By mobilizing the population against a loss of rights, anarchism proves in practice as a way of accumulating social power. Here's an example. ---- Syndrome prophecy announced the episodes of Monday night, June 17, should have occurred in 2005, at the height of disenchantment with the scandal Mensal?o. The following year, just before the 2006 World Cup, had a drops of the event, when the MLST came abruptly in "very noble and valiant" Congress whose current president of the Lower House, "do not know the motivation of these people." Last week, when the protests for the right to urban mobility nationalized after partial victory in Porto Alegre, said in this publication that such struggles exceeded the Brasilia Consensus and materialized years of work driven by political groupings leftmost catapulted through social networks . Gave no other. The collective representation has two main motivations. The first of these is the weight of anarchist ideology. Contrary to what is stated on national television, despite the silence of much of the mainstream media, the set of ideas that guides these acts is based libertarian and has direct incidence of anarchism, both in its more diffuse as the ward organic linked to Brazilian Anarchist Coordination (CAB). It is the presence of this set of ideas and forms of action that feeds the repudiation of the presence of political-electoral flags, even though parties further to the left, as PSTU and PSOL. The anarchist thesis is simple: strengthen the basic entities and networks of popular movements. From the strength of these communities come to conquer rights decreasing the range of action of entrepreneurs and governments. Another motivation for the repudiation of the presence of political-electoral flags is the direct relationship with these so-called opportunism. Paranoia is loose and just read the internet media more closely tied to the government Dilma to see that circulates a discourse of "electoral coup" in the air. A more likely concern is that the 2014 election legitimately arise leftist candidates taking as flag participation of these acts. The problem - for those who choose the electoral process - is that most of the activists occupying the streets of capital cities and country averages repudiate this form of political capital. So take red flags or yellow, if associated with an acronym electoral activity is frowned upon today. Given this universe of political attitudes, it is almost inevitable attack the symbols of the powers that be, whether state or private. The advance movement can come to solidify another way of doing politics in the country. -------------------- The night of cowardice Porto Alegre never forget On the afternoon of Friday 5th June 20 arranged to go with my girlfriend, who is a photographer and journalist while working in a related field of communication, the act by reducing Increased Cheap. This concentration and gait, as well as the previous ones, was convened by Block Fight for Public Transport. It is worth noting that although militant trajectory in recent years I dedicate myself just called journalistic activism, writing for the most-read political blog in the country and being columnist of the newspaper community radio state of Rio Grande do Sul and S?o Paulo. Recently, I write a column fixed international policy printed in a respected alternative biweekly Porto Alegre. This is the first act that I, this because I teach at night and in the afternoon of 5th (06/20/13), one of postsecondary institutions where work suspended classes. The intention was to record the concentration and march with photos. We are at the end of the day in front of the City Hall of Porto Alegre, in the place known as City Hall. There, under rain, wind and cold, had about 2000 people, missing over an hour and a half to the beginning of the march. The weather was very, very quiet. The crowd, composed mostly of young people, singing in the rain, alternating slogans, songs and a good sense of humor. Until the crackdown started, due to the siege and defense of the perimeter of the main headquarters of the RBS Group (the corner of Avenue Ipiranga Erico Verissimo), the environment movement remembered Away Collor, occurred 21 years ago. On occasion, in 1992, there were more party political struggle, the youth being packed with face-painted green and yellow. Today, as the cord would not leave, I noticed the flags of Brazil and Rio Grande do Sul, some black and red flags, and alone. Most were in small groups, with the hand painted posters and hiding under umbrellas. About 19 hours, the crowd splits. Most leaves on a string up the Avenida Borges de Medeiros Avenue towards Salgado Filho, while another smaller, where we were, follows by Julio de Castillos, crosses the tunnel Conception through high and ends rediscovering the larger share in high the Salgado Filho. Already in Jo?o Pessoa, before two crossed partisan municipal seats (PT and PMDB), and a Military Hospital. Shy boos were most "offense" to these subtitles. On the way, bars and grocery stores open, and nothing but slogans generic. Until then there was no, absolutely no scene of violence. Arriving at the corner of Avenida Jo?o Pessoa with Avenida Ipiranga, towards neighborhood-center, the cord stopped and some people began to return. Most continued walking and follow this. We were about 25 minutes in shifting between Jo?o Pessoa, Rua Ipiranga and Lima e Silva. We tried to see what was going on and just listened to the pitch of tear gas and moral effect. Contabilizei 62 bombs dropped by the Military Police. On the way back, walking calmly, I could talk to 12 people who were in Ipiranga and could at least observe the lines of defense of BM. All breathed evil, full of tear gas and pepper spray marking their faces. The report was common: "we were there, just walking and suddenly started raining bombs and more bombs!" That's exactly what happened. From this moment, couples and groups of friends began to back while some young people revolted and departed in the direction of Avenida Ipiranga. All the violence of the protesters, all bank branches and other broken appliances are damaged urban consequence of popular anger after cowardice performed by BM, at the behest of the state government and in defense of the symbolic capital of the RBS Group. The entire responsibility for this revolt and violence should be attributed to the state government, its police and ostensible leader of communication in the state. Until the moment when the cord got two blocks away from the RBS nothing had happened, and probably nothing would happen, and a beautiful protest march motivated by the direct exercise of the rights. The detail is that the path of the demonstration was widely distributed, transmitted this information in a debate on Radio Guaiba the early afternoon of the 5th. The acts of the night of June 20 exceeded the total of one million and a half people, including more than 100 Brazilian cities. In Porto Alegre, the device patrolling the BM numbered about 850 men, according to commercial media. This is the highest number in five years. Since the height of the repression during the government of Yeda Crusius (PSDB, 2007-2010) there was so much troops on the street. The targets were political as well then as they are today. The goal was to repress the popular movement and it remains intact. In the 2010 election, the attorney Genro won in the first round by the rejection of the last government. Now, the former militant PRC operates inside the sub-national government and plays to the crowd during the day, calling for a debate with bloggers and social movements through the Digital Office. At night, subordinated his government to the interests and defense "moral" of the assets of the RBS Group. I've been saying that the executive branch of the state Rio Grande do Sul and the city of Porto Alegre behaves hostage and servant group communication that leads the state oligopoly. On the evening of 5th Wednesday 20 June, across the Rio Grande do Sul had ample proof of this analysis. Bruno Lima Rocha Related Link: http://estrategiaeanalise.com.br/
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dinsdag 2 juli 2013
Anarkismo.net: The protests in Brazil and collective representation by Bruno Lima Rocha (pt)
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