(en) France, Organisation Communiste Libertarie (OCL) - Courant Alternatif, CA #233 - KANAKY referendum on the horizon ... 2014? (fr)

May 15 began in New Caledonia a general strike "against the cost of living" that lasted 
twelve days. But though the Kanak-es are in the French territorial community population 
with the lowest income, independence Kanak USTKE union called for not participating in the 
movement. This decision may seem surprising is the lighting in the process of self engaged 
in the archipelago since the late 1980s - and it is an opportunity to take stock of the 
situation, then a referendum on independence should be organized between 2014 and 2018. 
---- After the Matignon Accords signed 26 June 1988 (see box "Towards the Kanak Socialist 
independence" and CA No. 192), the voltage has fallen in the area, but a strong cleavage 
of course persisted between Kanak- are (usually independence) and "Europeans" (Caldoches 
and Metros, often anti-independence and right). In addition, in both camps, they have led 
many upheavals today.


The heartbreak of independence camp since the Matignon


Within the Kanak Socialist Front for National Liberation (FLNKS), the choice to negotiate 
had been no consensus in 1988 - May 4, 1989, the leaders of the Front Tjibaou and Yeiw?n? 
??Yeiwein? be killed by a activist who was hostile. In subsequent years, the unit of the 
Front does not withstand differences of opinion on two fundamental issues: the attitude to 
have in relation to the agreements, and the composition of the electorate to be used for 
self-determination referendum scheduled 1998. FLNKS is soon unable to present a unique 
position in the negotiations leading to the referendum, while taking into account all 
comers (metropolitan officials, immigrant-'re from the South Asian countries East ...) 
necessarily make the Kanak es minority in their own land. This is reflected in the 2009 
Census - CNIL having exceptionally allowed to reveal, "given the specific territory of New 
Caledonia demographics," the ethnicity of people who live there because it "responds to a 
ground public interest ": 40.3% of the population declared themselves Kanak, 29.2% 
European, 5% Caledonians (so either Kanak or Europeans), 8.7% Wallis-Futuna, 8.3% mixed 
race, 2% Tahitians , 1.6% Indonesian, Vietnamese 1%, etc..

During the first provincial elections in 1989, won the FLNKS North and Islands regions, he 
gets on the whole territory 28.65% of the vote and 19 of the 54 seats in Congress, while 
the Rally for Caledonia in the Republic (SERP, hard and anti-separatist Jacques Lafleur 
right) wins the South region and totals 44.46% and 27 elected representatives. But this 
new commitment in the administration of regions sharpens appetites and political ambitions 
in both camps, prompting some of their components or personalities change line. In Kanak 
coalition, for example, the rigid "leftists" Palika adopt a more conciliatory towards 
anti-independence and state attitude quickly. However, the Caledonian Union (UC), 
traditionally moderate and "independence-association," defends an uncompromising position 
with respect to the agreements. The Union of Kanak workers and exploited (USTKE close to 
the CGT - and second New Caledonian union after USOENC [1]) becomes independent on it at 
the end of July, on behalf of the separation of politics and unionism. Finally, FULK 
(Kanak Liberation United Front) goes as in 1992 and renamed People's Congress of the Kanak 
people (CPPK). At its 1994 congress, the Front opts for a "negotiated independence" in 
1998, but since the 1995 provincial election, divisions have come to light. Thus, in the 
North, the leader of Palika, Paul N?aoutyine - Tjibaou which replaced the head of the 
Front ... - up a list called National Union for Independence (UNI) against the official 
list FLNKS outgoing regional president, Leopold Jor?di? (UC). He will be punished in the 
next Congress, where Rock Wamytan, the CPU will be appointed to succeed him as president 
of the coalition.

These internal disagreements worsen in 1996, when the FLNKS is a "pre-mining" in any 
negotiations on the institutional future of the country: he wants the Company Nickel (SLN, 
a subsidiary of Eramet, which is partly owned by Areva ) gives the mining massive Ti?baghi 
??(2), in the North, to drive future plant Mining Company South Pacific (SMSP), the 
province owns. Palika wants to resume negotiations without the prior ... and members of 
the party but also the CPU even leave the front to create the following year the 
Federation of Coordinating Committees independence (FCCI), which calls for a partnership 
privileged with the SERP and forms with it a unique group in Congress.

In 1998, the Front had obtained satisfaction on "prior mining," the resumption of 
negotiations and lead to the Noumea Accord, signed on 5 May by Lafleur, Wamytan and Prime 
Minister Lionel Jospin, and that settles the question of the electorate for the referendum 
on self-determination: the French es-es installed in the archipelago can only participate 
if they have been there for more than twenty years at the time of the vote. The referendum 
was postponed to 2018, but the Caledonian Congress has the right to organize in 2014, if 
the yes vote, the sovereign powers (currency, defense, justice, external relations) will 
be transferred and "Caillou" will access full sovereignty. The agreement also initiates a 
process of skills transfer to be completed in 2013.

On 6 July 1998, by 827 votes against 31, the French Parliament to amend the Constitution 
to allow the government to implement the Noumea Accord. The population of New Caledonia 
approves turn. But if, on 15 March 1999, the Constitutional Council validates the choice 
of an electoral body frozen for the self-determination referendum, he refuses to exclude 
provincial elections and those members of Congress the French es-es came in the 
archipelago after 1998 who have not ten years of residence on election day. This decision 
obviously pleased the anti-independence Caledonian, while the provincial Front imploded in 
1999. In the North, for example, there is an official list FLNKS after the CPU, one of UNI 
driven by Palika and the UPM (Melanesian Progressive Union) ... If there is still a group 
FLNKS Congress and a common present to compose the first government of New Caledonia list, 
it will not be the case later, and practice groups and install separate lists during 
elections without the leaves to Palika not formally Front.

In addition, FLNKS Congress 2001, President Wamytan is dismissed without being able to 
replace other than a college political office. It takes two years for a new Congress to be 
held in an emergency, to reach a common position on the next committee of the signatories 
of the Noumea Accord and the impending visit of President Chirac, no cartel is again 
found: CPU decides not to participate in the committee of the signatories, and while UNI 
(Palika, UPM and RDO [3]) have welcomed the arrival of Chirac and called for dialogue, the 
CPU shows the streets to protest against the "excesses" of the Noumea Accord. Provincial 
2004 FLNKS has between two and four lists in all the provinces he takes in the North 18 
seats out of 22, 8 of 14 in the Islands, and none in the South.


The strengthening of radical Kanak pole in the late 2000s


In addition, from 2007, a new training Kanak appears in the public arena, at the 
initiative of the USTKE: the Labor Party (PT), which promotes an anti-capitalist 
independence line, environmentalist and anti-globalization (it supports the action Jos? 
Bov? policy and is supported by the NPA), and is very critical of industrial projects in 
the North and the South. Led after 2008 by Kotra Uregei, the founder of USTKE, the PT has 
the field structures of the union, and militates against the negotiation of a new 
transitional status and independence in 2014. Finally, he fights for strict legislation on 
protection of local employment and immigration restrictions to prevent "settlement 
activity" in progress. For if after a "nickel boom" that had attracted a lot of Wallis and 
Futuna in the archipelago in the 1960s to claim independence in the 1970s and 1980s 
reversed the trend in the 2000s immigration is bullish with a new "nickel boom."

Provincial in 2009, the PT made a breakthrough with five elected representatives in 
Congress - supported by a social conflict that lasts for two months Aircal where USTKE 
conducts muscular action (4) - and it is the third organization Kanak after UC and Palika 
(FLNKS the UC-list 12 elected representatives, that the UNI 6), but it can not become a 
political group in Congress (the minimum to do is six elected es) and therefore gets no 
position in his office. The following year, however, it supports the candidacy of Caroline 
Machoro (UC) as President of Congress, and the common list thus formed allows Kotra Uregei 
to be one of the two secretaries.

A slightly better then seems to operate in the internal situation of the Front: the 2009 
conference brought together for the first time since 2001 all its components, and its 
political office is "enhanced" to Congress in 2010. Nevertheless, even the position of 
spokesman of the Front is running between its members ... and new tensions arise between 
them with the institutional crisis in the New Caledonia in the following years, due to 
tearing in the right (see Box on Philippe Gomes). With the excuse of choice Caledonian flag.

The New Caledonian Congress opted for two flags, tricolor and Kanak, but four 
municipalities refuse to climb onto their pediment. In February 2011, the elected 
representatives FLNKS trend UC resign en bloc of Congress in response to the refusal ... 
and critical Palika leaving because it brings down the executive Caledonian. The "deal" 
flag as dividing the right of election to form a new government will be held four times 
the 3 March, 17 March, 1 April and 10 June - with joint lists FLNKS (UC) and the Labour 
Party - and immediately followed by the collapse of the team comes out. Similarly, there 
will be various electoral vicissitudes, and the intervention of the State Council to 
invalidate their results before Rock Wamytan be elected to the presidency in August of 
Congress. Kotra Uregei meanwhile become one of the Vice-Presidents of the Executive 
Caledonian, with two other members of the PT - including Marie-Pierre Goyetche, the 
current president of the USTKE.

Congress FLNKS in 2012, if all components are found in the support Hollande for the French 
presidential election, nothing concrete on a unitary approach is officially recorded. 
Finally, as in March 2013, the Front specifically agrees: "Adopt from the unitary 
approach, the nationalist logic to get the 3/5 to go to Congress at the end of the Noumea 
Accord and access to the country's full sovereignty and independence [...] Completing his 
term the construction of the overall tax reform for greater equity and social justice 
Continue efforts in resolving the problem "cost of living" [...] Make every effort to 
achieve social cohesion, means peace and tranquility of the people, under the common 
destiny and citizenship. "

Today, some es-es Kanak continue to say that 2014 will be the year of independence without 
conditions, while others quietly advocating a negotiated independence, some are already 
consider the country as independent as of Others believe that sovereignty implies any 
legal, administrative and financial work which policies must tackle. Naku press blog, 
created three years ago, says this diversity of views, but stressed that there remains a 
common goal: independence Kanaky. And he concludes: "The Kanak flag officially fleet for 
two years now alongside the French flag [...] Campaign for registration on the electoral 
roll is part [...]. June, FLNKS take over the presidency of the iron group launches 
Melanesian countries (5), for two years, because the country must also state in the 
region. [...] The wheel of history keeps turning. "

Social conflict last spring and below politicians

Given the damage caused in the ranks of FLNKS by his choice of dialogue with the French 
state and the anti-independence, one can find the picture painted by Naku press somewhat 
optimistic. And more in terms of transfers of competence already made in favor of the 
archipelago - the health sector, for example, was conducted ... while Kanak doctors are 
four in total.

It is this kind of observation has led the USTKE to dissociate in mid-May of the "Inter 
against dear life" involving five Caledonian unions and led by USOENC - and even denounce 
the indefinite general strike and the events it has organized as pure electoral maneuvers 
in favor of the moderate right - particularly Philippe Gomes, leader of Caledonia 
together, and was president of the government from 2009 to 2011 before having to give way 
to his ex Harold Martin-associated. The Inter demanding lower prices and an overhaul of 
the direct and indirect tax systems - based on a survey UFC - Que Choisir? pointing up 
5.4% of the consumer basket over the last twelve months in New Caledonia (the cost of 
living is already 35% higher than on the mainland, 80% of imports coming from Europe). But 
on May 14, USTKE stated in a statement: "The USTKE [...] signed economic and social 
agreements as well as the Inter-June 12, 2012. [...] The mobilization of the 
Inter-expressed with virulence since Philippe Gomes lost the presidency of the government, 
as if the question of the cost of living had begun at this time [...]. The fight against 
the cost of living is primarily the fight against poverty and employment, and the priority 
is to give work to those who do not, that is to say, more of 5000 unemployed, most of whom 
are younger than 30 years and that one in three is a female and the vast majority of 
Kanak. [...] Every day, the majority of the population is faced with problems including 
food basket, wages, transportation, job insecurity and school failure, [...] but the 
solution to these problems is part in the discussions and in the long term, and especially 
not in demagoguery and populism support disguised Caledonia [...]. "

During this social movement, the autonomous port of Noumea and supermarkets and fuel 
depots were blocked, the roadblocks, closed boarding schools and Aircal company canceled 
its flights for a day. It took an entire weekend of meetings between Inter and policy 
makers and employers under the auspices of the High Commissioner of the Republic, to find 
a solution to the conflict.

The Inter wanted above all down "immediate price" of 10% on May 27 an agreement was 
reached on 18 measures, including the decline for 300 food and hygiene products, price 
freeze until December 2014 and the creation of a general tax on the activity (TGA) to 
replace others. "This is undoubtedly a great union victory, which sparked a strong 
mobilization," said the representative of the Federation officials, the CFE-CGC praised 
the "overall balance of the agreement", Co-Chair MEDEF has expressed satisfaction with the 
implementation of the TGA ... But in a new press release entitled "" dear life ", all for 
that! "USTKE made May 30 a different analysis:" 1) [...] The social and economic 
agreements signed June 12, 2012 included 64 measures, it is far from the account, it is 
the regression 2 ) Of the 18 measures signed by Inter, 13 were already being developed and 
finalized in the economic and social agreements which is a signatory USTKE 3) Most of the 
measures have no effect on the decline immediate price. [...] The dependent products of 
world prices (wheat, sugar, cocoa ...) will be excluded to the extent of price freeze; 
Authorized distributors margins remain very high (44%) [...]. "In addition, according to 
USTKE, 90% of strikers were Kanak (6) and Wallis' many do not have the analytical 
frameworks needed to assess a situation and measure the impact of negotiations", the 
strikers belonging to unions Inter represented only 1.7% of employees and 7% of 
employee-'re private.


The recomposition of the anti-independence camp since the Matignon


The conflict in March actually served the moderate right, which has long since become 
autonomous in relation to a very muscular SERP - the hegemony of the party in the 
Caledonian political life have stood still less than the Kanak unit to handle hand between 
Lafleur and Tjibaou. Beaten for the first time in the Southern Province in 2004, Lafleur 
left the front of the stage (in 2006 he revived a party, the Rally for Caledonia, RPC, and 
died in 2010). Since the anti-independence movement includes many formations (7), none of 
which has the means to do it alone policy in Congress and in the Southern Province, and 
who oppose the type of economy to defend - or liberal controlled - like the attitude 
agreements. The main ones are: the RUMP (or Rally-UMP, former SERP), led by Pierre 
Frogier, which advocates "a dusting and a reinterpretation" of the agreements, the future 
together, combining the original party members hostile Lafleur (Alliance Didier Leroux) 
and dissidents SERP, and held by the current Prime Minister, Harold Martin, and finally 
set Caledonia, led by Philippe Gomes who wants to move to provincial 2014. Still, the 
existing inequalities in the archipelago much worse, as the imbalance between the North 
and the South, even if the investments of the state are made in proportion to fourth in 
the South and three quarters for the North and the Islands. For the multiplication of 
administrative jobs is essentially made for the benefit of Europeans in these regions, 
while their youth (Kanak) won the suburbs of Noumea to study or seek (often 
unsuccessfully) work. This sharp deterioration of the social situation favors the dynamics 
of USTKE and the Labour Party. But if these two groups now want a referendum on the 
Caledonian independence in 2014, they are the only ones - with the RUMP and the National 
Front (8) ... more other parties seek a consensus and original solution between autonomy 
and sovereignty . However, a few months provincial news, it therefore lacks the Kanak-es 
that five elected officials for power, reaching 3/5 positions in Congress, set a date for 
a referendum that could lead to independence .

Vanina

1. Professional elections in 2013, public-private sectors combined, the USOENC, which is 
related to the CFDT, down a bit (with 21.5% of the votes), while the USTKE and FO 
increased (16% and 8%). Four other unions are representative (more than 5% of the vote).

2. This is partly due to the export of nickel as the growth of New Caledonia remains 
around 4% for years, and its GDP per capita rises to second place in the Pacific region, 
between the Australia and New Zealand. The new plant is expected to reduce the North large 
economic disparities between the provinces, and propel the archipelago to the rank of 
second largest producer of nickel in the world.

3. The Pacific Democratic Rally (RDO), which includes immigrant es Wallis and Futuna, 
joined the Front in 1988.

4. In August 2009, the USTKE called for a general strike to protest the imprisonment of 
its leader, Gerard Jodar end of June 2009 placed in detention as a result of this 
conflict, which will be released mid-January 2010.

5. In 1990, the FLNKS became a full member of the Melanesian spearhead Group (MSG), which 
already united Papua New Guinea, Vanuatu and the Solomon Islands and Fiji.

6. There are glaring economic inequalities between the southern region and customary land 
where live Kanak-'re already because the land can not be mortgaged, banks refuse to loan 
any Kanak-es. The guarantee fund is to see the day should remedy somewhat.

7. The Pacific Rally for Caledonia plural (ROCP), which replaced the 2004 Pacific Rally 
for Caledonia, includes the majority of the electorate and Wallisian Futunan: although 
heavily exploited and abused by Caldoches in construction and mining, immigrated es Wallis 
and Futuna remain generally hostile to independence for fear of having to leave.

8. After having four local elected in 2004, the FN has disappeared from the Caledonian 
institutions and political debate. This did not prevent Marine Le Pen (who in the first 
round of the last French presidential election, won 11.66% of the vote in New Caledonia) 
urge last March in Noumea anti-independence to create a " electoral structure assembly 
"with a charter with" three or four essential points that the principle of the French New 
Caledonia. "

BOX Towards independence Kanak Socialist

1853: France takes possession in the Pacific, the New Caledonia - twice as large as 
Corsica but with only 250,000 inhabitants-are today (two-thirds in Greater Noum?a).

1878 Insurrection Kanak-es against colonization and brutal repression, with more than 
1,200 dead in their camp (5% of the community). September 1984: The Front for the 
Liberation Kanak Socialist (FLNKS) from the separatist Front, led by Jean-Marie Tjibaou's 
objective of "independence Kanak Socialist" (IKS). He then brings the Caledonian Union 
(UC), the Party of Kanak Liberation (Palika), the Kanak Liberation United Front (FULK), 
the Melanesian Progressive Union (UPM), the Caledonian Socialist Party (PSC) and the Union 
Kanak union workers and exploited (USTKE).

November 18: The "active boycott" of local elections which calls FLNKS (with roadblocks 
and demonstrations) is followed by 80% of Kanak-es. Resulting in the "events" in which 
clash violently supporters and opponents of independence in the 1980s. Many Kanak, 
especially leaders like Eloi Machoro will be murdered by the police or by 
anti-independence. December 1st: 1st Congress FLNKS which stops the formation of a 
provisional government Kanaky headed Tjibaou.

February 1985: The committee is FLNKS Kanak fight its database instances, rejected the 
proposal of "independence-association" Edgard Pisani and decides to boycott the French 
school system with the creation of Kanak popular schools (EPK).

September 29: For the status created by Fabius Pisani regional elections FLNKS won three 
of the four new regions (North, Central and Loyalty Islands), but still a minority across 
the country, the majority of the votes and the South (including Noumea ) from the 
anti-independence Rally for Caledonia in the Republic (SERP) by Jacques Lafleur.

August 1986: In Congress, FLNKS decides not to participate in a referendum on 
self-determination if the vote is for the Kanak people, and the CPU manages to spend 
maintaining the Front in regional institutions while its other components wanted return to 
boycott.

December 2: With the support of member states of the Pacific Islands Forum and the 
Non-Aligned FLNKS gets the vote by the General Assembly of the United Nations a resolution 
affirming the "inalienable right of the people of New Caledonia to self-determination and 
independence "and entering the archipelago on the list of non-self-governing territories 
according to the UN. May 1987: The FLNKS chose to boycott the referendum on 
self-determination scheduled for 13 September and the South Pacific Games to be held in 
December in New Caledonia. In this referendum, independence will be rejected by 98.3% of 
the vote ... but with a participation of 59.1% of incrit es only, due to the abstention of 
independence. April 2, 1988: The Front decides an "active boycott" of institutions and 
elections founded by Pons status after the referendum.

April-May (between the two towers of the French presidential): Chaired Mitterrand and 
Chirac government activists FLNKS take 27 policemen hostage in a cave in Ouvea, the French 
army intervenes (2 soldiers die in operation) and shot 19 Kanak.

26 June: The Matignon Accords, headed by Prime Minister Rocard, are signed between Tjibaou 
for FLNKS and Lafleur for SERP. The three provinces constituted - North and South Islands 
- are each administered by an elected assembly and a president with broad powers. The 
territory of New Caledonia is managed by a Congress formed from the Provincial Assemblies. 
A referendum on self-determination to be held in 1998, but the composition of the 
electorate remains to be determined.

BOX

Gomes, his ambitions and his shenanigans

Ex-SERP, Philippe Gomes from 2004 to the Future set created by Harold Martin and became 
president of the Assembly of the South when the party wins provincial shortly after. But 
the 2007 parliamentary leaders of the future are all eliminated by the candidates RUMP 
(former SERP) they draw different lessons from their defeat Martin wants to return to 
opposition to independence, Gomes wants to accelerate the application the Noumea Accord.

When, in July 2007, the President of the Government Marie-No?lle Th?mereau, the future 
together, resigned, exhausted by the war between his training and RUMP, Estrosi, Secretary 
of State for Overseas chaired Sarkozy , and Martin meets Frogier to facilitate an alliance 
between them. This is realized, prompting Gomes scissionner his supporters to found 
together Caledonia in 2008. However, Provincial 2009, he joined its competitors in a 
"republican agreement" that allows them to keep their majority in Congress, with 31 seats 
out of 54 (13 RUMP, 10 Caledonia Overall, 6 Avenir Ensemble, 2 CPP) and to share power: 
Frogier head South, Gomes to the government, Martin to the Congress. The independence, 
however, benefited from the divisions on the right and go from 18 seats in 2004 to 23.

In his policy speech, the new president of the executive Gomes focuses on the social and 
strong intervention of public power in the economy. On the institutional question, it is 
very elusive and just speaks of a "decolonization" with the accompaniment of the state, 
the reservation does not prevent substantive disagreements resurfaced in the "Republican 
agreement" - especially when Frogier suggests, in February 2010, to associate the tricolor 
flag at Kanaky. Gomes offers him a single flag with figures expected to discuss the two 
main communities. But the idea of ??Frogier is supported by both Sarkozy and the 
Caledonian Congress. Therefore, in July, Prime Minister Fillon hoisted for the first time 
the flag and the French flag Kanaky all over the High Commission of the Republic in the 
presence of President Gomes.

The issue of double flag does not fall under the government Gomes in 2011. When elected 
officials UC announced that they would resign because some mayors refuse to adopt Gomes 
warned through the media: "If the government was overthrown by the mass resignation of one 
of its components, [...] when the formation of the next government, the second when they 
are appointed, members resign Caledonia together [and] the state will have no choice but 
to dissolve Congress and lead to new elections. "Follows the episode successive 
governments resigned in March-April 2011 ... until April 8, the State Council required a 
period of eighteen months between resignation of a minority of elected officials to 
prevent the systematic collapse of the Caledonian executive. Martin is once again 
nominated but Caledonia set to abandon its strategy of resignations repetitions. Gomes 
plays the card of opposition to the "coalition RUMP Futures FLNKS-Labor Party together" 
therefore thoroughly.

The 2012 legislative elections, he became a deputy in the French parliament and joined the 
group of the Union of Democrats and Independents (UDI) of Borloo. He continues to lambaste 
the Martin government, calling for a "Grenelle dear life" and "a constructive dialogue 
between independence and non-independence." Since December, it is no longer in the 
Caledonian institutions a single member of Congress and the Assembly of the South ...