(en) Brazilian Anarchist Coordination (CAB) - Elections: The left exit is not on the ballot, but in the Streets! (pt)

 [machine translation]

Elements of the electoral environment ---- The context of elections in our country needs 
to be analyzed from some elements of the Brazilian situation that seek point in the 
present analysis. Aspects that we believe are relevant to a certain extent and 
determinants in a more rigorous understanding of elections and some libertarian 
conclusions that will point at the end. ---- When the "Win, Win" can become the "Win, 
lose" ---- The Workers Party has ruled the country for 12 years, since 2002 Its formula 
has been to strengthen the financing to major capitalist "brazilian" as well as the 
expansion of personal credit, which in table strengthens the consumer market. The 
government seeks to strengthen the large capitalists, and fall, creates jobs and improves 
the conditions of the working mass consumption. To complete we still have social programs 
that cater to mass, like the Bolsa Familia - "36 million Brazilians were taken out of 
extreme poverty" (DILMA, 2014) and the More Doctors - which the government covered 50 
million underserved people. All this form of government has been synthesized by our 
current bulge in the CAB, as the neo-developmentism, because it represents a new quest for 
the development of some sectors of the economy as their integration into the international 
economy through the injection of public funds (ie more intervention in the neoliberal 
period), however with some redesign, because we can not compare these with the development 
policies of the past, after the state comes more as a financier than as a direct agent of 
development in this sense privatizations and public-private partnerships the current 
neoliberal era remains, at best earn another guise.
What we have seen in recent years, are symptoms of a certain "fatigue" of this development 
and growth model. Talked to some signs of this exhaustion on our final document:

"In relation to capitalist development, the PT hit some indexes that allow certain 
stability and growth, as the 4.6% unemployment, which allow certain fluidity to the 
economy; after all, mass consumption is one of its flagships. However, no real income 
distribution, ie, the socialization of poverty, indebtedness generates concern that 
promise to slow the consumption of the masses and the real estate market, with a major 
risk of this becoming debt default. The great works and mega events have expiration dates, 
and, when finalized, promise further slow the economy. Agribusiness, as pointed out, is 
subject to the international market and therefore sensitive to external economic 
fluctuations. The question is also to what extent the public will support banks keep 
credit market, without the state in debt or has pressured their accounts, especially in 
regard to social programs.

As we see, we have an economic model that is far from a transformative perspective; it can 
not be well characterized even in a reformist perspective. Even with regard to the 
capitalist balance, he seems to be sustained in unstable "bases", subject to 
imbalances."(CAB, 2014)

Without being exhaustive and without seeking to scaremongering and catastrophism elements 
of the analysis, we have to be aware of some movements of Brazilian capitalism because 
certain symptoms of certain economic slowdown and instability emerge in reality and know 
the impact they have on the political situation of the country .

The government itself shift (Dilma-PT), and its electoral program suggest that its pillar 
is, and will continue the same

(...) The productive competitiveness will be achieved through investment in production and 
mass consumption, investment in social and economic infrastructure in the construction of 
a Brazil without Bureaucracy and the areas of Education, Science, Technology and 
Innovation, building a knowledge society. "(DILMA, 2014)

Thus, we can not be optimistic, to expect something different in the coming years, despite 
some slowing economy, we will have more of the same. The government itself admits that the 
GDP had expected growth of 2.5%, is expected to grow at most 1.8%, the market and 
financial institutions points to 1.5% (the most pessimistic financial instruments 0.52%) , 
and the GDP grew by 1.03% during the global crisis (2009), as we see with our economy very 
close rates recession. Of course this is a global trend, the global economy should have 
increased by 2.8% this year. More pessimism points with said "technical recession", which 
points to shrinkage of Brazil's economy in the first quarter of 2014, 0.6% less. The 
expected growth of the World Bank to developing countries in 2014 was reduced to 4.8%, 
down from an expansion of 5.3% expected in the report released by the agency in January. 
However, there must be noted that the BRICS Brazil is only better than Russia in this 
regard shall be a weak economic performance even when compared to countries with similar 
profiles.

worrying With all these results, we see in the campaigns, and the PT program itself, is a 
restatement of what was done and some "improvements" to be made in the same direction. It 
seems that we live in these past elections, after their main rivals are the PSDB, which 
represents the worst that we have in politics, and the PSB, a "third way" that does not 
bring anything new and already points to rule in favor of capital . Thus we can not expect 
changes coming in these sectors, at least positive changes regarding the population and 
the economy of the country. Hence, the electoral process has little to offer in this area, 
on one side the PT that promises to re-edit what we see skating on the other those who 
ruled the country for years, and has ruled some states (eg of Paran? state Richa literally 
broke, the state is no federal loans and even have money to supply official cars).

's main sectors of the economy suffer to grow. The automotive industry faces significant 
recession, vehicle production is the main industry in the fall, IBGE points in May 2013 
Compared to May 2013, the automotive sector fell 20.1%. Industrial output third fall then 
in May, with -0.6%. The sale of vehicles in the first half of 2014 fell 7.33% over the 
last year, appearing as worst result since 2010 The retail has slowed, and 8.4% in the 
year 2012 (growth was from 2004 to 2012) , is estimated to 4% in 2014, according to the 
National Confederation of Shopkeepers (CNDL). In real estate we see significant slowdown 
this year as well, if the mortgage in 2013 increased 34% over the previous year, this year 
we added industry in a mere 7%, the growth estimate is 15% (less than half) of According 
to data from the Brazilian Association of Savings and Mortgage Lending (Abecip). If the 
mass consumption is one of the pillars for growth, it seems that is in a process of decay, 
because the major sectors are in frank deceleration thus we enter a time of weakening 
economy. The decline in growth rates are reflective of indebtedness of the population, 
because in that growth and acceleration of the market driven by the expansion of credit, 
not of actual earnings, which confirms the trend is household debt.

According to Roberto Luis Troster, former chief economist at the Brazilian Federation of 
Banks, the situation in 2013 was as follows: 63% of the population has some kind of debt 
and 20% of delinquent accounts; 76% of these people are in credit card debt and the 
average interest rate of this type of account, in Brazil, currently sits on the porch of 
130%. The default was still low, closed 2013 at 2.33%. Recently, a particular concern 
revealed that at least 57 million Brazilians are already delinquent, 60% of those in debt 
have overdue bills that exceed all monthly income. Another statistic shows that 53% of 
people with debts to have two accounts not paid on time. It should be noted that this 
figure is that the total population aged 18 or more (144 million people), about 40% are 
delinquent. A crisis scenario can not be established due to low unemployment that rotates 
according to IBGE data between 4.6% and about 5%, ensuring a scenario of full employment.

How can we explain this slowdown? Well we have already pointed out in a previous analysis 
of this model of growth was not sustainable in your direction to generate a growth cycle. 
For we note that since the PT took over, put your neodesenvolvimentista ongoing project, 
based on increasing the supply of credit and not the income distribution, which logically 
leads the population to debt, stagnating, or at least decreasing the growth capacity. 
Previously we had already raised recent data showing the situation of rising wages in Brazil

"Regarding the real gain in wages, this is very small in the present scenario. Although 
84.5% of the categories that are monitored by DIEESE had increases above the INPC, only 
0.6% received increases above 5%. The largest share received between 0.01% and 1%, 
totaling 34.8% of 84.5%. In this same survey, it was found that 64% had an increase of 
approximately 0.01% to 2% above the INPC. In 2012 there was a higher rate increases above 
5% INPC. This confirms that the increase in consumption occurred with the expansion of 
credit and corroborates the assertion that there is a significant distribution of income 
in the country. "(CAB, 2014)

Also regarding the outlook of the income distribution we find a not very positive picture:

Meanwhile, most of the population still living on less than a minimum wage: workers aged 
15 or older who earn less than minimum wage totaled 26,080 million, this represents 43% of 
Brazilian households have a per capita income less than the minimum wage. (2)
These two elements when faced demonstrate the cruelty of Brazilian reality: while 124 
people concentrate more than 12% of GDP, 26 million workers live on less than one minimum 
wage per month.

But to maintain the appearance of "country rich ", the government and the media spread the 
concept of" middle class "as if there were the same, in practice, this segment that 
differs from the poor. For the government, this "middle class" includes the population 
with per capita income of R $ 291 to R $ 1,019, or more than half of the population 
belongs to the middle class. But in practice, what this means? The same government is 
redistributing wealth? Yes and no. This average income is far below what the DIEESE points 
as necessary to gain access to fundamental rights, the institution establishes that the 
Brazilian minimum wage should be ? 2621.70 (2013). It is noticed that, in reality, what 
happens is that the government redistributes poverty. According to IPEA, Brazil in poverty 
decreased from 32.4% to 22.6%, including over this portion of the population in the middle 
class, but the richest continue likewise accumulating. Look: 1% of the world population 
owns 43% of the wealth of the globe, and 43% own 2% of the wealth. (Credit Suisse); only 
6% of Brazilians has its own means of production (IPEA); or 1% of Brazilian land 
dosproprietarios holds 45% of the land, 90% of landowners hold 20% (INCRA). Thus what 
appears as the distribution of wealth in the statements of the government actually takes 
shape as a dispersion of the income of the poorest, while the accumulation of the richest 
maintains the same standards, or even intensified, after the growth of the Brazilian 
economy not contemplating the decentralization of wealth, eventually these segments move 
away increasingly, after the growth of the richest is stunningly higher. (CALC 2013)

As we see, in addition to the distribution of related poorest wealth through social 
programs (whose flagship is the family allowance), there is no real devolution of wealth, 
which prevents a continuous cycle of growth.

against In departure, the dominant sectors feel the slowdown, with lower growth and lower 
profits (less why not beat records). Among the banks see the list of higher profits, Bank 
of Brazil, a public bank with net income of R $ 15.75 billion in 2013, ranking first. This 
shows that the supply of credit is still a state responsibility. Following comes the Ita? 
Unibanco with net income of R $ 15.696 billion, above the result of R $ 13.594 billion 
recorded a year earlier. In third place is the Bradesco, with a net income of R $ 12.011 
billion in 2013, a figure above the R $ 11.381 billion recorded in the previous year. No 
wonder we see the pressure to increase the Selic rate, the benchmark interest rate, 
because as we see such banks ensure a good percentage of their profits in Brazil. 
Santander, fourth in the same list, ensures almost ? of their profit only in Brazil. The 
oppressed classes see their purchasing power decrease with its debt and inflation eroding 
them. The response to contain inflation has been increasing interest rates, so one side or 
the other who "loses" is the population (with high inflation or high interest rates), 
after investing in increasing the supply is not the interest of large financial capital.

For at the same time that government declared the decrease in GDP growth, warned of an 
increase in the estimate of inflation for the year. Despite slowdown in June, still 
beating the ceiling (6.5%), reaching a cumulative 6.52% in the last 12 months. Suffers 
slight slowdown in July and remained for a little, but still above the 6.51% ceiling.
seen As the government continues to point to the growth model the expansion of social 
programs, infrastructure and such "productive competitiveness". We see no appointment the 
government anger radicalize the income distribution policy or investment in strategic 
sectors to strengthen national industry really. What we fear is that a complex equation to 
solve, how to maintain consumption growth without increases in real income? As further 
expand consumption and curb inflation, to contain inflation the government raised interest 
rates to curb some demand? And more to modernize the industry and the industrial park 
without massive investments in science and technology area (the apex investment in science 
is borderless, and not in the assembly of equipment in S & T in national soil)? How to 
hold capital without a disciplining of the same (ie, regulation, because there is no 
nationalism that make capitalists hold the money in our economy?) is unviable to think of 
how to attract capital more productive for the country with an interest rate of 11%, that 
favors the financial capital, no wonder the sale of government securities (bonds) hit a 
record ? 57.97 billion. No wonder the back to grow 3.4% public debt, reaching 2.12 
trillion. No wonder we see that the industry is forecast to shrink by 0.67% (research 
focus) in the year 2014 (three months the industry shrinks). Among the BRICS stop being 
the 4th economy with more investment to become the 7th.

Which solution has the Government? For obvious credit growth, the reverse example of 
economic growth BNDES disbursements rising 35% in the 1st quarter. During the period, 
disbursements reached R $ 28.5 billion. Disbursements for the infrastructure sector 
increased by 82%, no wonder we see that these are the sectors that finance election 
campaigns. Not by chance the government's accounts are worse result for 1st half in 14 years.

In June, there was R $ 1.94 billion deficit worst result since 1997 The collection has the 
worst growth since 2009, this result of tax exemptions , especially automobiles and 
electros. Another path found by the president, and quoted in your program as another 
solution for growth, are public-private partnerships, where the government comes in with 
the funding (through BNDES), and the private sector with the "efficient management", and 
is clear profit, all for the sake of development. Entered the wave of privatization ports, 
airports, rodoferrovias, roads and hospitals. All these measures seek to keep satisfied 
ruling classes, and on the other hand prevent the dominated classes face unemployment and 
further flattening in their consumption capacity.

As we see the economy faces turbulence, and the ruling classes still continue to expand 
their gains , have won more, but still winning. The dominated classes is losing access to 
one of the only achievements that obtained with this government: consumption. Have 
realized gradually losing its purchasing power, after all indebted not afford to incur 
more expenses. Lose with rising inflation, lose with rising interest rates, lost when the 
state goes into debt and invest less in social areas, it occurs when the state collects 
less, one way or the other loses, and pay bills neo-developmentism . These aspects could 
not fail to influence the political landscape. After all when the policy of "win-win" is 
not possible to know who has "lost".

Just the party of growth, just friends ...

We see with the conditions of economic instability, the first questions emerge about the 
government. The consensus forged by PT classes in its 12-year rule, seems to shake the 
front inability to maintain an economic growth scenario. If this government ever had 
positive ratings above 60%, reaching 68% in December 2010, and in March 2013 it still had 
63% approval rating, currently review fell to almost half that, because in four months to 
the approval government fell nine points, from 43% to 34%. According to the same survey 
IBOPE (April) the disapproval of the way to govern Dilma increased from 43% to 48%. 
According to the same research institute held in July, would like the / a president 
totally changed the government of the country: 29%; keep only a few programs, but changed 
a lot: 41%; made few changes and this continued for much: 18%, of the total continuity to 
the current government: 10%; and do not know / no answer: 2%. This disapproval of the 
Dilma government, which has an indirect influence on elections, can not, however, be 
captured by Aetius, but Marina, a supposed alternative, which as we will see can not be 
seen as an "exit".

As said, the problems with playback the growth cycle, and the distrust in government 
policy already has its election results, which do not derive the stability of government, 
make consensus on EN is reached. One realizes how fragile are the PT achievements, which 
ensured the growth of up and access to consumption and employment (low quality say) to 
below, to demonstrate that the first signs of fatigue due to the development model 
adopted, already shows that what was so consensual, maybe it was not so much. Are the 
fruits of the social compact mounted on all those years of engineering PT government 
which, prioritize and make the center of his collusion strategy and alliances with the 
dominant sectors ended leaving aside the mobilization and organization from below, burying 
any time Socialist perspective transformation.

Without economic growth: Stampede of the above ... No guarantee of Rights: Dissatisfaction 
from below!

As noted, the decrease in growth rate coupled with ideological coherence factors has 
generated tensions by dominant the PT government sectors. Many of them made through the 
media, attacking the PT and seeks to expand the climate of instability, seeking to promote 
the "opposition" to the government, which now promises to modernize the productive base 
with a tax reform, it is always less government, regarding economic management and rights, 
after all are not talking about a tax reform to implement progressive taxation. Even the 
right to criticize the wave entered the canopy (as some pointed General Figueiredo did not 
the canopy), and contrasting the stadiums with public service.
As noted earlier too, if there was a radical change in the distribution of wealth there 
was no service the population with respect to essential services. If we observe the main 
care services to the population: education, health, transportation and sanitation, they 
have not gone through significant changes expected of a reformist party. Nor could it be 
otherwise, if we look at the 2014 budget, 42% is allocated to public debt. Adding this to 
the Fiscal Responsibility Law, it is difficult to discuss any change or reform that is. 
Not surprisingly privatization be growing. We see this news recently: Fusion Anhanguera 
and Kroton creates the 17th largest company in the Bovespa "New company will have a market 
value of more than ? 24 billion. Association creates company with nearly 1 million 
students. " (...) According to the CFM, the total federal investment of ? 47.3 billion in 
2013, ? 3.9 billion representing 8.2% of health. This percentage, according to the 
organization, is smaller than the slices intended to ministries of Transport (23.3%), 
Defense (18.6%), Education (16%) and National Integration (9.3%).

As can be noted education in Brazil continues to be a business, and increased public 
investment takes place in the private sector. In higher education, for example, came 
through PROUNI, which is nothing more than the privatization of public spaces (it is 
estimated that each wave in PROUNI costs about 3 in public universities). Yet when we look 
at how is education, we face the following scenario

When we played the situation of universities, we have an even more critical situation 
regarding the administration of the service by the government. Only 11% of the population 
between 25 and 64 years of age reached this educational level, while the recommended rate 
for developed nations is at least 31%. Currently, at least 74% of higher education 
students have to turn to private schools because the private higher education institutions 
correspond to most of this service in Brazil. 2112 are 304 private institutions to public. 
Only 62% of people with higher education and 35% of people with high school education are 
classified as fully literate. According to research by the Paulo Montenegro Institute and 
the NGO Action Educational levels of literacy and functional literacy improve their 
performance according to income. It is noticed that productivism imposed on Brazilian 
education by international bodies in the years of staunch, neoliberalism combined with the 
lack of attention to what pertains to the politics of social welfare (where income is only 
one element) and a universal not represented sufficient increase in funds (consequently in 
structural and personal gain) generated an overloaded structure (crowded rooms) with a 
small number of teachers, eventually become a mass education of poor quality. Our country 
not only have a poor quality of education, as, due to the expansion via private 
universities, is unable to promote technological development, as private not invest in 
research and have a fragile system of knowledge production. Brazil accounts for a mere 
2.7% of scientific production in the world, what is little to one of the world's largest 
economies. No wonder that only four Brazilian universities are among the 100 best 
evaluated BRICS. In this area, the privatization extends to all levels, from primary to 
tertiary, either through privatization revenues, public structure or by liberalization 
that turns a right into a commodity.

PNE In the recently approved (National Education Plan), large part of the discussion was 
about the budget, the famous 10% of GDP and 100% of the pre-salt. If these discussions are 
important, do not forget to think about the quality and management of education, precisely 
what worries the PNE which provides for the privatization of the up and down education 
system, from kindergarten to graduate school.

On Health does not have better situations in a recent survey by TCU shows that 64% of 
Hospitals is always overcrowded, 81% of the units have a lack of doctors and 73% of 
facilities are inadequate. In further research this year (2014), we found something that 
sounds nothing strange front of this panorama, 93% of the population is dissatisfied with 
the NHS and private health insurance. Also recently met the following scenario

According to the 2011 survey, about 70% of the population is dissatisfied with the 
services provided by the NHS. This number refers to those who often seek the service. The 
main complaint is the lack of doctors, then the delay in scheduling consultation or 
examination in public (IPEA), which can reach, according to some sources, the nine months. 
According to another poll, about 60% of the population uses only the SUS, while another 
30% match using the NHS and private healthcare. In practice, about 90% of the population 
depends on NHS services. He gets no real increase in supplementation since 1994 because 
inflation accumulated in the health sector in the last decade, 83.3% turned out to absorb 
the 32% increase in subsidies in the sector. We see the current government rhetoric only 
break with the old privatization policy, by imposing the measures by masked, as in the 
case of public companies by private law (as Ebserh), opening space for privatization 
(hospitals double door) and promote the commercialization of health (not only in the 
commercial sense, but also submit it to the logic of business administration at the 
expense of welfare. At the state level have their equivalents, Social Organizations (OSs). 
pointing Only those data Preliminary, without dwelling on the background related to the 
Brazilian public health statistics, it is remarkable that their situation is catastrophic.

yet as regards sanitation, theme directly linked to Public Health, the largest 100 
municipalities, 34 have no plan sanitation is estimated that 35.5 million people lack 
access to basic sanitation.

Regarding transport, the 50 billion added to the budget by Dilma area, it seems that 
little is invested in transport for the population. Turns out the only real achievement 
was the reduction of the population of the tariff in more than 100 cities, and some cities 
began to guarantee the free pass by force from the streets. In general transport continues 
in the hands of mafias old transport, more than that, this supplementary budget fell into 
the hands of old oligarchies. Cade held denounces cartel in underground works in Sao 
Paulo, Federal District, Rio de Janeiro, Rio Grande do Sul and Minas Gerais. As we see the 
situation remains the same or even worse.

Such data reveal a reality that Brazil occupies 46th position in new index that measures 
the quality of life. The global indicator evaluated IPS 'social progress' in 132 
countries. Brazil was the best of the BRICs, but was surpassed by other Latinos. The most 
successful country in the region has been to Costa Rica, who appeared in 25 th place. Then 
came Uruguay (26 ?), Chile (30 ?), Panama (38 ?) and Argentina (42 ?). As we do not 
necessarily "Country Country Rico is without Poverty" because even at rates of bourgeois 
institutions, we come back with regard to quality of life in countries with much smaller 
economies.

Is not equal, but also does not fall far ...

Part of the left disqualifies your own debate by pointing out that the PT follows the same 
neoliberal doctrine of the PSDB. We understand that such statements, as well as being a 
certain way untruths, disqualify the left that ends up asserting that reality promoted by 
the PSDB, privatization strict sense, and less state participation in the economy are 
identical by the PT government. You can not compare the current government to the PSDB 
period, when only 95-2000 unemployment grew 155.5%, and public investment in employment 
generation declined 32.2%. Adds that in 2000 unemployment hit alarming 15% of which are 
today far. The policy of economic leadership of the world economy facing Brazil is also a 
plus. The Bank of Brics is one of his last examples. The logic is still a capitalist 
logic, obviously, especially because the Brazilian multilateralism takes little account of 
political alliances, but the economic pragmatism (just see that Russia and China are far 
from democratic countries), and aims to create special zones influence of Brazilian 
imperialism.

Yet we see that the privatizing logic remained (now under the auspices of PPPs), and that 
public investment, as shown, has not reached what is expected of a reformist government. 
Thus highlight differences does not mean capitulating to "meliorism" PT, even defend it, 
but understanding a reconfiguration of class enemies. Ie, there is no denying that the PT 
government was concerned, somehow, to favor the most precarious part of the Brazilian 
population, although with dualistic policies, where the poor earn a little and the rich 
earn more. Examples are social programs that the PT government developed during his tenure 
as the Minha Casa Minha Vida Minha Casa or Better, clearly, are policies aimed at 
stimulating consumption heat the market.

Another issue that comes closer to the PT PSDB is the way it has been dealt with social 
movements. For the same repression became a constant, as the legalization of political 
struggle. Cases of S?o Paulo (two arrests) and Rio de Janeiro (23 defendants) are 
exemplary, and if they are not the direct responsibility of the PT, are performed with his 
blessing. Not infrequently the national guard and the army being driven to combat 
movements. Plus, the PT was one of more parties that strove to approve the bill that aimed 
to contain the protests, even sticking to the bench of the PDT project to accelerate the 
creation of legal mechanisms to repress demonstrations. It is worth mentioning that the 
army itself has been mobilized to investigate protesters, something that since the 
dictatorship not seen. We seem to recall the wave of terror and fear of massive 
investigations that reach absurd to condemn militants. The Amnesty International 
intervened own on the subject of protests related to the World Cup, noting that Brazil was 
violating the right to free expression. This seems counter-intuitive for a government that 
has its president out of the frames of the struggle against the dictatorship, and more 
absurdity when we see the same cynicism: "In my day we were arrested for doing politics". 
It has become commonplace, the social movements are made police case, and we have seen the 
same type of assembly "farces" against movements, worthy of the most reactionary times of 
our country, the gas canisters that saw explosive books of certain ideologies (especially 
anarchists) that become proof of crimes (as in the invasion of the Athenaeum Battle of the 
Meadow), more recently still shirts, bandanas and souvenirs band became proof of crime.

To criminalize protest, the PT and the PSDB has been relying supported by the same media 
that accuses the coup EN (and indeed it is today, the Wikileaks recently revealed 
documents that reveal connections agents Globo and Folha de S?o Paulo to American 
consuls). Media that the ruling point as its main opposition. However one has to remember 
that if concessions remain in the hands of oligopolies information is with the consent of 
the PT. Governments such as keys and Kichiner revised such concessions. All these 
processes of criminalization seek to silence those who denounce the "well being" hick, 
created by a government that grants the very top, and that gives little to low, you need 
to compare to what all the time that there is worst in politics to situate the 
institutional left. There has not been this way slightest embarrassment by the PT 
government in mounting and sustaining farces (the case of Tarsus in RS) against social 
movements and intensified repression and organization of a machine of repression of social 
movements. The creation of scapegoats as a masked, black blocs, "fascists" etc., shows how 
the facet of farces designed to quell discontent voices, after the population resigned to 
accept that the best we can achieve in the field of social change is the PT, and any 
opposition strengthens the opposition PSDB, this, of course, in view of governismo. These 
farces, yes that can be approximated (in different proportions) to toucans times, and even 
the "years of lead", somehow succeeded in emptying the streets right. But if the media can 
fulfill the role of confused, and searching the empty streets electing new enemies to put 
in place the ruling classes, creating an antagonism between people and militants / 
activists, establishing the polls as the locus of politics, on the other we see that the 
discontent and agreement with the need for change does not change. We must also note that 
in the field of human rights, this government has already signed his pact with the most 
conservative sectors, demonstrating that we can not expect nor timid social changes that 
rehearsed Uruguay, where decriminalized abortion and marijuana use, and leaving more 
re-surfaced right as guidelines for compulsory hospitalization for drug users and the 
ill-fated "gay cure". The PT is conniving with such absurdities as backstage Dilma has 
calmed some of the most conservative sectors of society (like his "pact" with the 
neo-Pentecostal) buying their support for the lock guidelines related to civil liberties 
and human rights.

longer do faced with the time when 8 out of 10 Brazilians supported the demonstrations 
(Datafolha, 2013), two million lined the streets, in a context where a demonstration every 
three days in the state (CET, 2014) occurred can not say that the population is 
"accommodated" with the situation. In a recent survey it was shown that 73% of S?o Paulo 
have more losses than gains in the demonstrations, but still 52% of them support the same 
(Datafolha, 2014), it is worth noting that the survey was conducted on the first day of 
strike buses. S?o Paulo, richer in type searches, we state that with the start of the Copa 
fall 61%, but on the other hand we have 14.5% more demonstrations in 2013 in the first 
half. What can we ascertain this, is that if the demonstrations are smaller, have become 
frequent, part of everyday life, "common sense" already understand them as part of 
political life, and that we can understand as a significant ideological shift in the 
consciousness of Brazilians. If the dough out onto the streets, the old movement gained 
new strength in a more favorable ideological climate, we saw massive strikes, homeless, 
etc. On the other hand we see a confusion brought by the media, endorsed by our political 
figures, which show that there is no homogeneity between PT and PSDB, the classes that 
represent the same (both vying for the ability to represent the ruling classes) has a same 
concern, so come into being many points of contact, perhaps the main one is that the 
powerful do not like the organization and struggle from below, and that their treatment is 
the same, who can co-opt co-opt, repress those who disagree. No wonder that the 
presidential candidate of the reactionary PSDB (which has within it from drug traffickers, 
the members of Opus Dei) has no problem putting in: "Politics and government are you copy 
things that give certain and advance- them. [...] I have no embarrassment keep them and 
improve them [the programs socias PT] ". How we chose the maximum with which "sauce" let 
the fire. The problem is of bourgeois democracy, and not the parties concerned, while 
taking differences, both will have to maintain "order", without simultaneously changing 
anything actually, because you can not distribute rights without changing the 
concentration of wealth. This became clear in the political dividends generated in the 
"upper room" policy by June 2013: more repression, strengthening of the military, media 
lies and hoaxes ordered by these gentlemen and ladies and of course more public resources 
paras gangs who associate the government.

A "New Old" Alternative

The "inevitability" of the plane crash Campos, gave way to a "new" and old at the same 
time known to the electorate, Marina Silva. Head of Sustainability Network, an acronym 
that has not been legalized, as natural heir Campos takes the head plate led by PSB 
(Brazilian Socialist Party - which resisted socialism only in the acronym). The weakness 
of the PSB and its program is imminent, in that it gives its acronym to an "outsider" in 
the party (after all Marina rents only the acronym for his party, the Network, being 
illegal) on the verge of electoral success. That much comes, that when the head of the 
Campos campaign suffers as soon as the PSB announces Marina as new candidate for presidency.

can not but remember that Marina is an old news, in that it was part of the current 
government. But the similarities with the past, do not stop there. If we as "old" 
alternative Dilma's PT (same place from where he left Marina) and the PSDB of Aetius, and 
how the new Marina Network (disguised as PSB), backstage politics, the reality is the 
same. Marina has the great financier of the largest private bank in Brazil: Ita?. Neca has 
Set?bal as a strategist, nothing less than the heir to the banking network. As we have 
discussed, without facing financial capital biting good part of the budgetary resources of 
the country (with arrolagem public debt), it is difficult to think of any changes. When we 
have the financial capital paying the bill of an application, that application is eminent 
in nothing broken with the status quo.

Another shows that Marina is more of the same is on account of his readiness to relinquish 
their historic commitments and its subtitle (if the Network and not the PSB), which are to 
ecology and sustainability such (coveted concept that without a long discussion bit 
defines, currently). Marina has volunteered to support and finance the agribusiness sector 
(supposedly their historic enemies in the environmental agenda). If what was the "heart" 
of his party's program has faded on the verge of an electoral victory, in case the 
supposed "intransigence" on the environmental protection of the environment, we can not 
expect that what is in the background resist . Thus we have a third way which renounces 
his "program" at the first opportunity, that eases what is most dear to him in the name of 
electoral pragmatism. Faced with few "programmatic" certainties of Marina, the supposed 
Third Way: also represents the victory of Capital. We believe that these three projects 
(PT, PSDB and PSB / NETWORK) represent administrative changes within the framework of the 
State and that follow set power relations of the control system of financial capitalism. 
We can not let be fooled by the false alternatives; OUTPUT ON THE LEFT IS ONE.

Streets are the Single Output Left

June 2013 showed us that there is some discontent with the current government, especially 
by the middle sectors of the population. However, the combative left (read this, left to 
fight out of bourgeois power) has had immense difficulties to crowd all this 
dissatisfaction in terms of programmatic organization and construction of low. In this 
sense we see opportunistic sectors, "riding the wave" of the need for change, calling the 
"polls" that are "true" place of citizenship (Marina Silva as readily took this post). 
Nevertheless, we observe a provision of the population with the struggle and direct 
action, that we did not see much. When it comes to youth, that portion of the school 
population (the data show that in June the majority were university), with an age profile 
that he saw the wounds to the PSDB, but that also did not see the PT in its heydays combat 
, has appeared in the mood to demand more, and that the PT itself admits in its program 
for 2014 According to Research agenda Youth Brazil, nine out of ten young people believe 
they can change the world, 83% understand that politics is important, and these 45% (the 
most chosen answer) youth understand "the participation and mobilization in the streets 
and direct actions" are the most important, followed by 44% for "acting in associations or 
collectives that are organized for some cause," third "performance in councils, 
conferences, public hearings or other channels of participation of this type ", with 35%. 
We can see that the "streets" win in search, yet the instruments of the National Policy 
for Social Participation, still occupy a good space, so the co-optation and manipulation 
of popular participation are still vogue in open dispute with the independent social 
movements, after all this was one of the last cartadas Rousseff to try to capitalize on 
the revolt of the streets, the institutionalization of PNPP. We know that this is another 
deception, not because we disagree with the popular participation, but because we know 
that the agenda will not be placed the budget, public debt, but political reform, nothing 
will change, after the elections and our representatives are one of the facets of 
bourgeois power. Power relations that guarantee the privilege and domination of the ruling 
classes will not be changed by the elections. Thus, even before the elections began, we 
have one certainty: the ruling class win and lose the oppressed classes, lose with 
governments that already have agreed their agreements with the elites, those in power lose 
when manipulated deceive themselves and see power in this process, and thus leaving to 
co-opt the process that only legitimizes the bourgeois dictatorship with the golden 
democratic. The only possible victory for the oppressed will come to your organization and 
struggle, because even the reforms will not come from a magic wand of the State, but by 
the ability of pressure that has oppressed classes. It is this force that makes even the 
PSDB accept reactionary social programs (after temperature is of class struggle that makes 
political compromise, and not benevolence or subjective awareness of these gentlemen). At 
this point agree PT and PSDB, and the ruling class, the power can not reorganize, either 
democratize itself, with or without reform political reform elections will still be a 
scenario, the "democratic spectacle" because the strategic themes for the population can 
only appear on the agenda through its direct action. June is a small sample of it, if 
cooling the fighting spirit in the mass, the agendas of streets left the scene or made a 
metamorphosis, becoming the bourgeoisie interesting (let us return to the case of the 
supplemental budget to transportation, whose money comes falling on hand the old cartels). 
PT and PSDB are not equal, but both parties are vying for the bourgeois order management 
system, not a project for society. The "revolutionary" left who participates in elections 
even have the strength to play the instrument, and serves merely as a legitimation of the 
process, lending it an air of plural and democratic. The changes that were tested came all 
the streets, and only then if has a left exit to the process. His stuffed programs 'good 
intentions', even as they know, even have chances in minority elections, even less in 
disputes over executive power, explaining once again that there is no "miracle" to replace 
the work and the grassroots organization demonstrating that their relentless advertising 
(12 years SoL, and 20 years of PSTU) yielded little electorally or organically. Are even 
able to create a unity of left field, showing in elections a left that is tiny and 
fragmented, and that very little can set the current abortion policy.

's ground is still fertile to our field, which gains more public space than in other 
times. Not randomly become the scapegoat hardest hit by police farces. The population, 
especially the youth, is open to discussing a new policy. An "Other Campaign" has never 
been in vogue, after the consensus of the Parties present order around the need to collude 
social classes, and to manage the capitalist misery of the more "human" as possible, make 
the masses look to skepticism the electoral process. We believe that the only way left is 
the possible organization of low and its direct fighting in the streets. We invest in 
building processes masses without "imposition" of "revolutionary" top programs. After all 
peeled vanguards not radicalized those below by osmosis, because they build their 
vindicating spirit in daily conflicts and mobilizations.
Streets weight still play in the imagination of those who made his experience of fighting 
in 2013 The political role played by population in the opinion of anarchists, always had 
the locus demonstrations and direct actions in general. Faced with the reality that 
offered in a recent mass revolt in Brazil, this element of the Streets remains alive in 
the collective imagination. Both candidates is that all the extreme left to extreme right 
claim the legacy of June. The TRE tries to capitalize on the ballot a "desire for change", 
trying to establish a dispute of "polls" versus "streets" trying to define the place of 
politics and decision has date, time and location marked, these defined by the dominant 
classes who have won before the "gong sound."

For us Socialist Libertarians, politics from below is not on the ballot, but in the daily 
leadership class and direct action. Talk about it at the present time no longer mean to 
refer to abstractions or to the past "Golden Years of mass movements", but refer to 
something that evokes the collective imagination a real exercise of people power. Without 
being naive believing that only go to the streets simply, we know that a lack of basic 
organization weakens mobilization processes and facilitate the attempts of control by the 
ruling. Thus, our focus is on the Streets as a privileged space for political action, but 
also the focus on horizontal and grassroots organization that strengthens the direct 
action, with a popular book which decides, directs and executes your program: a program of 
low who does not delegate power to any political on duty. Or they vote with the top, or is 
organized and fight with the low!

Brazilian Anarchist Coordination - CAB
September 2014