The membership of the Organization Anarchist Libertarian Socialism (OASL) has participated
> in the struggles against rising rates in S?o Paulo, both in the capital and in cities like
> Mogi das Cruzes, Marilia and France, the growing movement that has gripped the country.
> The membership of other organizations related to Brazilian Anarchist Coordination (CAB)
> has, in other states also helped build the fights. Below, two militants OASL, Pablo
> Pamplona and Thiago * Calixto, who have participated in the fights, answer some questions
> about the recent mobilization process in the country. The member is OASL Anarkismo.net.
> ---- Jonathan Bane (JB): As the demonstrations began and gained momentum? How they are
> organized and by whom? ---- OASL: In recent months, there have been many significant
> fights, as the teachers' strike in the state of S?o Paulo, which occurred a few weeks
> before and also mobilized thousands of people in various manifestations, but was co-opted
> by the direction of the union.
>
> Another fight has been relevant to the students and staff of the Universidade Estadual
> Paulista (UNESP) that is no more than two months on strike, some units with occupancy and
> cut roads in Marilia, and has fought for flags remain important as student , equality in
> relation to other public universities, a policy of social and racial quotas and against
> Inclusion Program in Higher Education with Merit Paulista (PIMESP). The militancy of OASL
> has helped build these struggles.
>
> On the other hand we see other mobilizations relevant at the community level, labor,
> agrarian and students who have helped to influence the mood of the population, such as
> support for workers evicted from their homes as a result of speculation and preparation
> for the mega events, as in the case of Favela Pinheirinho and Mill, among many others. The
> popular movements that are articulating these movements have certainly helped boost the
> population to the streets.
>
> The struggles against rising passage have been organized mostly by Movement Passe Livre
> (MPL), which organizes and convenes struggles around the issue of transportation since
> 2006. The movement - with which we have great affinity and proximity - retains an
> autonomous character and combative. Builds his struggles with independence and press the
> widespread participation and horizontal. It does not take sound cars on the streets, the
> pronouncements are always passed in the form of minstrel (someone yells the reports and
> the people around repeating the same words, so that a greater number of people can hear)
> and the passivity of the protesters is never encouraged; instead, the broad participation
> and action are always encouraged. This character, quite characteristic in the struggles
> against the rise, has won a strong endorsement of the population, which, in our view, is
> tired of the demonstrations in the traditional left, around hustings speeches and worn.
> Civil disobedience and direct action, as well as work-based, have been consistently
> applied by the movement. At the same time, should be cause for concern that the opposition
> parties have been largely appropriated by a sector conservative and nationalistic,
> sometimes stimulated by the extreme right and to have extended to the left as a whole,
> including social movements and trade unions. The mainstream media has also contributed to
> the advancement of conservative forces and the weakening of guidelines related to
> transportation.
>
> JB: Protests against tariff increases are quite common in Brazil. How does what is
> happening in S?o Paulo differs from past protests?
>
> OASL: When finished the mobilizations against the last rate increase in 2011, MPL
> discussed the extension of their discussion. Made an assessment that this should follow
> the fight on another level of discussion and raised a campaign for Zero Tariff. The move
> led to discussion of public transportation to a political issue, management of public
> resources and right to the city, arguing that public transport real, as well as other
> rights such as health and education, should not be billed, but guaranteed by the
> government and paid with tax incremental: who has more pay more, those who have less pay
> less, which has not paid. With this new campaign, the movement could sustain for two years
> to discuss internal policy and external work based in schools and communities, in our
> view, was very positive. We believe that this contributed to the militants qualify for the
> construction of a new journey of struggles, bigger and bolder, as it actually was, since
> even before the first big act. Only it was not expected to grow much and mobilization was
> largely escape completely to what had been planned.
>
> Another factor that may have contributed is that, after eight years and the first time in
> the struggles against the rise in S?o Paulo, we have a mayor of the Workers Party (PT).
> The fight also interested to strong conservative sectors rightmost, which have been trying
> to wear the image of the new mayor, and with it, the federal government. A key element was
> the position of the press that, at first, put up against the movement. As the protests
> grew, as well as popular support - coupled with the massive repression which reached a
> significant part of the reporters of the great vehicles - the press was changing its
> position and going to defend the movement. Preferred, however, to promote their own
> agendas and encourage pacifism, civility, nationalism, criminalizing most radicalized
> sectors. Finally, we can identify the general technology (cameras on mobile phones, for
> example), especially the Internet, have enabled the dissemination of what was happening in
> the protests and this was enhanced by social networks. This variable also has relevance.
>
> JB: What has been the role of social networks in the demonstrations?
>
> OASL: None of this would be possible without the construction years of struggle movement,
> or without that feeling of revolt against state repression. However, social networks also
> play a key role, as put. Facebook is an important tool for the MPL, and its main point of
> reference. The call was made by acts of "events", public notes have been released giving
> explanations about the fight and, especially, for it is the vehicle of mass communication
> are denied.
>
> The first event had about 5000 people, and has had live coverage of the National Journal,
> the country's main television news. The same is followed by the following acts: the
> mainstream media kept talking of the fight (even before the tariff reduction, she was the
> cover of many major newspapers and magazines of the country). Initially, protesters were
> labeled as thugs, youths without cause and other positions trying to delegitimize the
> movement. Then across the country spoke of demonstrations, which was essential, and the
> social networking and information sharing videos that show another side of the story.
>
> Repression, unlike lead to fear, encouraged the revolt of the population, and, in S?o
> Paulo, the government suspended the most massive repressions with Shock Troops. The
> protesters, heavily influenced by the mainstream media, began denouncing any acts of
> violence and "pacifism" became one of the great common senses of protests.
>
> In our assessment, recent events confirm that anarchists advocate ever since: not enough
> people take to the streets, it is necessary that the people win power, from bottom to top
> at your own pace and organization, not by making the State, but by the construction of
> participatory and popular organizations. For this, the groundwork is essential. If there
> is no prior preparation, the political discussion is abstracted and coopted by the sectors
> of society that are more organized. In the current case, the big capitalists and the
> State. Much of the population is on the streets has no accumulation in political
> discussions and just play what you see for a long time through the lens of the dominant
> ideology. Was conditioned to convert the agenda to issues that matter to the right, as the
> "proud to be Brazilian", "lower taxes", "less impunity" etc..
>
> Social networks are not good by itself and does not replace in any way the importance and
> necessity of the organization and work of popular permanent basis. This should be
> remembered by all left. However, as a form of propaganda, they have been instrumental in
> many people knew the fight and schedules of events.
>
> JB: The mobilizations are just by increasing the bus fare or are there deeper social
> issues that are being raised? If yes, what are they and why?
>
> OASL: MPL maintains that any bus fare is a steal, since it is a public service and, as
> such, should be free. The movement believes that the issue of urban mobility is directly
> related to other basic rights, such as health, education and culture. In addition to
> defending the right to come and go is not restricted to get to and from work. The right to
> the city, every citizen can enjoy the things that the city offers, then an agenda is
> central and very deep. Decriminalization of social movements is also important that an
> agenda should gain momentum with the arrival of the World Cup.
>
> But anyway MPL held, before the repeal of the increases, and we share this analysis, that
> the agenda of the struggle should continue being the immediate reduction of the tariff. We
> fear that a fight for the conquest of all ended as anything. Therefore we support the
> focus on tariff reduction. From the moment that the reduction was achieved, the fight
> could proceed to the next steps, and the accumulation of achievements of short and medium
> term, the movement could be strengthened even more. This view was shared by virtually all
> left.
>
> However, with the achievement of reduction, other guidelines have been placed. Some on the
> left, as the need for zero tariffs, an end to the repression of social movements, the
> advance of the struggle for rights etc.. Other more conservative on the right, or even for
> much of the common sense that pervades many people who are on the streets. The size of the
> population mobilizations led to optimism to think that "Brazil is changing" and will
> demand everything that comes to mind. In our view, it is important that our industry,
> which seeks to build popular struggles autonomous and combative, this continuity resume
> the staves.
>
> JB: What kind of demographics are involved in protests? They are mostly young activists
> and the protests have become more and more popular?
>
> OASL: In recent days the struggles won audiences over plural. In the central regions of
> the city have noticed a set of forces composed more or less as follows. A sector more
> autonomous and combative on the MPL, which has strength and spearheaded the beginning of
> the demonstrations. Was a more traditional left, with parties and movements, who had
> significant involvement from the beginning of the protests. A majority sector of new
> people who have taken to the streets (research has shown that most people had never gone
> to the streets), and that plays a lot of common sense, are largely conservative and
> maintain guidelines related to the conservative agenda. This wing is the repudiation of
> the political parties that ended up becoming repudiation of all left. Finally, there is a
> sector, certainly the minority that meets the extreme right in some cases articulated the
> military sectors of big business and landlords. The question is not clear which is the
> ability of these new people that are majority adhere to the proposed class and militant
> struggle, though independent of political parties and the state.
>
> In class terms, the mobilizations of the downtown area are composed mostly by who is or
> has been in higher education. However, you may notice a participation of workers and
> residents of the periphery, the most out of the organized left. In the suburbs, the social
> movements have held demonstrations very important character remarkably popular and
> leftmost positions. Perhaps the continuing protests should be sought in these initiatives,
> for those who actually want to build popular power alternatives.
>
> In terms of numbers, the country has come to mobilize over one million people (0.5% of the
> population), in S?o Paulo, we got a few hundred thousand in a few days.
>
> JB: How does the general population reacted to the protests? So much for the excessive use
> of force by police and accusations of vandalism?
>
> OASL: There is a very large division in the overall reaction. In the earliest
> manifestations had the following table: there were those who denounced the protesters as
> vandals profiteers, but even then there was a majority position. There were those who
> argued that the demonstrations were peaceful, and those who were denouncing state
> violence. However, given the widespread media manipulation and lack of preparation left to
> respond to the accusations, today we have a large number of people who accuse any more
> radical direct action of vandalism. Is trying to separate the peaceful protesters violent,
> and unfortunately, in some cases, the government has tried to put the account of the acts
> of violence in the account of the anarchists. This was the case in Rio Grande do Sul, with
> the invasion of the Federation Anarchist Gaucha (FAG) by the police and trying to blame it
> not only for the acts of vandalism, but the accumulation of supporting initiatives right.
> This is really absurd.
>
> First of all, violence is propagated daily by the system in which we live. Violence is
> used daily transportation system we have poor, violence is dying in the queues of public
> hospitals, violence is the education of our public schools, violence is the exploitation
> we suffered when we work daily. That has to be clear. Capitalism is a system grounded in
> violence. Are violated every day. And when people complain, mobilizes, is again violated
> by the state, as have been the cases of repression throughout the country. The violence of
> the demonstrations are in response to the situation to which the population is subjected
> every day.
>
> Still, we must remember that the last events in S?o Paulo showed cases of violence between
> the protesters themselves, driven by sectors of the far-right and played by new and
> conservatives who are on the streets. Violence against militant parties, social movements
> and the whole organized left. And it was not a rejection of the left, but the right, in
> speeches and fascist attitudes. Many advocates of nonviolence adhered to that, the fact
> that the media hardly addressed.
>
> JB: There are also protests against rising prices in Rio de Janeiro, Porto Alegre and
> other cities. What is the social nature of these protests? They are similar to Sao Paulo?
>
> OASL: You can not say that the social character is the same. At least in our print this
> conservative sector is higher in S?o Paulo than in the rest of the country. However, other
> cities have been widely deployed and it is similarity. The country is well mobilized in
> general.
>
> About MPL, what we can say is that one of its principles is federalism, and that there are
> cities and states where the movement is organically. Its articulation in several states
> and even building blocks to fight this increase has contributed building to the left,
> independent and combative movement.
>
> We believe that the previous conquests, including Porto Alegre, and the achievements of
> S?o Paulo and Rio de Janeiro - not to mention other regions - have contributed to the
> increase in mobilizations.
>
> JB: Brazil is currently hosting the Confederations Cup. Next year it will host the FIFA
> World Cup and the 2016 Rio de Janeiro will host the Olympic Games. What has been the
> social impact of hosting these mega events?
>
> OASL: In testimony on public television networks, President Dilma Rousseff said that
> "Brazil deserves and will make a great World Cup," and supporting peaceful protests, but
> will not "compromise with violence and riot." Also there are new laws against "terrorism",
> facilitating the criminalization of social movements and direct action, and ensuring the
> protection of the capitalists and their crimes.
>
> Clearly these mega events have brought social impacts in the opposite direction to all
> that could be popular. Politically, strengthens the power figures and their images and
> deliberatively, their union occurs with great entrepreneurs and speculators. After
> absolute confirmation of these events, the systematic processes of social hygiene gained
> momentum in various industries and conservative reactionaries. Builders have profited as
> ever due to intense speculation in real estate, and those same builders were responsible
> for financing the liberal wing of the party. We know that slums have been torched in a
> criminal way, with the clear objective of clearing the image of cities for tourists.
>
> In S?o Paulo, drug users have suffered police repression at the behest of the government,
> which even comes interning these people compulsorily. In Rio de Janeiro, a process that
> the police, with the support of the media has called "pacification". She serves as an
> argument for the installation of the police in the slums and to proceed with the cleaning
> and the murders. All media, together with the bourgeoisie and even the military uses these
> subterfuges to resume and propagate a feeling ultranationalist lost after periods of
> military dictatorship.
>
> JB: The current protests are somehow related to these mega events?
>
> OASL: The trigger were increases in bus fares, subway and trains. However, with the many
> guidelines that arose, left and right, the question of the Cup has been relevant. People
> have questioned public investment in these mega events as the country needs investment in
> many other areas such as education, health, transport etc.. This has certainly contributed
> to the demonstrations.
>
> The MPL has supported from the beginning the movement Cup For Who?, Which raises these
> issues, and is together with the Homeless Workers Movement (MTST), who also staff the
> reflections that the World Cup has resulted in the periphery by housing issues and
> speculation.
>
> JB: The popular uprising in Turkey had some influence on what is currently happening in
> S?o Paulo and other cities? And the Arab Spring?
>
> OASL: These revolts always lift the spirit as possible. See other people standing makes
> men and women workers to question why they are not going to the streets and demanding
> their rights, remember all that we must win.
>
> But two years ago, the last round of fighting against the fare increase, we already saw
> other countries rising and there was a membership that minimally came close to what we see
> today. There may be a strong influence in the field of the unconscious or symbolic,
> especially for the militants and activists, but very little can be said about the great
> mass in the streets.
>
> JB: Is there anything that people outside Brazil can do to support the fight there?
>
> OASL: To discuss these events and demonstrate solidarity in public events organized in
> their countries and statements of support. Disseminate and propagate always something that
> helps.
>
> Another important thing is to support the fight against repression that anarchists have
> suffered in other parts of the country, especially the case of Gaucha Anarchist Federation
> (FAG), and the other as the ongoing struggles of the students and staff of UNESP, besides
> several other struggles of Brazilian popular movements.
>
> JB: Would you like to add anything?
>
> OASL: We find it important to emphasize the importance of a basic work organized and
> continued. The image of hundreds of thousands of people taking to the streets
> spontaneously raised new air optimistic, the possibility of real change out of the polls.
> By social imaginary, the occupation of the streets became the new field of policy making.
> But thanks to the distortion of facts, has also become the single field. The right tries
> to build the imagination of the entire polity is inherently opportunistic and corrupt,
> while the groundwork is supposedly unnecessary, since, as the protesters chanted, "the
> people woke up" (and when it was asleep?).
>
> The streets are an essential tool to make the fight public, but it is not that public
> debate and policy formation will be completely done. It is the daily struggle, social
> movements, student unions, communities, the people who build the power needed to conquer
> their emancipation. What we see today is that, on one hand, the left has the potential to
> mobilize some of its forms are very worn. It is necessary, in our view, emphasis on
> work-based and adopt a strategy that contributes to this emancipatory project. In our
> view, the demonstrations, the popular movements, stimulating classism, combativeness,
> independence, democratic participation, in short, trying to build popular power. We should
> not leave aside the symbolic struggle.
>
> The key point is that this potential should be converted into a social force that
> contributes to our design of a new society, and it is not by way of agreements with state
> or capitalist. The people need an alternative itself. If there is a popular organization
> struggles continue to be lost. As anarchists, we contend that this organization will be
> better prepared if it is built from the bottom up, with a strong and able to take the
> fight to the roads that interests her as a class.
>
> We live in a historic moment, a turning point in the mood of the population. We had a huge
> quantitative progress in the fight, and if we wish to proceed further, we need to focus on
> the basic work, where we can, with the daily struggle, learn from our mistakes and successes.
>
> Forward in building popular power! Arriba them that Luchan!
>
>
> * Pablo Thiago Pamplona and Calixto are militant Anarchist Organisation Libertarian
> Socialism (OASL), S?o Paulo, and have contributed in the fight against rising beside the
> Movement Free Pass.
> Related Link: http://www.anarquismosp.org
> http://www.anarkismo.net/article/25774
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