(en) France, Courant Alternatif CA #230 - Strikes in 1918-1919 Moselle unionism against working class (fr)

"The world will change basis, we are nothing, let us all! " ---- Why talk of these very 
distant in time conflicts? First, the first evidence because these conflicts concerning 
our history, that of the working class struggle and strike. Thus, the strike is a 
community of struggle, but also of destiny (1). Collective life becomes more intense and 
awareness of power relations and hierarchy in the company exacerbates. Awareness of the 
power of the collective strength appears in the course of the strike. Second, because 
these strikes will see the birth of the reformist trade unionism and the full integration 
of the CGT in the management of capitalism. CGT becoming a true transmission belt of the 
economy. It is therefore more to the revolution to bring down the operation, but to limit 
the problems caused by the Capital. The seizure of power by authoritarian communist CGT 
will not change the reformist orientation of the union.

A revolutionary context

In this year of 1918, the great light in the East ablaze across Europe. Many are hoping 
the end of the war and especially a new world. Like Alsace, Moselle experiencing explosive 
social context between November 1918 and 1920. One of the most significant waves of 
strikes will take place during the year 1919 in the coal mines of Moselle. It is important 
to note that for 50 years this part of Lorraine was included in the German Empire and was 
part of Reichland (Empire Earth) with Alsace. The coalfield is part of the German-speaking 
part of Lorraine and is characterized by a strong presence of German workers (including 
Saarland) and a strong paternalistic employers. Paternalism is very active in and out of 
the plant, as well as the Moselle society. The return of the factory and it is the loss of 
housing. The strikes of 1918-1919, taking place in three coal (18,000 employees in 1919 to 
the Lorraine coal 3) forming the second French basin, affecting three companies (Mines 
Houve Creutzwald, Saar and Moselle Merlebach coal and the Wendel family Petite-Rosselle).

The first outbreak of conflict is to be seen in the revolutionary days of the end of 1918 
and in the context of Russian and German revolutions. Indeed, in the space of a few weeks 
in Central Europe, in the example of Russia is covered with a coat of red soviets lay in 
the tomb of many aristocratic regimes. This revolutionary fire will spread in Moselle and 
Alsace with the arrival of the insurgent sailors in Kiel (mutineers made partly by Alsace 
and Moselle.) A red flag of freedom eventually even float on the Strasbourg Cathedral. 
Reflecting the situation in Alsace, many soviets will be in Moselle (and the Soviet Metz 
will last from 9 to 17 November 1918). The council movement of workers and soldiers, far 
from being an epiphenomenon, is also linked in Moselle, the explosive situation in 
Luxembourg and Saarland (2). The sailors of Kiel returned home make political unrest 
everywhere. Unfortunately for the "ancestors of MEDEF," they are not the only ones making 
propaganda Moselle workers or demobilized soldiers, German (including the Saar), Italian, 
Russian (Thionville), Swiss (Switzerland is "revolutionary general strike on November 12 
to 14, 1918"), etc..

In this volatile context, add food deprivation for 4 years and the high cost of living. 
Moreover, the theme of cost of living goes through these strikes. Finally, the last 
contextual accuracy (the largest), the French army arrived in November 1918 will play the 
role of police and monitor strikes. The leaders are stuck, complaints of "obstructing the 
freedom to work" are trademarks, workers are arrested or deported (ethnic cleansing of 
German), see requisitioned to ensure the "safeguard" the interests of capital (3). The 
Moselle strikes of 1918-1919 do not form a single block, but four waves of strikes that 
will shake the coalfield. These four waves can be classified into two cycles. A 
revolutionary first cycle and second cycle which one sees a "Pyrrhic victory" reformism in 
April-May 1919. The leader in this type of strike is paradoxically often-biting (the most 
experienced and highest paid minor). The first two strikes show a relative disorganization 
of minors, often led by German militants. The following strikes (in April-May) are marked 
by a greater union control over the labor movement. Following the armistice the labor 
movement is failing, but will be rebuilt quickly. The Lorraine and Alsace unionism is 
especially marked by a German heritage (strong links with the party, free trade unions and 
the election of the prisoners). Thus, the strike in September 1919 in the hands of the 
unions (CGT and independent / Christian Union).

A) The strikes of November-December 1918 in the context of the failed revolution in 
Alsace-Moselle

Strikes from November 30 to December 4, 1918 taking place in this revolutionary context in 
Alsace and Moselle. During the month of November brings up a "Soviet" in the town of 
Petite-Rosselle, led by miners in the coal Wendel. Strikes take place from 30 November to 
4 December 1918. The first place to coal Petite-Roselle. It relates to the election of 
"men" (workers' representatives) and will affect the Houve. The climax of the strike on 
December 2, 1918, with 86% of striking miners. Following the shenanigans of Wendel and the 
massive presence of the army, this mobilization is a failure. The military is ready to 
kill the strikers overflow in the labor movement as symbolic as Alsace-Moselle, opposite 
the German revolution territory. To try to break the miners Moselle press plays on 
nationalist fiber and try to get the strikers for agents in the pay of the Russian 
Revolution ("Bolshevik terror") revolution itself caused by the Germans (as delirium 
journalists). These calumnies spread by the press part of the general demonization of 
Germany and the strike. In fact the use of the nationalist bourgeoisie venom to break the 
solidarity of the miners them (the tone of the press will change when the French 
bourgeoisie will get the dismemberment of Germany). Strikes are carried out by minors 
(from the coal mines) elected by their peers, 20 November 1918 (from a portion of the 
Soviet Petite-Rosselle).

B) strikes in January 1919 strikes in extension

The strike from 13 to 20 January 1919 affects the entire coalfield (more than 10,000 
striking miners). These strikes are marked by the fear of loss of purchasing power due to 
changes in the mark franc. This risk is added to the sharp decline in wages in the 
previous two months. These conflicts end with a partial success of minors and the 
postponement of the new changes. Strikes are conducted by elected delegates in December 1918.

C) The strike of April-May 1919 and the arrival of a new actor (the state)

The strike at Petite-Rosselle sees the arrival of the State as "negotiating partner". 
Indeed, Alsace and Moselle are directed in 1919 by the Commissioner General of the 
Republic (on this specific administrative entity see our article on November 1918 in 
Alsace [3]). The villain of the time holding the position is going to anti-war Millerand 
(March-September 1919), longtime friend of the family of Wendel. The other reef workers, 
family Wendel (As a reminder, the reactionary wind, Fran?ois de Wendel is President of the 
powerful Committee forges in 1918) and has holdings in the two parts of Lorraine (annexed 
part and not attached )

The strike that lasts from April 3 to May 26, 1919 (7-8000 strikers) is caused by lower 
wages in February 1919 (the lowest level since October 1918) and the management refused to 
negotiate Wendel. Despite the practical difficulties, the duration of the strike will 
cause minor to appropriate public space and beyond the framework of the company. They do 
not hesitate to address the "yellow". The duration of the conflict will force workers to 
arm themselves in the radicalization of the conflict in the middle of April. The weapons 
will generalize sticks, knives and guns. The nationalist poison plays hard in the strike, 
as there is significant presence in the Saar mines (Saarland submitted to the French 
domination and violent arrests during a strike in Saarland). Besides the Christian trade 
unions will play on nationalism and hatred of the Germans to try to recruit.

The purpose of the conflict is the revolutionary germs, but are quickly blown away by the 
intervention of the State. Indeed, Millerand will play on reconciliation to prevent the 
spread of the movement (the army being there just in case). This conflict is managed by a 
committee, under the auspices of the miners' union. The coal Petite-Rosselle, the CGT tied 
fast links with the Socialist Party (end of 1919, the Moselle socialist federation is one 
of the largest in France) and has 6000 members in March 1919 (the federation of sub- 
ground-CGT seen arriving 25,000 members Alsace Moselle and more). Christian Unions are low 
(6000 members Moselle in November-December 1919). They founded the UGB (Federation of 
Independent Trade Unions of Alsace-Lorraine) February 23, 1919. Minors get compensation 
and recognition because of their union.

D) From 16 to 26 September 1919: towards reformism and trade union integration

This strike wave is preceded by a number of public meetings and a major event on 17 August 
1919 and Merlebach rallies late August. Defensive strike in an unfavorable to oppose the 
loss of purchasing power context, the miners will spend an offensive strike from the 
moment they feel that it is possible to charge the boss, when the economic context 
encourages them. We must remember that the experience of a mutual fund and the creation in 
1890 of consumer associations will play a role in labor solidarity. Again, management 
refuses to negotiate. From 16 to 26 September 1919, the number of strikers will reach 
20,000 people. The extraordinary fact is that employees will join this massive movement of 
September. There has been a steady growth of strikes to nearly 100% in September. These 
strikes involved in a more favorable environment for minors. They see the mobilization of 
three coal miners and miners in the Lorraine iron. They are joined by miners saline 
Sarralbe and mine employees. During the conflict, to overcome the problems of life, the 
workers organize various actions: direct action on the market Forbach to put pressure on 
merchants to bring down food prices and the creation of worker cooperatives. It is in this 
context of unity of action that the CGT took the initiative to announce the 
inter-corporate strike. This unity in action will help to establish a common front against 
the employers, in order to avoid fragmentation categorical. At the same time, the CGT 
grows in the direction to avoid a strategy for social change. CGT is already become a tool 
for the integration of workers in capitalism: the negotiation taking place with the State 
as a partner. The speech of the CGT is violent and revolutionary in form, but reformist in 
the negotiations. Thus, claims of September is characterized by a complete lack of 
questioning of power in favor of the nationalization of mines.

The idea of ??nationalization is nothing revolutionary and is part of the practice of 
Sacred Union established by the CGT in 1914. The hypocrisy of the leaders of the CGT 
(national and Moselle) will even have the nationalization as a way to make mine the miners 
and thus justify the defense of the working tool. This nationalization was not about coal 
Petite-Rosselle (property Wendel), but only companies with a stake was placed in 
receivership. The appearance of this claim is not nationalization of the German labor 
movement, but the CGT sees its influence grow in the strike at the expense of the working 
class. The State became a partner for negotiations in conflict. The CGT is to encourage 
workers to respect the republican order, to stop the violence, and that the workers 
believe that the mines will one day be in their hands. In conclusion, the strike is 
successful in appearance, with minimum daily wage for a drill and official recognition of 
labor organizations. The nationalization of mines is obviously not obtained. With the 
explosion in the number of strike, fear of the general strike spread in Moselle, because 
the strike may lead to a broader movement and touch the metal (for a possible total of 
strikers 40-45000). The workers of the Lorraine iron are the most radical and some of them 
want a general strike abatement capitalism. For unions the music is not the same line and 
the majority of the CGT is not intended to overthrow the social order. The general strike 
is a hollow slogan, whose scope is only symbolic for the CGT. It is just an illusory 
object against power-management.

The failure of the general strike on October 13, 1919 :

The union cretinism (some workers suggest corrupt unions) will be supported by the 
reformism of coal miners who are close to the majority line of the CGT. The French press 
revel in the grotesque situation and condemns the revolutionary elements who were behind 
this attempt at general strike. According to local newspapers, agitators trying to rely on 
German foreign workers to cause trouble. Basically, it is especially the statist poison 
and the illusion of victory that due to the militancy of workers (you can also add the 
Catholic tradition). The change in strategy required by the Socialist Millerand will blunt 
the fighting will of the workers and undermine born during the strikes of 1918-1919 
collective consciousness. A consciousness that has not turned into a promising future 
collective identity and revolution. The mirage and the Reform Republican poison therefore 
not sparing the Lorraine workers. Workers who will find themselves faced with a French 
social legislation completely backward. It can be hypothesized that the autonomist buoy 
rescue interwar period can be understood by the loss of a political hope in the future 
within the Moselle and Alsace working world.

Conclusion

A century later union reformism, Lorraine is not a bloodless region plagued by social 
deprivation. The deal with Mittal is the last whoop of Lorraine workers.

An Alsatian precarious

(1) The item is taken directly from the various writings of Peter Schill on strikes in the 
immediate post-war coal mines Moselle (1918-1919).

(2) On the context and the Soviets in Alsace-Moselle, see the writings of J. Richez of 
November 1918 (Article + Occasional No. 14 AC).

(3) On the ethnic cleansing of the Alsace-Moselle by the French, see the book by Fran?ois 
Uberfill, the Strasbourg society, between France and Germany (1871-1924).