoke ‘Two-Child Policy’ For Rohingya Implementation of this callous and cruel two-child policy against the Rohingya is another example of the systematic and wide-ranging persecution of this group, who have recently been the target of an ethnic cleansing campaign.
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 | In France, First Marriage of a Same-Sex Couple The wedding of Vincent Autin and Bruno Boileau will be the start of a new era in France, with full marriage equality achieved at last. Their wedding is an inspiration to all those around the world who want to achieve equal rights and to end discrimination based on sexual orientation.
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 | US Pledges to End ‘War,’ Close Guantanamo President Barack Obama’s decision to lift his own ban on detainee transfers to Yemen suggests he may finally have the political will to follow through with his pledge to close Guantanamo.
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