ABOUT STRUGGLES AND conjunctures ---- June 2013, booked their place in the political and social history. Their struggles, learning and gifts consequences follow. Started with a defensive agenda against rising rates of transport (which in cities like Porto Alegre had important battles fought in the year), the demonstrations started gaining projection having, perhaps as a trigger, the impact of the police crackdown on June 13 in Sao Paulo. In sequence, increasingly massive demonstrations spread throughout Brazil. ---- The years of "melhorismo" PT did not contain the set of repressed demands that were being put on the streets, saved the particularities of the local scenery, and who earned more evidence amid the context of public works spending for the World Cup, which July held its preliminary tournament facing a series of protests. There is much to reflect on these days of struggle. Certainly, the memory of June 2013 will be present this year 2014, year of the FIFA World Cup and parliamentary elections, as well as the escalation of repression and criminalization of protest that has left its ballast arbitrary arrests and persecutions. Point to questions within this national struggle opened, from Alagoas reality scenario. The events of June 2013 in Alagoas and some lessons In Alagoas, the manifestations in the context of June 2013 led to protests in several cities, like Delmiro Gouveia and Arapiraca, Alagoas respectively in the backcountry and rugged. Among other cities with low social tradition in public demonstrations. However, the main scenario was that kept the capital Macei? certain regularity of acts of street also because of the threat of increased public transportation fare. So the scenario analysis has focused on the capital of Alagoas. The demonstrations were in the capital of Alagoas, every activity, gaining body and adding more and more protesters beyond the field of influence of leftist organizations without removing these the role of organizing and direction, in part, of the acts. In part, because it could see that from the beginning was forming a sector that was not content to follow the "protocol" and sometimes followed a course beyond the will of some / parties who did not know or have no political organizations sensitivity to dialogue with these situations. We can consider the height of the street acts which occurred on June 20 (as it was in most of Brazil). It is estimated that about 30,000 people attended this event, something never before seen in Maceio. On June 20, the demonstration went beyond the organization of any group involved, swallowing the presence of electric trios, bringing together a crowd that does not usually have well-defined political identity and, of course, were all influenced by protests in Brazil, where Social networks played a key role. In this act, despite the politically organized participation of people can identify with a more conservative line and right (including having an electric trio at their disposal) they were not the majority and its influence was minimal in most of the demonstration. The predominant profile of the demonstrators were young, mostly students. Many made their first experiences of act of street and had no experience of organizing to fight, wherever studies, work or live. As you know, the left part (the one election dispute, is for what purpose is, on a pole or a reformist discourse of social disruption) and most of the social movements were rejected in some parts of the country. In this context, there were those who took advantage to practice physical attacks, leaving many of rightist provocateurs. In Alagoas was no threat. We reject, from the first moment, and we must be aware of the performance right groups. However, for the rejection of the people coming from sectors should fit a and critical reflection on the old formula of cutting edge planning and running of the mass. This "formula" does not help to build an egalitarian and free society, reproducing relations of domination and authoritarianism. The left must break with historical practices that prioritize the growth of its initials instead of the development of popular struggle. In general, the old practices did not work hard or resistors found on the streets in June, although this does not necessarily mean adherence or more structured collective political development constructions. Should not be surprised that most of the speeches (delivered by cries of order or visual manifestation) was often away from claims of a popular struggle and that little dialogued with the core issues that motivated the protests, such as urban mobility. But it would be absurd to make a negative review of the incident. At the same time, it would be much pretension of all militancy left wanting to influence most with our ideas "from night to day." Not every board could be left in most circumstances presented. Here is a great lesson in June and that gives us more ideological conviction that no rooting and popular empowerment from the social bases, "commoditized" acts are more likely to be targeted and / or controlled politically by the mainstream media, and opportunistic practices, in general, by the dominant values in society. In our view, this lesson only reinforces the necessary building strategy of People's Power, not as a mainstay of private power projects, but as a concrete expression of leadership and power from below. This election does not go through joints and Acronym agreements but requires perspective and long-term work , stated in struggles and organizational tools autonomous basis , daily in legitimate leadership class. Notes of Alagoas political conjuncture According to the "Atlas Brazil 2013," United Nations, Alagoas is the state with the worst HDI (Human Development Index) in the country. Are 88 of the 102 municipalities with low HDI, 2 being considered very low. No accident that nearly half of Alagoas families, about 440,000 out of a total of 920 thousand, depends directly on the federal program of income transfers, the family purse. Another fact that stands out, and is a constant presence in local and national news, are also staggering levels of violence such as murder, with Alagoas and its major cities always ranks the first places. If violence, affecting mainly the oppressed and their peripheries, is an expression of capitalism and its class structure, it certainly manifests itself in different ways gaining a more destructive and inhuman potential realities of Alagoas. In parallel, the political and economic elites follow with their trainees and unmade. If on one hand, has been more common surfacing corruption and diversion of funds, on the other hand, many of those involved are still occupying their political positions. The same goes for cases like Jo?o Lyra Group, which has its adjudication of bankruptcy dragged on justice while workers their companies suffer from wage arrears and various employee benefits not met by companies of Congressman of the same name and figurehead of profile of Alagoas elite. This year 2014 marks the end of the second term Teot?nio Vilela (PSDB) who announced he will not run for any office in the upcoming elections, fulfilling the end of his second term as governor. The wear of 8 years in office, exercised on a hard front line popular demands, especially the civil service certainly helped in this decision. Wage squeeze, insistence on not making contest and breach of agreements with scanty closed unions are trademarks of government. Shielded behind the discourse of the Fiscal Responsibility Law seeks to justify the cuts and "grips" on education or health, while on the other hand, spends millions on advertising the government itself. Besides the state government, the PSDB is ahead of the Municipality of Macei? by young Rui Palmeira. Both in one as in another, there is the effort in wanting to build an image of honest politicians and no direct involvement in major recent corruption scandals and "modernizing projects" that are associated with neoliberal prescriptions. The fact that they can not hide is the direct link, family inclusive, with the political and economic elite of Alagoas and its relations with politicians and businessmen who commit outrages and their trainees and remain unpunished. If indeed Vilela not going to the electoral process (in this case the Senate) is not yet known. However, PSDB and Vilela will have the "opposition" right plate / gang articulated by Renan and Fernando Collor and the base of the PT federal government in the state. A dispute between oligarchs with their stories relations with the dominant groups, like the mill owners, with landowning structure, as new groups and economic sectors that are gaining expression in the state and / or a few regions, and especially with the degradation of living conditions of Alagoas worker in favor of private power projects. From our ground, keep fighting The demands and struggles for immediate gains, are necessary and fundamental resistance for better conditions of life for the oppressed. The struggle for urban mobility and against the mafia of entrepreneurs shipping. Combating poverty and criminalization of protest. The quality of public services, combining the struggle of workers with those who need the service. In the field fighting landlordism and policies that benefit agribusiness and destructive agrarian structure. However, as important as the achievements are the means by which it reaches. Enforcing the strength of the streets and struggles at work, studying and living is to ensure that the "voice of the streets" is not silent or misused by electoral interests. You must also associate the struggle for rights and gains a long-term struggle, developing the capacity for social transformation of the oppressed while fostering direct action method at different levels of popular struggle. Since our floors, earthy Palmares, without losing the dimension of the fight beyond the borders of the states, followed seeking to build with our strength modesty, justice and freedom horizons.
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maandag 17 maart 2014
(en) Brazil, Anarchist Collective Zumbi dos Palmares - BULLETIN CAZP (pt)
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