After the first revolutionary triumph of January 2011 and the departure of Ben Ali, only the maintenance of popular mobilizations had confirmed the transition process, the then government would have limited the departure of the dictator. The sit-in Kasbah 1 and 2 (January and February 2011) and allowed to file the government of the former regime and to obtain the departure of interim president Ghannouchi and the establishment of a Constituent Assembly, elected on 23 October 2011. But the transition process is impeded by the ruling circles. On the one hand, the troika government since the elections, bringing Ennahda (religious right), the Congress for the Republic (CPR, left) from which the President Moncef Marzouki and Ettakatol (Social Democrats). On the other hand, former Ben Ali officials remained in institutions. And finally, the army wants to limit disruption and keep a lot of weight. Continuity This triptych is mired eclectic work of the Constituent Assembly and to take its current dominance, trampling democracy, independence of justice and social rights in the continuity of the regime of Ben Ali. It establishes, together with the IMF, structural reforms banking deregulation, lower taxes on businesses or preparatory audits privatization of public enterprises. And holds its course despite the violent political crisis, exacerbated by the latest assassination of opposition Chokri Bela?d, which ended on March 13 with the appointment of a new unity government led by Ali Larayedh Ennahda party and bringing together ministers of the troika and independents. The cons-revolutionary movement is indirectly supported by the positions of the parties or unions left. Even the left-wing parties (together with the Popular Front liberals) and the ruling bureaucracies main unions (Tunisian General Union of Labour, General Union of Tunisian Students) have chosen to follow the institutionalist process for now dominated by Ennahda, and gave up a regime change. These bureaucracies contemptuous part of their base and betraying their earlier commitment to the revolution, are now fighting against the government and not against the system, yet not far from that of Ben Ali. The revolt is always scolding But with unemployment at 17% at the national level (50% of graduates in some areas), inflation, insecurity increases, corruption persists, and early popular disappointment with the democratic process in Western , popular pressure remains strong. Strikes and protests are almost daily, despite the government's attempts to suppress the repression, which combines police and militias sometimes more or less extreme. But this popular discontent is diverted from the revolution by the extreme left which advocates institutional stability. This benefits the end to Ennahda and extremist Salafist movement types. Even if they do not have time for broad support, they gently penetrate the popular inner city, with the active support of the Gulf monarchies. And under the watchful eye of Ennahda, which does not hesitate to exploit to occur last bulwark against too radical Islamism that leaves grow on the ground. To put the revolution back on track, only a large-scale popular movement can lead the way. Jocelyn (AL Montreuil)
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zondag 30 juni 2013
France, Alternative Libertaire AL #228 - Tunisia: The revolution against the power (fr)
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