Organisation Communiste Libertarie (OCL) - Egypt, Premature end of the Muslim Brotherhood? by Santiago Alba Rico (fr)

The article that we publish is written on the eve of the coup in Egypt on Wednesday, July 
3. ---- Despite its limitations - our friends in Tunisia does not agree "when it ensures 
that social claims fell" in their country - but also, one might add, the relative absence 
of internal issues, social class, the ongoing revolution in Egypt, this article has the 
merit of presenting some of the elements that seem crucial to meet in regional / global 
context of the failure of political Islam and also dangers does this takeover of the 
situation by the military and let's face it: this strange alliance between a large part of 
the Egyptian army with revolutionary, political leader and economic structure of the 
former dictatorial regime yet they fought, which maintained its position of power in 
Egyptian society since the beginning of the revolutionary process and is found to be 
completely linked and dependent on the imperialist policy of the United States in the region.

Clearly, the revolution continues.

Premature end of the Muslim Brotherhood?

July 2, 2013

Santiago Alba Rico *

Things are going very fast. There is just one model year seemed so irresistible force in 
the new Arab world in gestation from popular Intifada that should lead to power through 
democratic means, "moderate" Islamists associated with the constellation of Brothers 
Muslims. This is what happened with Ennahda in Tunisia and Egypt with the Party of Justice 
and Freedom, in Libya, they did not win, but they are undoubtedly force the better 
articulated and the pus influential, in Syria, they also dominate the opposition in exile. 
This model is supported by Qatar, dwarf hoisted on huge financial stilts, and especially 
Turkey, a country ruled by the Islamist AKP, whose "Arab Spring" has given him the 
opportunity to restore a historic regional influence in a turn policy that many analysts 
have called "neo-Ottoman."
The irresistible rise of the Muslim Brotherhood - in a sense, the standardization of a 
balance of forces repressed or illegal - also explains, for example, the change in 
position of the Palestinian organization Hamas against the regime of Bashar al-Assad, whom 
she was an ally there is still just over a year.

But this model, which has promised to democratize and stabilize the region without 
economic disruptions and for that relied on the support of Western powers, quickly showed 
its limits under the triple pressure of the global economic crisis, the geostrategic 
conflicts and popular. mobilizations Naturally, we can not put the events of the last 
month in Turkey in the "long wave" of the "Arab Spring". While it is true that some like 
the other - as 15M, Occupy Wall Street and now Brazil - based on the same "tectonic fault" 
of capitalism, there is between the Turkish and Arab Intifada - for so to speak - five 
years apart. But beyond the specifics, what is undeniable is the impact of the Turkish 
revolt in the Arab world, in that it has seriously eroded the prestige of this "model of 
democratic transition," the Erdogan and the AKP, which seemed to reconcile democratic 
cleaning, tradition and economic growth.

The Turkish model, or what is the same, the model of the Muslim Brotherhood has quickly 
eroded, as also evidenced by the abdication of the Emir of Qatar Hamad Al-Thani for his 
son Tamim. In Tunisia, the latest polls show the wear of Ennahda, which has lost about 10 
points from the October 2011 elections. And in Egypt, a more massive than that toppled 
Mubarak unprecedented popular mobilization, has these days Mohamed Morsi and his 
government on the ropes.

For those who like us, from the left, have announced and desired this drift, this news 
should rejoice. It makes us happy. At the same time, it is difficult not to consider the 
question: is not it too early? Is it too fast? In Tunisia, where social mobilization has 
decreased, but where political polarization, the alternative increases Ennahda is not the 
Popular Front, a coalition of the left, but Nida Toun?s [Call of Tunisia], the party 
nostalgic of Bourguiba and fouloul RCD (Ben Ali's party), plus Islamophobic secular 
forces, which, for example, voted against the so-called Protection of the Revolution Act, 
which prevents ministers and leaders from dictatorship to exercise public office for seven 
years (if only in Spain, we had such a law after the death of Franco). Further to the 
right, also in opposition, we have the Salafists, getting better organized in the 
neighborhoods where they earn a specific support for young people who made ??the 
revolution (I have friends in Qasba flirting today 'Today with Ansar al-Sharia).
Unlike Egypt, the Tunisian army is not a "political" institution, but many analysts have 
felt alarmed by the recent farewell speech between threatening and solemn Rachid Ammar, 
Chief of Staff, now retired, who acquired great fame and prestige for refusing to fire on 
the people during the revolution.

In Egypt, the events are huge, moving, promising, but also disturbing. Fruit growing 
unease of a population that has been betrayed all democratic and economic hopes, they meet 
all the opposition from the tireless revolutionary youth to the many disappointed by the 
left parties voters through the fouloul dictatorship . Their legitimacy stems from their 
number, their scale, their transversal nature, but seems to leave little issues.

Unlike Tunisia, the Egyptian army is the political and economic pillar of the state and 
its tradition is anti-democratic and pro-American. And there is a big difference between 
an army whose soldiers refused to fire on the people and join a revolutionary movement and 
a military high command gives an ultimatum to a legitimately elected government in 
democratic elections. This is called a coup d'etat and the press release issued yesterday 
by the Chief of Staff - giving Morsi within two days to respond "to the demands of the 
people" - is actually a threat glance Military State - as indicated by the statements of 
Obama - has ?tatsunien support. The United States can not want it now, it's just, most 
likely, a strategy to put pressure on both parties, but are disturbing the cheers of 
Tahrir following the declaration of army, and the immediate release Tamarrud (Rebellion), 
the movement that called for demonstrations and greet with enthusiasm the military 
interference.

This collapse "too early" and "too fast" model ikhuani (Muslim Brotherhood) threatens to 
return the Arab world to a "pre-spring" state, with a clash between secular 
authoritarianism and Islamism radicalized, which the left - with people - is once again 
the victim of Bashar al-Assad must be rubbing their hands in satisfaction, as it was from 
the beginning, his strategy: stop and return the time people over time and geostrategies. 
sectarian dilemmas (General Lesser Evil seems Bernanos) There are few sights more 
disgusting -. outside pounding on the chest, and hypocritical rhetoric of those who claim 
to support the Syrian revolution from the West and the Gulf - the support of the Assad 
dictatorship to revolutionary Tahrir. While our allies in Syria, who are Taqsim, the 
Puerta del Sol, Tahrir, those who continue to struggle against both al-Assad and against 
Nosra (events in the liberated areas are systematically silenced by our media), the 
"solidarity" of the assassin of Egyptian democrats with Syrian Democrats (who are tempted 
by the army) the full measure of the complexity the situation and the many dangers that 
threaten the popular movements.

___

(*) Santiago Alba Rico is a writer and philosopher of Marxist origin. He lived several 
years in Cairo and Tunis since 1998.

Translation: XYZ / OCLibertaire

Source: http://www.cuartopoder.es/tribuna/fin-prematuro-de-los-hermanos-musulmanes/4786