France, Alternative Libertaire AL #240 - In 1984, the British miners defy the Iron Lady (fr, pt)

June 18, 1984, lorsqu'?clate the "Battle of Orgreave", the British miners' strike has 
already lasted three months, led by a powerful union, the National Union of Mineworkers. 
It was not until March 1985, a year after the beginning of the strike, the Conservative 
government of Margaret Thatcher manage to break one of the most important movements of the 
English working class. ---- In England, the minor in the 1970s the archetype of the 
"working class hero" . 100% union, the 180,000 miners are determined to let it go while in 
the early 1980s the "neoliberal revolution" came from overseas prepares its defenses. But 
they do not know, 6 March 1984, the strike will they start - after a year of bitter 
struggle - the most iconic and stinging of the British working class defeat. Yet all was 
not a bad start.

The first "flying pickets"

It is a little over ten years ago that this clash of Homeric class finds its sources. 
England was not spared by the wave of protests hit many countries in the 1970s. In 1972, 
opposed wage policy implemented by the Conservative government of the day, the miners of 
Yorkshire will take action copy the class solidarity that unfolds. Inventive, their 
struggle is based on two innovations: that of "flying pickets" flying pickets strike that 
extend the action going in groups of strikers from well to well to the strike vote; and 
the "secondary" strike of sending pickets with suppliers to trigger sympathy strikes 
preventing the supply of mines. These means are put at the service of a flawless fighting 
that will culminate in Saltley coke depot where more than 10,000 miners flying pickets, 
led by the ebullient leader of the trade union left the National Union of Mineworkers 
(NUM), Arthur Scargill (see below), were able to retreat to the forces of repression. The 
strike of 1972 was a resounding success which followed two years later another strike by 
dropping the Conservative Prime Minister, Edward Heath.

More generally, these practices attract an English working class seeking radical: in 1979, 
the overall number of unionized peaked with a little more than 12 million workers and 
workers joining a labor organization [ 1 ].

The class war is declared

That same year 1979 the Conservatives found power under the leadership of Margaret 
Thatcher, and fierce anti-neoliberal convinced. The new government decided to end the 
union against-power, mainly represented by the Trades Union Congress (TUC Union 
Federations) which adheres NUM) [ 2 ]. And of course it is the miners who are chosen to 
target: because they are a strong symbol for the English working class and because they 
have to pay their strikes of 1972 and 1974 who knelt by the previous Conservative 
government. The operation is almost prepared militarily. The Chancellor of the Thatcher 
government (equivalent to Minister of Finance), Nigel Lawson, spoke in a similar 
government mobilization "against the threat of rearmament Hitler in 1930" [ 3 ].

Specifically, an additional 11 000 police officers are recruited and a crisis center is 
located at New Scotland Yard. With more lasting impact, a series of anti-union laws (the 
"Employment Acts") was adopted between 1980 and 1984. Strikes "secondary", solidarity and 
"political reasons" are declared illegal, pickets should be limited six strikers, social 
benefits for families of strikers are reduced, consultations by ballot shall be made 
mandatory before any outbreak of strike, the government finally gives itself the right to 
seize the funds of trade union solidarity and freeze their accounts . Baron Ridley, 
Secretary of State for Transport, organize the storage and transport of coal "yellow".

Beginning in March 1984, the offensive was launched suddenly the National Coal Board 
(British collieries), a Crown corporation that is responsible for mining, announced the 
immediate closure of the mine Cortonwood in Yorkshire reduction programmed production 
(while the supply of electricity depends on the time to 80% of coal) and the phasing of 
twenty wells on the 150 account Britain. These closures representing the destruction of 
more than 20,000 mining jobs. Especially, a secret plan, the "Ridley Plan" (named after 
the Minister of Transport who was the author) is brought to the attention of minors: it 
provides actually closing 95 wells and the installation of 100,000 unemployed minors [ 4 
]. On March 6, the strike broke like a clap of thunder, flying pickets from well to well 
in Yorkshire with the strong support of Arthur Scargill who headed the NUM in 1980 The 
strike spread quickly to. Scotland, Kent, Wales and soon nearly 150,000 miners are on 
strike. Some wells remain away from the strike, mainly those of Nothinghamshire considered 
to be very profitable and insured by the government for their continued activity. A 
government that starts having cold sweats to the strong fighting minors.

"Turn into Saltley Orgreave"

NUM's strategy is based on three pillars. First, active support for pickets, without 
complaining to confrontation and violence class, with the desire to repeat the strikes of 
the previous decade. Then, the denunciation of anti-union laws and the refusal therefore 
to organize a formal vote on a national strike that would have been an opportunity for 
active smear campaign, the risk of influencing the vote and weaken the strikers well . 
Finally, the popularization of the strike to counteract denunciations Thatcher designating 
minors as "enemy within", but also a release orders describing Scargill at pretty much 
like a megalomaniac Bolshevik because of its proximity to the Communist Party.

In the foreground, the Battle of Orgreave will be a turning point. Located in South 
Yorkshire, the filing of Orgreave will be chosen by Scargill order to concentrate its 
"flying pickets" 5-6000 are moving, representing tens of thousands of strikers. On 18 
June, clashes with the Mounties will be extremely violent killing more than 70 wounded. 93 
pickets were arrested. Arthur Scargill himself at the scene, was arrested. On placards 
brandished by activists pickets that read "Turn into Saltley Orgreave" ("Make a new 
Saltley of Orgreave"). But unlike 1972 Saltley, the battle is lost and the deposit remains 
open Orgreave. Repression will intensify. Cities and neighborhoods minors are literally 
occupied by the police. At the end of the movement, in 1985, there were 20,000 wounded, 
11,000 arrests, a little over 8,000 convictions and 200 activists remain imprisoned.

The direct action was the only option NUM who refused to pass under the forks Caudine 
anti-union legislation claimant to submit the continuation of the strike to a secret 
ballot. The savagery of repression made it difficult to continuing clashes ... especially 
if the miners remained isolated.

However, after the Battle of Orgreave, the Labour Party did not hesitate to publicly 
denounce violence "where they come from" . We must therefore call for solidarity: posters, 
badges are printed. The leftists groups are facts and causes for minors. Women miners 
create their movement, "Women against pit closures" ("Women against the pit closures"), 
which brings together nearly 10,000 adherent and organized a women's demonstration in 
London on 11 August 1984. But what will make sorely lacking is the union solidarity. 
Scargill and the NUM leadership, entangled in their bureaucratic contradictions, sparing 
other TUC unions who refuse to engage in an "adventurist" solidarity, since the anti-union 
laws illegal action. Scientists balance between union currents (which are also reflected 
in the Labour Party) led mainly to inertia and attempted strikes in July 1984 in dockers 
and railway workers are quickly broken in the bud by the government and the legalistic 
bureaucracy TUC [ 5 ]. Scargill himself not free from some corporatism, do not go to meet 
other professional sectors as he could do ten years earlier.

"The Reds under the bed Thatcher"

In July 1984, the last hope, union foremen, foremen mines, announces that it is preparing 
to strike. The cessation of mining was widespread and coal production "yellow" in 
Nottinghamshire finally interrupted. Alas, the backstage dealings have reason to strike 
foremen. In December 1984, the court gave the coup de grace by saying the seizure of all 
property of the NUM, effective at the beginning of the following year. Cornered, the 
direction of the NUM turns to the TUC to solicit financial support. Therefore the TUC 
takes the reins of the "negotiation" with the Thatcherite power. On 3 March 1985 the NUM 
delegates voted to return to work by 98 votes against 91.

Undeniable defeat the miners' strike of 1984-1985 failed to prevent the progressive 
closure of almost all British well. In the early 2000s, there were just a little more than 
10,000 children in the UK and less than twenty wells. But the strike has nevertheless been 
a time when the class struggle has been brought to its incandescence. Among those 
returning to work, there are those who are determined to remain "Reds under the bed 
Thatcher." In 1994, a group of 250 miners use their severance pay to buy and self-manage 
their mine, Tower Colliery in South Wales [ 6 ]. While many aspects of this "proto-self" 
can be discussed and leave doubtful [ 7 ]. There remains, as recalled in 2000 Tyrone 
O'Sullivan, former trade unionist working in Tower Colliery NUM: "We are demonstrating to 
the world that workers are able to take control of their own affairs and the Socialism can 
work " .

Theo Rival (AL Orleans)

Arthur Scargill, AN "ENEMY WITHIN"

Born in 1938, the young Arthur Scargill was 15 when hired for the first time at the mine. 
It is then a member of the Young Communist League (YCL), where he became one of the 
national leaders in 1956 before being expelled in the early 1960s. He inaugurated a golf 
union with its first wildcat strike at the age 17 years. In 1967, he hosted the "Forum 
Barnsley miners' union rally left National Union of Mineworkers (NUM). In 1972, he 
coordinated the flying pickets of striking miners of Yorkshire. It is based on the radical 
dynamics, he was elected with 70% of mandates to replace Joe Gormley moderate head of the 
NUM in 1981. Strike of 1984-1985 will be his biggest fight. British unionism is 
historically linked to the Labour Party. Scargill leaves in 1996 lorsqu'est abandoned the 
fourth clause of the statutes of the party who claimed "complete collectivization of the 
economy."

To the left of the Labour Party, he founded the Socialist Labour Party - which he is still 
a leader today - while retaining the Presidency of the NUM until 2002.

Sources: Maitron online


[ 1 ] John Mullen, "Freedoms and union duties Thatcher to Blair" , speech at the 
conference "Freedom, freedom", University of Tours, September 2001.

[ 2 ] 2. Even if it is crossed by opposing currents, it is fundamentally associated with 
British institutions through the Labour Party which is organically bound.

[ 3 ] "And Margaret Thatcher broke the unions" , in Critical History of the twentieth 
century, the history of Le Monde Diplomatique Atlas, 2011.

[ 4 ] Arthur Scargill, "The British miners' strike" in Papers of the Institute of Social 
History Mining Energy No. 27-28, June 2010, published by the FNME-CGT

[ 5 ] Sheila McGregor, "1984: the miners' strike that could beat Thatcher" on Alencontre.org

[ 6 ] Jean-Michel Carr?, Hot coals , documentary film, 2000

[ 7 ] See "Tower Colliery mine to minors! "In the self-management, always a new idea , 
coedition Alternative libertarian / Nefac, 2008.