(en) Brazil, FARJ.org: Public statement of the VI Congress of the FAG

We anarchist militants politically organized in FAG meeting in late 2013 in our Sixth 
General Congress, we share our supporters and the whole left combative this declaration, 
consisting of analysis of the historical period in which we live; minimum program to forge 
unity among beneath the left and combative, giving a notion of political expression and 
assembly to advance the correlation of forces and face the dominant model characterized, 
and operational elements of a strategy for the present reality in which we campaigned and 
while anarchists. ---- Characterization of the period (full text soon) ---- The 
characterization we performed was focused on understanding the interdependent elements 
that form the core of the system of capitalist domination in its present form, which we 
believe to be of financial capitalism. Therefore, we sought to score in outline these 
elements in terms of Latin America and to a lesser extent worldwide.

We understand that the period has strong and singular events that influence variation in 
the model. On one hand the struggles for destabilization of repressive regimes in the Arab 
world, the changes experienced by Latin America in more than a decade and recently the 
massive demonstrations in dozens of cities across the country, on the other, September 11, 
imperialist wars in Afghanistan and Iraq and the financial coup carried out by corporate 
institutions and governments. The capitalist system is again going through crises, 
conflicts and questions that determine adjustments in their mechanisms of power. Nothing 
indicates that we are on the verge of a revolutionary change, but it is true that we live 
in a busier period, that is breaking the silence, resignation and fear.

Gas war, Bolivia - 2003

Are large ongoing struggles and popular protests around the world in which youth have 
participated strongly and workers defended their rights, responding in each place, 
different agendas, factors and concerns, all derived from the same system. At the same 
time indicate, by their occurrence in various regions of the globe, discontent - a rich 
experience of people, a production of ideas and collective representations that can open 
up new possibilities.

In Latin America, The USA are not the same regional alignment to its imperialist policy. 
We can not say, however, that his power is questioned. Yes there are different levels in 
their different spheres of activity (political, economic, military and ideological) 
influence. However it is his attempt to permanently maintain and expand their power in the 
global geopolitical picture. We believe that it is not possible to say that it would be 
forming a block against hegemonic neoliberalism composed of said progressive countries in 
the Latin American continent. Despite their internal characteristics, they are placed in 
the logic of the current stage of financial capitalism. Therefore, the analysis is not 
correct that is homogeneously or under the sign of the same training strategy parties or 
nationalist-reformist center-left that in more than a decade has come to governments in 
Latin America. If it is true that many of them were raised up by a living popular feeling 
of rejection of neoliberalism and the model in the context of popular uprisings that 
toppled governments in Bolivia, Ecuador and Argentina and have gained a strong position in 
the social movements against political scene policies of privatization, unemployment and 
cutting rights, it is also correct that the trajectory of their governments at no time has 
questioned the core of the system.

Indian resistance in B?gua, Peru against IIRSA Plan

Common place in the regional reality, the South American countries adhere to the Plan for 
the Integration of South American Regional Structure Plan (IIRSA) and independent of the 
pattern of governments, "progressive" or aligned with imperialism, both models have 
undertaken projects that plan, with a common discourse of "economic development and 
integration of peoples." However, between the effects of these projects are: the 
encouragement of transnational from the exploitation of natural resources of the continent 
(water, minerals, biodiversity, hydrocarbons); environmental devastation and destruction 
of traditional communities and the dependence of countries to funders of said development 
projects.

Roughly speaking, in spite of the continuity of the structures, strategies and economic 
policies laid down by the hand of governments and institutions that make the conservative 
role of lackeys ever, or ebbs and disappointment in relation to fantasies by the electoral 
mechanism, one can recognize . variants that are present current and other developments 
Throughout its history, capitalism has not always presented with the same face: has 
achieved conduct required by the general situation to the management of its crisis 
settings; has done a creative game with their fundamental structures to continue its 
dominance, injustice, misery and brutal inequalities that historically accompany it. This 
more upset, more angry and confrontational time, which brings urgent problems for the 
control of the dominant power, definitely will not break the system by force of 
circumstance - the system does not tend to settle well. Consider the moments, the 
correlation of forces in a period, the problems that weaken a structure of domination 
always inserted in social antagonism is a prerequisite for a more decisive political action.

Squid and the Trade Union Bureaucracy

In Brazil, we see that the Lula years down here the system varied his style. Without 
doubt, the operating model that is ongoing in the context of a significant inflection in 
every region, has characteristics determined by a re-accommodation of system elements for 
more effective social incorporation. This is carried out in a period that brings hope, 
confusion, searches, and present on the scene means change, curves, frustrations. already 
said: the game is in a creative manner of articulation that keeps the hard core of power 
outside the crosshairs of radical projects and comes to its reproduction by freshest 
mechanisms. We call this the social contract engineering , in which the PT to raise the 
government makes from engagement with the structures of power and the dominant classes 
articulated with the cooptation traditional bureaucratic organizations of the working 
class and left the state apparatus. This engineering compromises, arguing the defense of 
the country's development, government, entrepreneurship and bureaucracies of social 
movements. Thus the administration of PT distinguished by advancing agendas that bourgeois 
another moment authorities could not do: wage freeze, pension reforms, labor and fiscal 
adjustments in the public sector, cuts in social investment, stoppage of agrarian reform, 
deregulation environmental and favoring new methods of privatizing management of public 
affairs.

Along with this, the emergence of production dominant discourses in the social body - with 
real effects on institutions and worldly practices - ideas that validate a conciliatory 
national solution, which contained the pactuador state, economic growth and social 
advancement. In the context of these discourses is touted a Brazil full employment, which 
reduced poverty and extreme poverty forming a middle-class country. Are daily discourses 
that naturalize the historical background of violence and exploitation of Brazilian 
capitalist formation, are a relatively integrated social subject by the forms of 
consumption, government aid, etc.. and form an ideological-cultural structure that 
operates to promote a perception of better living conditions, without, however, any change 
in the violent structure of social inequalities in Brazil. It is this functional 
"operating model" a popular adherence to highly expressive power structures, its 
mechanisms for conservation and reproduction and a technique of assimilation and / or 
debelamento conflict with the organized sectors of the class struggle.

Sergio Cabral and Dilma Rousseff Eike Batista

The continuity of Brazilian capitalism, subject to market control of transnational groups 
and putting the country in a prominent place in the world system as a major producer and 
exporter of commodities, possesses, however, a variation in the economic model, which some 
studies are calling neo-developmentism. Among other things, because of the participation 
of the Brazilian state in the increase of subsidies and in inducing economic growth.

The divisor of the popular June days

Days of June, 2013 - SP

The people did days of fighting in the country that became irrepressible in June. The 
fight for public transportation, which is organized by leftist militants of a social 
movement that takes years, and outrage regarding the high expenses of Mega Events 
(Confederations Cup, World Cup, Olympics ...) to the detriment of other areas as health, 
education, etc.. gave way to a flurry of demands that throbbed in neurotic, fragile and 
grueling life of middle and popular sectors. This popular rebellion claiming their rights 
by force alleges the streets, especially the rotten world of private profits, the impunity 
of elites and encroachment the commons and brings with confusion and uncertainty gestated 
a new experience with politics, with an imaginary protesters who shake the world, strongly 
backed the modes of interaction and social recognition that produce new technologies of 
communication. The people in the broad concept does not preclude class against class and 
plays the scene of events a contest of ideas, values ??and social project to act 
critically, with a class design to date with the Brazilian social formation of the times 
we live. However, we have no doubt that the movement is coming under the most fertile to 
the class struggle, direct democracy and build muscles to develop a strategy of popular 
power land.

You need to make the base unions, the instruments of organization of the working class and 
the rural social movements and city take a place in the demonstrations and help build a 
program to fight forward and unite the oppressed. 's governismo the class collaboration 
and party and union bureaucracies play in the water mill reaction. The demobilization and 
bureaucratism in the ranks of the working class, the fragmentation of world poverty and 
the coalition of ruling parties in the common grave of bourgeois democracy gave way to the 
right give rise to plans, from outside and within government.

Days June 2013 - Porto Alegre

In pregnancy this new correlation of forces in the fight against rising tariffs of public 
transport is the most articulate expression of an avalanche of feelings and repressed 
demands that go beyond the dominant controls of Brazilian society. There is a saturation 
depth capitalist model in the last 10 years by neo-developmentalist version of PT 
governments. This model promised a large modern Brazil at the expense of a brutal 
deterioration of the environment, public spaces and the conditions of life and labor of 
working people and youth.

For us, the open period is therefore resistance to fighting bias . In our view it is 
about a pattern of social conflict and class struggle in our country. Under this concept, 
without reference to old patterns that suggest a straight and linear plot of the 
social-historical process we represent a political backdrop for the factors of social 
change and the characteristic elements of a correlation of forces in society. Here we 
consider certain features of the social and popular movement and the degree of occurrence, 
amplitude and radical actions and struggles of all oppressed classes.

At first we need to consider that the struggle of the oppressed class and the socialist 
project goes a step reflux, restructuring of the organizational means of scattered and 
fragmentary actions that do not reach a set form with ideological and programmatic 
elements that make a strong antagonism to the system . An important part of the popular 
sectors, organizations and unions embark on the old promises of economic growth and bow to 
the ideas of neo-developmentalism. There is a crisis of social movement, grassroots 
organizations, the struggle of forces accumulated in excess acts spontaneous and achieve 
federated action. seriously are filed by recent history strategies of the left who seek 
social change within institutions of the functional relationships of the dominant power. 
Timing is splitting water, adjust the lens to think about the conditions and possibilities 
of relative strengths of the moment. Requires ability to insert a revolutionary project 
finalist in the interior of the problems and conflicts of this historic gift. Groundwork 
between popular demands which are not absorbed by the capitalist model controls the 
direction of a strong people practices that favor breaking the historical construction of 
a subject antagonist structures of capitalism.

Porto Alegre, 2013

However, have emergency scene of historical events, new winds that cause us a more nuanced 
reading conflicting elements with certain ideological weight that has opening for a 
different pitch. So in that case we seek an accumulation of combative forces was so far 
out of our scene. So a stage of resistance, albeit with a combative bias.

A minimum program

Over the past few years in our nation-building (through the process of building the 
Brazilian Anarchist Coordination - CAB), discussed and pointed a minimum program like 
outlook for the struggles of this period. A program resulting from an interpretation and 
selection of great guidelines crossing our social formation, to build a targeted output by 
the left that logre create and join social forces to confront the dominant model that 
feature. Attempt to demarcate friends and enemies along the central themes that define the 
settings of social life, the common space where acts politics and power relations. For it 
is certain that we have the strength and ability to pelear alone in this direction, nor 
have such sectarian claim.

There are a number of criticisms, proposals and actions emanating from this period of 
capitalism, the class struggle, social practices of resistance to shift their governments 
and all sorts of structures of domination that can be articulated as a program of popular 
solutions. It should be, as favoring a small fighting force in its own way, from the 
bottom up, outside the institutional controls and collaborating class.

The minimum program seeks to make a joint panel between the struggles of low and socialist 
organizations to organize ahead of the demands of the oppressed and accumulate social 
antagonism to move to a new correlation of forces, an alternative open space for popular 
power. There is a government program, but a program to forge unity by the struggles and 
give political expression, a sense of the whole, a position of strength in the national 
agenda that binds with our ideas to create a strong people.

(A) working, decent salary and pension

Reduction of working hours without lost wages and decent work with social rights. Against 
the farce of meritocracy and deception productivity. Minimum wage according to the basic 
needs provided for in the constitution and against the rising cost of living.
Defense of a public pension with decent adjustments for retirees and against the Revenue 
Decoupling Mechanism Union (DRU), which diverts resources from Social Security for public 
debt and distorts the social security deficit. Against the privatization of security 
mechanisms and financial speculation with pension funds.

Strengthening advocacy and political autonomy of grassroots bodies of workers and the 
maintenance of the right to strike. Against the fragmentation of union representation and 
the criminalization of labor unions.

Monitoring and solidarity with the struggle of workers in Europe and North America, 
positioning itself against cuts in labor rights, in particular, changes in welfare.

(B) Education

Increased investments in basic school (daycare, preschool, elementary and middle school) 
and combating the problems of lack of infrastructure (school meals, adequate libraries and 
other resources) and the precariousness of work in education. Against the closure of rural 
and urban schools.

Combat market policies implemented by the National Education Plan (PNE), facing the 
precariousness and the privatization of public education.

Community participation in school management and the expansion of higher technological 
education, technical and public, free and without precarious character. Expansion and 
implementation of effective student assistance policies that guarantee access and 
permanence. End of bailout with public money intended for private universities through the 
University for All Program (PROUNI) and Student Financing Fund (FIES), and that these 
resources are applied in the qualitative expansion of places in public universities.
Production of science and technology with social control. Expansion of higher education 
courses in partnership with social movements with political and pedagogical control the 
movements themselves.

(C) Health

Implementation of mandatory health funds by the Union, the states and municipalities.
Expansion of the Unified Health System (SUS).

Confronting the private companies, foundations and social organizations (OS) in health.
6% of GDP to public health without private intermediation.

(D) Urban Reform law and the city housing plan

Against privatizing the system of public-private partnerships and provision of credit from 
BNDES for big capital, the PAC and the mega-event like the World Cup or the Olympics to 
promote the segregation of urban space.

Combating property speculation and private usurpation of the right to the city. Defense of 
the social function of urban land. Expropriation of buildings and vacant land for 
affordable housing programs that serve millions of popular without proper housing, with 
construction plans by the task force, co-operatives and self-management system.
Against programs of "social cleansing" of urban centers and evictions by reason of the 
mega-enterprises and mega sporting events like the World Cup and the Olympics.
Uncompromising policy truly public, free shipping and quality, which guarantees the right 
to locomotion of the poor and the unemployed in urban and rural defense. Rejection of the 
commodification of transport, with public management and public participation.
Defense of a policy that prioritizes public transportation over individual, encouraging 
alternative means.

(E) Land reform and fight agribusiness

Agrarian reform against landlordism and extensive monoculture agribusiness and production 
without the use of pesticides and GMOs, which poison the field workers and other 
consumers. Warranty conditions for realization of agrarian reform and limit the private 
ownership of land.

Agroecological methods of production that prioritize popular management of agricultural 
production in harmony with the environment. Control the seed for field workers: against 
property and patent seeds for agribusiness companies.

Demarcation of indigenous territories, maroon and support for fishing communities and 
other traditional communities.

(F) Tax reform and break with the moneylenders public debt

Break with the perverse mechanism of public debt, paying high interest to the moneylenders 
and financial market policies and cut social spending for the poor. Implementation of a 
tax reform with taxation of the rich and not the poor.
Break with the moneylenders public debt, which consumes almost half the public budget, 
with greater investment of this amount in health and education.

(G) Human Rights

Effective opening of the archives of the dictatorship and punishment of torturers and 
representatives of State crimes in that period.

Against the criminalization of poverty and protest, and by the end of the extermination of 
the poor. The recognition of the social debt with blacks and indigenous peoples.
End of oppression in prisons: violence and torture of prisoners and against vexatious 
searches of visitors. End of asylums and incarceration of people with mental disorders.
Ending violence against women and the right to them for the public and ethical service in 
the Unified Health System (SUS) for abortion. Combating sexism, homophobia and defending 
freedom of sexual orientation and the rights of children and adolescents.

(H) Democratization of communication and tackling monopolies

Popular control over the communication system and end the monopolies of communication.
Popular communication and freedom of expression, including the right to free transmission 
of community radios and TVs. Against criminalization imposed by ANATEL and the 
bureaucratization of the grants.

Against the restriction of freedom and control of information on the internet.

(I) Participation and popular protagonism

Right to call for popular plebiscites and referendums deliberative strategic decisions for 
the country, if effecting directly on issues such as debt, property boundary and free trade.
Against institutionalized repression and criminalization of social movements and popular 
protest.
Strengthening of direct action, building the base and the broad popular participation in 
social movements.

(J) Environment, oil and natural resources in the service of the people

End of auction Petrobras and cancellation of privatization. Public model for oil reserves 
in the pre-salt, no sharing with private capital and revenue investment in government 
policies on labor, social and housing rights.

Decision and popular source control and energy reserves. Against development policies that 
invest in the construction of hydroelectric deployed authoritatively and with dire 
consequences for populations with serious environmental and social impacts. Energy model 
for the service of the people.

Against IIRSA plan applied by enterprises and serve as mega-events, the megaportos and 
hydropower, at the expense of popular aspirations.
Against the privatization of water, oil and natural goods.
(L) Anti-imperialism and the right of self-determination
Immediate withdrawal of occupation forces of Brazil in Haiti.
Permanent warning against the blows of the oligarchies and imperialism on Latin America, 
giving resolute to change processes of popular bases that are experienced throughout the 
continent, irrespective of their government policy support.
Scathing denunciation of the militarization of the continent, especially from military 
bases in Colombia and policies that criminalize protest folk and traditional communities.
Defense of the right of peoples' resistance.

An operational strategy for the present reality

However, we do not believe that only the analysis of the period and a set of program 
guidelines allow change the current balance of forces. We need definitions which point a 
strategic path that allows closer to our goal which is the finalist of social 
transformation through a social revolution. Accordingly, our VI Congress considers 
necessary and decisive medium / long-term construction of a structure catalyzing the 
movement of workers and popular sectors, a federation of seated struggles of grassroots 
organizations that can lead to class-vocation by mass struggles to enforce a minimum 
program. However, this structure can not be forged or by decree from above. It is a 
process of accumulation of forces and organicity that we will be one of the protagonists. 
For our part, militant to connect the spectrum of social struggles that confront the 
dominant model of Brazilian capitalism with a minimum program of popular solutions, 
helping to forge unity from the bottom up to create a strong people imposing on the 
national scene a proposed new correlation of forces applied to a project of social 
transformation. A line of work that encourages, compete and support the gestation of a new 
structure of pasta, a catalyst of social power of the oppressed classes, articulated the 
bases, which does not fall within the bureaucratic bourgeois way of institutional controls.

Thus, we believe that the current situation requires a common space shared by those 
struggling. Its construction and consolidation will thus be our modest contribution in 
that first moment. A space that has the ability to be a collective and programmatic 
construction that meets militant sections based on social movements, collective and urban 
and rural backgrounds, and opposition unions, student organizations, groups and 
independent media culture that goes overcoming your own weaknesses the popular process in 
recent months, as the fact of street mobilizations take advantage of mechanisms for social 
networking and virtual and ephemeral associations not rooted in the struggles of 
grassroots organizations with constructive guidelines in daily life.
This is our focus and our effort. And this is the invitation we make to militant sectors 
who want to build a departure from below and to the left.

Sixth General Congress Gaucha Anarchist Federation - FAG
December 2013
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