(en) France, Alternative Libertaire AL #242 - Mathieu L?onard (historian): "One can imagine the hope of international solidarity that is AIT" (fr)

[machine translation]

Despite a relative numerical importance and a certain ideological heterogeneity, the 
International Workers' Association appeared strong enough to scare employers and 
governments of Europe. Matthew Leonard, author of The Emancipation of workers, a history 
of the First International, returns to the importance of the IWA and the divisions that 
are causing the major currents that make up the labor movement in the following century. 
---- What is the reality of the militant AIT? ---- Matthew Leonard: The issue of staff of 
AIT is difficult to determine due to lack of accurate counting. At its founding in 1864, 
the International is a conglomerate of leading trade unionists, intellectuals of 
positivists, outlaws Democrats German communists and mutual Parisian workers, partners in 
the same spirit, rather platonic, social emancipation and fraternity. The constitution of 
the AIT in a dynamic organization of the working class is slow and coincides with the rise 
of strikes, the International supports, in 1867.

In 1865, there were only 500 members in Paris and in June 1870 during his third trial and 
its peak, Franquin, treasurer, figure the number of contributors to Paris 1 250 can be 
estimated with Jacques Rougerie The French numbers about fifty thousand members[1] - in 
1870, the police advance very precise figure, but completely wacky, 433 785 in France and 
811 513 for the world!

We need to distinguish two forms of activists AIT: the concrete and symbolic membership 
memberships. The former are always remained weak, "There was never more than 60 francs in 
cash," says Heligon, treasurer predecessor Franquin. Nicolas Delalande who recently 
studied the circulation of money within the AIT speaks of a "colossus with feet of clay" 
and described the greatest difficulties of the General Council to raise funds often 
derisory. Symbolic memberships, they explain the power of representation of the AIT at the 
time. "We adhered to the AIT as we clinked glasses," recalls Ernest Proudhonian Fribourg, 
which is why this report very floating between actual and sentimental numbers.

In fact, once the AIT came into contact with a working coalition or a strike committee, 
they could declare their membership in the association without contributing or very 
little. That these were worth collective membership? They have an impressive symbolic 
force, which will contribute to the myths of the International, as bosses, and some 
international big powers themselves fantasize about millions of members. One can imagine 
the menacing specter that this represents for the bosses, but especially the hope of 
international solidarity for workers flowing into the strike.

How does AIT?

Matthew Leonard: Marx's definition of an American journalist in 1871 seems interesting: 
"The International is no way the government of the working class, it is a link, it is not 
a power. [...] The Association does not impose any form political movements: it only 
requires respect for their purpose. It is a network of affiliates, which extends to the 
whole world of work. In every part of the world presents a particular aspect of the 
problem, and the workers are trying to approach it with their own. "It is sure that this 
horizontal discourse chips away somewhat centralist posterity made Marx!

Network link, local autonomy, AIT creates the need to synchronize the demands of the 
working class and thus to study the realities and needs. Basically, there is the section 
which may correspond to a group of workers (eg first Paris Gravilliers section composed of 
workers of various trades) or prohibited in a city (eg the Russian section of Geneva) a 
local business coalition (eg the bakery workers in Marseilles), a strike committee (eg the 
Creusot), a cooperative (eg restaurants La Marmite), etc. A national federation is 
supposed to bring these sections, but they retain their autonomy.

The annual conference - where each delegate is supposed to represent about 500 members 
(but far from mathematical!) - Are the scene of a programmatic development along the lines 
presented by the General Council, through reports often written by Marx, as well as those 
offered by sections or federations. The themes are those of social struggles and ongoing 
issues facing the working class mechanization, work of women and children, education and 
training.

The AIT brings behind many common. How is it that Marxism eventually be dominant?

Matthew Leonard: The issue of trends we are interested because it seems to have defined 
the political ideologies that follow. But on the same time, positions are probably more 
complex.

First, evacuate a misconception peddled by Marxist as by Marxist: there is no Marxism in 
the International. It is a term coined by Bakunin to describe his enemies and, through 
them, a form of "German socialism" which is as much as Marx Ferdinand Lassalle, and would 
be characterized by a political centralism in favor of political action, statist 
Pan-German authoritarian, etc. This brings us to the more general question of the 
political perception of the works of Marx at the time and its real influence. In a sense, 
the Bakuninist were as "Marxists", as they were among the first to focus on the first 
volume of Capital, including Carlo Cafiero, the most intransigent anarchists, even made a 
popular summary.

To return to the discussions in the International, it is a construction period of 
political identities where everything is debated, sometimes virulent: the role of the 
state, the political action of mutualism, cooperatives, strike , inheritance, 
collectivization banks and means of production or soil, public services, etc. Through 
these themes, we see a first line of ideological divide between "Proudhonists" mutual, 
defending private property and are hostile to strikes, and collectivists; then another 
even within the collectivist, statist and between supporters of a grassroots organization.

Finally, there is the famous split between authoritarian and anti-authoritarian, which 
incorporates previous theoretical opposition, but truly becomes a destructive element of 
AIT after the London Conference, when it comes to questioning the autonomy of the sections 
and give executive power to General Council, which claims him fight against the 
"sectarian" and clean supporters of Bakunin or supposed.

The conflict between the General Council and the autonomist or federalist tendencies - 
among which we find not only "Bakuninist" but also trade unionists dissidents, Belgian 
socialists, trade unionists and even Dutch Lassalleans (which are on the bottom 
authoritarian) - should not be considered by the only ideological prism. There are there 
issues specific to an international organization fragile, repressed by States with 
suspicion and irreparable mutual misunderstandings.

Finally, all these questions and dead ends, which will freeze these categories will rest 
permanently, and even more bitterness, in the following century: questions of state, 
parliamentary, professionalization of politics, the role of a minority vanguard, 
substitutionism, etc.

The AIT seems to have had a variable influence on the labor movement in each country.

Matthew Leonard: Again, beware of the schematic and a runner who wants to read that the 
most industrialized countries automatically follow the path of social democracy, while 
"most backward" countries pay in anarchism.

Although one can say in general that the International will disappear as will constitute 
the national workers' parties there are nuances to do. England will never have a strong 
labor party before 1906 despite attempts as the Socialist League in 1884, which is crossed 
by very strong conflicts around the parliamentarism. Catalonia, even though 
industrialized, is mostly acquired with federalist tendencies. We know the strength and 
uniqueness of the Spanish anarcho-syndicalism thereafter.

During the short experience of AIT in the USA, studied by Michel Cordillot[2], the 
separatist tendencies will advocate participation in elections while the centralist 
tendency (thus supposedly "Marxist") will oppose it. In France, after the Commune, the 
themes still worn by Proudhonists mutual, do not upset the authorities by their 
apolitical, but no longer wear high hopes of emancipation for the labor movement.

The period ends at the time on a reflux of internationalism and the search for new 
political forms. The constitution party, when governments permit, is ultimately a simpler 
option that the union at the base, which also accounts for the distance of twenty years 
between the end of the AIT and the rebirth a revolutionary labor movement. In the end, I 
believe that the political classes are less crucial than the organizational capacity of 
the working class and the class struggle in each case. The actual motion as it were.

Interview by Renaud (AL Alsace)

CHRONOLOGY

A promising start

17 February 1864: "Sixty Manifesto" in France, at the initiative of the workers Tolain for 
applications and the right coalition (obtained May 25).

Sept. 28: Meeting at St. Martin's Hall in London, involving mutual French, English trade 
unionists and the German Communists. Foundation of the International Workers Association 
(IWA).

November 5: Publication of Association of the First International written by Karl Marx.

3-8 September 1866: First Congress of the IWA in Geneva. Influence "Proudhon" hostile to 
strikes and political action is dominant.

February 1867: Strike bronziers in Paris. Leaders are also members of the AIT, which 
provides international financial support quickly. Strikes multiplying France in 1867 and 
1868, AIT replays this agency liaison role.

September 2-7: Second Congress of the IWA held in Lausanne.

The International becomes a real force

March 6, 1868: The Second Empire is concerned about increasing role of AIT and dissolves 
the Paris office, convicted for "formation of a secret society."

May 22: The second Paris office (with Beno?t Malon and Eugene Varlin), elected on March 8, 
goes to trial. Its members will be sentenced to three months in prison on July 15.

6-13 September: Third Congress of the IWA in Brussels. The French mutuals are outvoted by 
the collectivists.

1869: Many strikes during the year, sometimes bloodily repressed (Belgian miners, Welsh 
and St Etienne). A TIA is often accused of being the cause to promote foreign interests.

July 28, 1869: Alliance of Socialist Democracy, founded in Geneva by Bakunin, adheres to 
the AIT.

September 6-12: Fourth Congress of the IWA in Basel. The French delegates in the main not 
to collectivism.

May-June 1870: Arrest of over 150 internationalists in France, by order of the Minister 
Emile Olivier, frightened by rumors of insurrection. The trial, which opens June 22 serves 
as a forum. The International is declared dissolved on July 8.

September 4: After the defeat of Sedan, the Republic was proclaimed.

March 26, 1871: Election of the Paris Commune. 80 elected members, 23 are members of the 
International, which is nevertheless totally disorganized since the war.

May 30: Address of the General Council of the International Civil War in France, written 
by Marx.

17-23 September: London Conference to replace the Congress prevented by the suppression of 
revolutionaries in many countries after the Commune. Adoption of Resolution IX proclaimed 
that "the proletariat can not act as a class only by constituting itself into a distinct 
political party."

November 22: At the Congress of Sonvilier, sections of the Jura, near Bakunin criticized 
the London conference and its centralizing turn.

The slow death

March 14, 1872: In France, the law prohibits the Dufaure International.

August 4: Founding Congress of the Italian Federation Internationale in Rimini that breaks 
with the General Council.

September 2-7: Fifth Congress of the IWA in The Hague, attended Marx and Engels. Exclusion 
of Bakunin and James Guillaume to form a secret society within the AIT. The General 
Council is transferred to New York, far from the struggles of European influence.

15-16 September: Saint-Imier Congress of the federalist tendency, known as anti-authoritarian.

1-September 6, 1873: Congress AIT federalist in Geneva to try to collect all the 
pro-autonomy federations (socialist, statist, reformist...)

September 7-13: fiasco Congress centralist AIT in Geneva, no representative of the general 
council.

September 25: Bakunin retired from politics.

July 15, 1876: last congress of the centralist AIT in Philadelphia, no European delegate. 
Dissolution of the General Council.

6-7 September 1877: last congress of the federalist AIT in Verviers. Separation of 
anarchists and legalistic.

July 14-20, 1881: Last anarchist attempt to reactivate the AIT in London. But the 
insurrectionist line that wins does not advocate the reconstruction of an international 
organization.

----
[1] "The French sections of the IWA," The First International Symposium 1964 CNRS editions.

[2] See Michel Cordillot, Utopians and exiled from the New World. Of French in the United 
States from 1848 to the Commune, Chronicles, Paris, Vende'miaire, 2013.