(en) France, Courant Alternatif CA #230 - Where is the revolutionary process in Tunisia? (fr)

To try to answer this question, six weeks after the assassination of Chokri Bela?d (1), I 
spoke with Habib's boyfriend who in 2011 had provided Alternating Current two articles on 
Tunisia. The term used here revolution has no meaning as anarcho-communists, but it is 
still used for so that Tunisians mean what they did. Moreover, it is indeed the only point 
that is almost unanimous consensus as differences appear when the question of knowing when 
the revolution began and whether it is completed or still in progress. ---- On March 16, 
2013 Chokri Bela?d was murdered. Can now specify the consequences of this act? ---- The 
assassination of Chokri Bela?d it was a huge shock, terrible. Nobody expected that. The 
killing is not part of the political traditions of the country. People who died in prison, 
yes, and I think they are murders, but it is of a different nature.

This has strengthened the three cleavages fracture Tunisian society. These three divisions 
overlap. The first is that between urban and rural Tunisia Tunisia. The second is between 
Tunisia rich (the North and the East: the Sahel (2) and the city of Tunis and around) and 
the wealth (the west, center and south), which is the poorest. reality It is packed with 
riches, but does not benefit since everything is operated by another Tunisia.
Tunisia It is this that is the cause of the revolution, but that it is not reported. The 
third division is that between modernists (ranging from moderate Islamists said lit up the 
far left through the left and liberals) that included Chokri Bela?d who was a lawyer (but 
not his family comes from a rather poor area) and non-modernists (includes conservative or 
not, as well as religious or not).

CA in May, 2011, you could see two types of mobilization, one political and the other 
social. Where are they?

Again, the assassination of Chokri Bela?d strengthens and further away a little more these 
two processes. On the one hand, the political process, which takes place in Tunis, where 
political parties, where we prepare elections, the writing of the Constitution, where 
there are street protests, pressure, government and its revisions. All politics is in 
Tunis, it will demands for individual freedoms to the shenanigans of politicians to 
buttress their power.
Moreover, the social processes (social demands) that must be traced back at least to 2008 
(with strikes in the mining regions) and continues today. A social process that fits well 
with the geographical distribution that I mentioned earlier. Before the assassination of 
Chokri Bela?d there were parallels between the two processes. He could say physically 
cross the street, the demonstrations, sit-ins. At first the two sit-in Casbah were made ?? 
up of people from the west central and south who occupied the place (geographical 
location) of power.
Chokri Bela?d was someone very important in politics . He and his party were strongly 
present in the UGTT (the great majority union with some 750,000 members). The UGTT was the 
common area between the two processes. Now I feel the gap between them has widened. The 
assassination of Chokri Bela?d created a strong bubbling within the UGTT, which is not yet 
completed. It is unclear what process will prevail within the UGTT. Is it going to remain 
a common area, a bridge between the political and the social, is it going to be divided, 
how it will be organized? We will probably soon, but for now nothing is played.

Despite what some say, the revolution is not over

No, no, no, it is not over, she did not win, she is not dead. We're inside, that's why I 
talk about process. When we said we did the revolution is a way of writing history, 
ownership of the process. Especially when we say that Tunis has only begun to hit the 
streets in January 2011, well after the rest of the country. The "we did the revolution," 
the "Jasmine Revolution", "Arab Spring" are expressions that are part of the same logical 
recovery of the revolutionary process. It is said quickly, so that it becomes somewhat 
irreversible, it falls within the minds of people, especially young people and foreigners 
to support the idea that it is the middle class that made ??the Tunisian revolution 
(middle class, which by definition is in the region rich). If we accept this idea, then 
the revolution began on 8 January 2011.
Actually the middle class joined the movement because she saw an opportunity to acquire 
one more freedom and political action space. And all the better if it did, otherwise the 
step at the end of the dictatorship would not have succeeded. At least it would have 
happened otherwise. I think that Ben Ali had managed to completely crush the movement. He 
would have stayed. He left because it started to burn off his house. If it had remained in 
and around Sidi Bouzid, he would have maintained, even eliminate half of the population. 
There is a mental problem: the middle class has always supported Ben Ali because he gave 
him many advantages. In Tunisia, Ben Ali, it was enough to be a way to live on his 
official salary. It was even possible to have a little more with the credit facilities, 
payment granted by banks. It was easy for example to buy a small car for cheap (3) and 
more banking facilities allow the purchase over several years. Same thing for the purchase 
of a small apartment. When you belong to the middle class from the moment you were not 
policy you could do absolutely anything you wanted. No limitation non-political liberties. 
You could pray or not, drink or not, wear a mini-skirt, have girlfriends or friends, 
living together without being married, being gay, co-exist in an apartment with two girls 
or two boys without it no problem . After if it was done or not was a matter of social 
pressure, but it could be done and it was, certainly not in all neighborhoods, but it was 
done.
That are acquired absolutely enormous. The problem of the middle class right now is that 
the revolution has evolved as politically could put it all into question. If she moved is 
not only to win but also freedom to "protect" and consolidate those she had.

It is a defense of the gains

Look at the violent reactions of modernist and part of the left face to the action of 
Amina, a young woman on the internet, like the femen showed her carrying a slogan painted 
bare chest. I do not expect this to be accepted, but I was surprised by the violence 
against the girl herself and against those who defended it. The argument was that it 
caused the Islamists that it would give a reason to tighten the screw. The other much more 
cartoonish argument, alluded to the bad image that it gave "our country", "Our Arab-Muslim 
identity" because when it is Arab-Muslim does not show her breasts. As if all 
Franco-Christian showing their breasts. But some people say that, claims to left, secular, 
atheist. I'll end up as some refuse to talk of revolution to the extent that a revolution 
is not only changing political structures, it is also, at least, move, backward, 
standards, if we can not definitely change at first.
What I see is a tightening of standards. Now that is said to be free, must lie. So why she 
shows her breasts because it is free? It goes with what might be called a form of 
nationalism that reinforces. People who have never raised the Tunisian flag now put it on 
the image of their profile facebook . It is proud to be Tunisian becomes nationalism, in 
the sense of rejecting the other. Something like us we have made ??the revolution, it is 
the best, it was made ??quite quickly, without too many deaths, do it and then we'll see. 
In addition, it restores Bourguiba, it erases everything he had dictatorial, it idealizes 
and spread the idea that it is thanks to him that we had the most beautiful revolution. We 
hear: look at those savages who kill Egyptians, Syrians is worse, Yemenis, Libyans do not 
even talk about it. The difference between them and us is that we had Bourguiba. It made ? 
?us a chosen people, which reminds me of stuff.

Explains a little why, after the assassination, the Prime Minister said he would remain in 
office if the current government was replaced by a government of technicians.

If I want to be positive, I would say Jebali, known to be a moderate Ennahda, realized he 
could not form another government that is not dominated by Ennahda. I think that he 
personally was shocked by the assassination of Chokri Bela?d and suspects an Ennahda party 
to be responsible. Jebali has spent 16 years in prison in solitary confinement, and I tend 
to think it exudes a certain humanism and after the murder that shocked he realized he 
could no longer afford the role he considered his hitherto, that of a prime minister of a 
democratic regime in a situation now become commonplace. The situation became explosive in 
his opinion a political government was no longer viable and knowing he could not empower 
themselves against Ennahda, which he is the general secretary, he called for the release 
of the power of all political parties and the formation of a government of technocrats. 
Political parties have said "out of the question, it has not won the elections to the 
experts in our place." However part of the left argued, because for her modernist experts 
that make economic growth in developing major infrastructure, it goes in the direction of 
what she thinks is good for the country.
Personally I was against because this represented a return to the regime of Ben Ali in 
effect for 23 years was the head of a government of experts. Jebali with Islamist 
politician would have certainly had a government of experts, but experts with an Islamist 
his head, so an Islamist dictatorship in the way that Ben Ali would have exercised its 
power by delegating all the technical parts experts . Jebali did not have the courage to 
explain his approach. He has not seen how his idea was a minority both in Ennahda that 
society. So he did not succeed, and they are resigned Hawks Ennahda who won.

Where is the drafting of the Constitution, it looks good to take time to write?

Yes, the more you get the feeling she really writing alone. There are two reasons why it 
does not advance. The first is early Ennahda has agreed, of course without a clear 
message, with the party of the President of the Republic and the President of the 
Constituent Assembly to adopt a tactical hold long enough to be able to show the people 
that something was done. Therefore it trainera plus it will be good for them. They did not 
anticipate the increase in frustration or of course the assassination of Chokri Bela?d or 
seen the real antagonisms that could cause forms of collective or individual violence very 
dangerous. The second is that the members of the Assembly in charge of drafting the 
Constitution were told they had the time, even if the temporary law from which the 
elections were held provided that the Constituent Assembly was a year to do the job and if 
the Assembly was elected on that basis. They used the fact that the Assembly is sovereign 
to decide their early meetings to remove the requirement to finish in a year.
Moreover they have much functioned as usual Parliament makes laws, approves the budget , 
etc., that the Constitution as editors. Must say that their task is not easy because it 
has such antagonism between them that the discussion of any item never ends. Now we 
realize that it was a strategic error of those who pushed for the creation of the 
Constituent Assembly, as if it is at the same time Parliament is the least complicated. 
There were probably other solutions, but somehow there is not the will to succeed.

Scylla (OCL-Lyon)

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Notes

(1) One of the founders of the Unified Democratic Party patriots who participated in the 
creation of the Popular Front, a coalition of leftist parties. Chokri Bela?d strongly 
criticized the surge of fundamentalist Islam in Tunisia, taking sponsors what he called a 
"Salafi project plan for a US-Qatari-Zionist destabilization" and accusing the ruling 
party Ennahda its complacency about these extremist movements.

(2) is a Tunisian Sahel region of Tunisia extending from the Gulf of Hammamet north to 
south Chebba.

(3) The "People's Car" as the official name, is a car style Clio, imported or mounted on 
site and sold at very fair prices.



A'ssyan


Following up to events at different known the "Tunisian Revolution" and in 2011, activists 
belonging to any political party and libertarians gathered to call for a boycott of the 
elections for the Constituent Assembly, and decided to launch a libertarian movement, or 
movement A'ssyan Disobedience Movement. I had the pleasure to meet with the group of Tunis 
and talk to one of them.

We returned from a musical action on Avenue Bourguiba. Is this the first time you do this?

No, we launched this event there are almost 10 days. This is a band with anarchists, but 
not only. It was agreed with the group to present traditional songs of the Tunisian 
musical group "ANSAR ESSALAM" (supporters of peace) who opts for a specific music very 
close to the Moroccan musical group "NASS EL Ghiwan. "
The songs are mainly the problem of unemployed and illegal immigrants entering Europe. As 
you could see the hundreds of people who gathered around the musicians and dancers 
welcomed the songs and that's our main goal. 3 days ago, during a musical action we 
distributed our call to boycott the World Social Forum (WSF) which resulted in fruitful 
discussions with many people.

There are speeches between songs. What is it?

Between songs, there is recovery aloud lyrics, which are in themselves almost a political 
speech about unemployment, police, etc.. I do not know if you noticed the warm public 
response towards songs and especially their words which resulted in demand at the end of 
the session, to sing again the song about the unemployed, named "Battal" means the unemployed.

We usually avoid direct political discourse that are felt in the present superiority of 
the speaker. The lyrics are really a speech warning and a call to revolt.

In fact, I found that the group of people, quite diverse, who had gathered looked happy. 
Have you ever been stopped by the police or others?

By the police, not for the moment, but before yesterday by the Salafists who refused that 
comrades girls dancing in the street. Apart from that, some nardhaouis (1) are presented 
when the call was distributed with respect to the forum, which contains slogans calling 
for the downfall of the system, because for them the system must remain intact. We almost 
always disruptive: Salafists nardhaouis and even from some members of leftist parties 
electioneering.

Actions that are based on the musical action will be a day or two nights with travel 
especially on campus where there are the tents of the participants in the social forum. 
There are more organize a demonstration with fellow movements, anti-authoritarian, young 
self March 26, Avenue Bourguiba in the official demo of the Forum will take the 
traditional route of demonstrations organized by the dictator Ben Ali (instead of January 
24 to Avenue Mohamed V, so away from the Bourguiba Avenue). Our anti-authoritarian and 
libertarian procession will come off and head towards the Bourguiba Avenue with the 
intention of get to say we always have the right to protest on this avenue, it is an 
acquired right that nobody can challenge us (2).

The Disobedience movement launched an international boycott of the World Social Forum.
We programmed the squat space on campus will set up a libertarian and anti-authoritarian 
rally against the bureaucratic and reformist approach of the WSF.
A restaurant attached and independent actions are planned for the occasion (AG 
demonstrations and awareness raising about the real demands of the revolution ..., musical 
activities and solidarity with the wounded of the revolution, refugees Chocha (3) and 
others .. .).

Is what you can present your movement called Disobedience Movement?

The Forum of revolutionary action "Disobedience Movement" was formed in the year 2011. 
Activists from various political and ideological backgrounds. Anarchists do not belong to 
political organizations, activists of the classic left activists are joining any party, 
which have in common that he understood that changes in the scale of international 
capitalism requires a different approach the leader of the working class and political 
party orthodox Marxist approach. Many of us are activists who have left their leftist 
organizations. We have a critical view of Marxist political movements that exist in Tunisia.

It was found on the boycott of the elections for the Constituent Assembly in October 2011. 
We met in a club where we discussed deeply and decided to launch the current libertarian, 
anarchist, anti-authoritarian Tunisian. We had a lot of contacts with groups, 
organizations and anarchists worldwide. We always insist on our own "Tunisian-anarchist" 
approach because after all the socio-economic and political upheaval after the 
"revolutions" in the Arab world, we can no longer accept Eurocentrism. The revolutionary 
movement in Tunisia, the event at the level of the social struggle, the richness of the 
experience of people who challenged the dictatorship, allows Tunisians to be able to 
enlighten those in the world who dream of revolution on how to and gaps which may suffer a 
revolutionary movement.

So in the past there was no anarchist movement in Tunisia.

To my knowledge, always on, no. There were anarchists individuals, anarchist militants 
within the UGTT, but no formal political movement. This is the first organizational 
experience libertarian, anarchist and anti-authoritarian in Tunisia.

What is the age of the members of your movement? What is the male / female ratio? What is 
the economic situation?

For the most part these are young people who do not exceed thirty years. There is almost a 
third of women. 20-25% of graduates are unemployed or officials. The others are students 
or students. In addition to Tunis, was among other groups in Bizerte, Sousse, Sfax, Kef 
Sidi Bouzid is beginning to take hold in many major cities of Tunisia.

A federation of these groups is expected soon I think ...

In 2012 we held a large general meeting for four days in the suburbs of Tunis. We 
discussed mainly on the statement and the organizational aspect. This year, on May 1, we 
will issue a statement that will end the largest possible number of groups in large cities 
is a process that is currently under discussion and deliberation. We are preparing our 
great summer meeting, where I hope the Tunisian libertarian and anti-authoritarian 
movement take a decisive swing under the name "Forum Revolutionary Action"

Beyond a programmatic agreement, you will identify areas of struggle or group is already 
invested in particular struggles? Or do they simply propaganda, the dissemination of ideas?

We are for the autonomy and independence of the groups, so each group the responsibility 
to act according to its own constraints and claims where it is located. In addition, each 
group at the city not only take part in activities at the social level, but is required to 
propagate the idea of self-management and self-organization that is also what we actually 
met .
We share our experiences using a page facebook common. We're trying to get across the idea 
of self-organization in our political discourse, taking into account the constraints of 
everyone in the place where he is. It was a newspaper that advertises ideas, but also 
friends who are general meetings at their place of work in the cities, participating in 
demonstrations, sit-ins taking place throughout Tunisia. It is not only a focus group, but 
of reflection, action and dissemination of ideas of self-management, self-organization. 
This is not just theory that obsesses us, but rather the practical, direct activism which 
we are present at all the fighting, all the protests, all street actions and the everywhere.

Are there groups invested in specific areas?

We already have two groups of friends. "Alerta" an association of young students and the 
association "Feminism attack," established for the critical feminist comrades. This 
organization of young women campaigning for the cause of women and self-management and 
self-organization.

These are two independent and autonomous associations. The Disobedience Movement is not 
involved in decision making or in the implementation of action programs of the two 
associations.

The union movement activists are members of the UGTT (the largest Tunisian union with some 
750,000 members) although the bureaucratic nature of this union is to report what we do 
not fail to do.

Once you think you have federated the different groups of Disobedience Movement, you have 
the idea of ??an anti-capitalist and anti-authoritarian impulse pole?

This is our goal at the WSF. It has launched a call for the coalition of libertarian, 
anti-authoritarian, Tunisian revolutionary forces against the regime and to support any 
revolutionary action. We do not consider themselves as revolutionary single country, or 
even as the sole representatives of libertarian and anarchist current country, and we want 
to act with other components to build an anti-authoritarian, anarchist approach, which is 
crucial in the fight direct (sit-ins, demonstrations, clashes), socio-economic and 
political. Actually sit-ins and confrontations that took place in all regions of Tunisia 
were the struggles of independent activists never encart?s in political parties. And they 
are the ones who paid dearly being injured or imprisoned. Political activists in general 
after a whistle took flight. So we want to bring these independent activists libertarians 
who are not related to the calculation order politicians.

Finally a word.

I would say that the scope for the creation of a libertarian anarchist and
anti-authoritarian movement is very fertile, the discontent of young workers, many party 
activists of the traditional left is palpable. It is a reality experienced by Tunisia 
revolutionary events.
As my classmates, I insist on the principle of our independence, our autonomy vis-?-vis 
the international movement that we suffer from a lack of logistics while politicians left 
and right have enormous financial resources, media and logistics.

Tunis March 26, 2013 Scylla (OCL-Lyon)

___

Notes

1) Nardhaouis: Supporters of Tunisian Islamist Ennahda political party with 89 members in 
the Constituent Assembly of 2011, making it the largest political force in the country.

2) All went well. As expected a dynamic and joyful procession came off the demo WSF and 
down Bourguiba Avenue chanting slogans such as: "A, anti, anti-capitalist" or "Social 
Forum, forum capital" and borrowed the the tram route to reach the place of arrival of the 
demo. The photos illustrating this article were taken during the course of the procession.

3) These refugees camp Chocha located at the Tunisian-Libyan border.


insert


Disobedience Movement Declaration of Principles


The Disobedience movement is a libertarian and anti-authoritarian movement. He struggles 
against capitalism and authoritarian devices. It is self-organisatlon peoples, and 
widespread direct self-management, life and wealth produced. The Disobedience movement 
fights for:

? Press the revolutionary mobilization across all forms of resistance.

? Boosting self-organization of the exploited masses by supporting their autonomy 
vis-?-vis the centralized and authoritarian organizations.

? Abolish the state (law enforcement, bureaucracy etc ...) and the central power, to its 
replacement by direct self-management, self-management of resources and life.

? Exceeding the indirect representation after rare electoral ballots, to a direct 
democracy, the only way to meet the needs of the company and manage its resources in 
social justice.

? Unify the libertarian forces in Tunisia and coordinate to the tasks of the revolution.

? The elimination of all forms of oppression and discrimination for real equality between 
women and men, and between any human minority.

? Resist all forms of colonialism and capitalist exploitation; support all liberation 
movements in the world, and that the Palestinian people in particular.

? Dedicate a libertarian culture anti-authoritarian and critical break with any form of 
dogmatic thinking and absolute.

? Consolidate the revolutionary tasks and act on the ground with those who adopt and 
mobilize to achieve them.

? Breaking with any form of hierarchical and bureaucratic organization affirming the 
principle of open dialogue and collective decision-making in all subjects beyond the 
authoritarian systems of democratic centralism and passivity shows the vote.

? Against all forms of patriarchy in the name of the skill, experience, age or any 
symbolism for affirmation of alternating responsibilities: the imperative mandate, and the 
right to difference.

The activists of disobedience are free and independent people in their efforts, they want 
creative new experiences of

Disobedience movement is part of the revolutionary movement. It has no power or authority 
over the popular classes that lead the movement. The Disobedience movement up within the 
revolutionary movement, and he tries to make available theoretical tools for understanding 
and practical action. This once self-organization of the exploited masses takes shape 
dissolves.

Disobedience Movement