Dear all,
Still i hope for a vivid discussion about greece and although it developed now as i feared in my comments from sunday morning (see below) and Syriza went/had to go into a coalition with the right nationalists, i am still convinced, that we face a very interesting situation with the potential of some important changes or at least new spaces...
Find attached a longer interesting article from the blockupy Delegation in Athens from yesterday, its available also in german on their Blog:
http://blockupy-goes-athens.tumblr.com/
http://blockupy-goes-athens.tumblr.com/
Best greetings,
hagen
Left-wing government with a shot of right-wing populism?
A few preliminary evaluations
—-this article was posted earlier this day in German, maybe it is not totally up to date anymore by now—-
The elections are over: Now a new chapter begins for the Greek and European Left. The roles are re-divided. The Left won yesterday. Syriza, but also the movements, is working under new conditions. The extra-parliamentary Left and social movements need to re-order now, even if they are not underprepared. The elections have ended a multi-year and, in many regards, static constellation, and has made space for new political dynamics. In contrast, Syriza now faces its first practical test. It must justify to the societal left its first decision of power politics with the coalition decision for ANEL.
Alex Tsipras, who was inaugurated today at 4pm, spoke yesterday at 11pm in Propylaea square. In doing so he violated the codes of Athenian policy operation, according to which the winner presents him himself first to journalists. Tsipras, in his speech: “There will be no catastrophic break, but we will not accept the continuity of repression. We have before us the opportunity of a new beginning in Greece and in Europe.” He did not say anything about the electoral victory of Golden Dawn.
For many, Syriza’s election is a new beginning in the next round of social and political conflict – but now, as is the hope, under improved initial conditions. The people are waiting to see what is to come from Syriza; it is clear that the actual conflict is now just beginning. It is clear to many on the street: rather than calls for Tsipras and cult of personality, there was an atmosphere of expectancy in the air last night. There is not much trust in the potential of government policy. This, if nothing else, is made clear by the low voter turnout.
Today it has been officially confirmed that Syriza is entering into a collation with the right-wing populist ANEL party. There is much less surprise about that here in Greece than in the international media. Knowledge of this possibility could be seen in discussions preceding the elections. Since last summer the coalition option with ANEL was being discussed here as most likely, beyond an absolute majority, because Syriza’s key criteria is the rejection of Troika policy. This is why Syriza now prefers ANEL as well as Potami for government formation, though Potami is clearly more liberal. In this spirt, the choice of ANEL can only be seen as wrong; it’s not (yet) proof that Syriza is showing its ‘true colors’ already on day one after the elections.
The ‘Independent Greeks’ (ANEL) emerged during the crisis protests. They tend to be part of a right-wing populist – but also post-political – milieu, and are markedly unstable ideologically/programmatically. Some of their votes came from the success of the movement of the outraged at Syntagma Square in early summer 2011. As a reminder: There were two gatherings on the square at that time. The left-leaning people and social movements had gathered own the lower part of the square while the patriots, including part of the middle class, gathered on the upper part. ANEL was founded as an AD-split-off group in February 2012 by Panos Kammenos, a former member of the conservative party. In the style of a national protest party, they tried to present themselves in right-wing populist tones as the real alternative to the corrupt elite and against the foreign powers that threaten “our” country. They foster particularly anti-German sentiments and demand a settlement of reparation payments from the Second World War. In this spirit, the founding declaration was held at the place where a German Waffen-SS massacre was committed in 1944. They reached 7.51% in the 2012 parliamentary elections. Recently, ANEL comes off as an unorganized cluster: members of parliament have become independent or have switched over to Syriza, like Rachil Marki, for example. This has cast strong doubt on Panos Kemmenos’ party leadership. ANEL’s position has, until now, primarily included the demand to lift the immunity of ministers, members of parliament, and officials from criminal prosecution, the protection of national sovereignty, and the termination of the memorandum – for instance the agreements with the Troika. In interviews leading up to elections, they made an agreement on the national questions of Greece – such as the naming conflict with Macedonia, the Cyprus conflict, and the political conflict with Turkey – condition for a potential coalition with Syriza.
Many will now be asking themselves: How can such a party even come into consideration as a coalition partner for Syriza? A few possible explanations to help understand, not justify:
Firstly, the party cannot amount to a strong junior partner because of its election results, but also because of how disorganized it currently is. It hasn’t been said that ANEL can take on a significant, distinct role in the government coalition. In key areas, ANEL’s program is irregular and populist; in particular it is missing a serious expert staff of scholars that Syriza, for example, had already built up a while ago. Syirza will surely maintain the upper hand in the government and perhaps, in the long run, break up the fraction and be able to bring members to its side. It wouldn’t be the first time in the Greek Parliament that a junior partner is swallowed up by the greater government party. Whether or not that’s a tactical calculation on Syriza’s part remains speculation.
Secondly, ANEL is a party that emerged from the protest movements against the crisis regime and, in questions of Troika, is on a confrontational course. In any case, the central unifying moment of both parties is still opposition to EU-policy dictated by Angela Merkel and her partners.
Thirdly, the ANEL has a certain credibility since, to many, it doesn’t derive from the classic political establishment and has consistently acted as an anti-Troika party – even if this means in a purely populist way. As a country with a long history of colonization and occupation, the proximity of nationalistic and left-wing positions is certainly a different one in Greece than in Germany.
While the influence of ANEL on government business will arguably be rather straightforward, the question now arises concerning ANEL’s concessions to its right-wing populist milieu. However justifiable Syriza’s decision for ANEL may be, they should decide in particular on refugee policy and the handling of the detention camps. Should Syriza handle the humanitarian crisis henceforth exclusively as a Greek citizen because solidarity with migrants isn’t feasible with ANEL, then this would be a slap in the face for many Greek leftists and, of course, for those affected by it. The party’s humanistic and universalistic rhetoric would lose a lot of credibility. For many, a no-go and a ‘compromise’ would perhaps go too far. This could well lead to much distortion from within Syriza.
With the words ‘friends, I would like to sincerely thank all of you. But above all I would like to thank those of you – and there are thousands - in every corner of Europe, who have come here, the foreign delegations, who come from every corner of Europe for this unique wave of support and solidarity with the Greek people. Our victory is at the same time the victory of other European people who have fought the austerity that is destroying the collective European future,” Tsipras greeted the many leftists from all over Europe who came to Athens and are fighting austerity elsewhere. This was more than an empty phrase, as many familiar faces from all over Europe were present in Athens. As it happens, we have also met with many comrades-in-arms here over the past few days (from Italy, Portugal, Denmark…), who we had recently seen in the fall at the Blockupy festival or at the last activists meetings.
Left-wing government with a shot of right-wing populism? A few preliminary evaluations
The elections are over: Now a new chapter begins for the Greek and European Left. The roles are re-divided. The Left won yesterday. Syriza, but also the movements, is working under new conditions. The extra-parliamentary Left and social movements need to re-order now, even if they are not underprepared. The elections have ended a multi-year and, in many regards, static constellation, and has made space for new political dynamics. In contrast, Syriza now faces its first practical test. It must justify to the societal left its first decision of power politics with the coalition decision for ANEL.
Alex Tsipras, who was inaugurated today at 4pm, spoke yesterday at 11pm in Propylaea square. In doing so he violated the codes of Athenian policy operation, according to which the winner presents him himself first to journalists. Tsipras, in his speech: “There will be no catastrophic break, but we will not accept the continuity of repression. We have before us the opportunity of a new beginning in Greece and in Europe.” He did not say anything about the electoral victory of Golden Dawn.
For many, Syriza’s election is a new beginning in the next round of social and political conflict – but now, as is the hope, under improved initial conditions. The people are waiting to see what is to come from Syriza; it is clear that the actual conflict is now just beginning. It is clear to many on the street: rather than calls for Tsipras and cult of personality, there was an atmosphere of expectancy in the air last night. There is not much trust in the potential of government policy. This, if nothing else, is made clear by the low voter turnout.
Today it has been officially confirmed that Syriza is entering into a collation with the right-wing populist ANEL party. There is much less surprise about that here in Greece than in the international media. Knowledge of this possibility could be seen in discussions preceding the elections. Since last summer the coalition option with ANEL was being discussed here as most likely, beyond an absolute majority, because Syriza’s key criteria is the rejection of Troika policy. This is why Syriza now prefers ANEL as well as Potami for government formation, though Potami is clearly more liberal. In this spirt, the choice of ANEL can only be seen as wrong; it’s not (yet) proof that Syriza is showing its ‘true colors’ already on day one after the elections.
The ‘Independent Greeks’ (ANEL) emerged during the crisis protests. They tend to be part of a right-wing populist – but also post-political – milieu, and are markedly unstable ideologically/programmatically. Some of their votes came from the success of the movement of the outraged at Syntagma Square in early summer 2011. As a reminder: There were two gatherings on the square at that time. The left-leaning people and social movements had gathered own the lower part of the square while the patriots, including part of the middle class, gathered on the upper part. ANEL was founded as an AD-split-off group in February 2012 by Panos Kammenos, a former member of the conservative party. In the style of a national protest party, they tried to present themselves in right-wing populist tones as the real alternative to the corrupt elite and against the foreign powers that threaten “our” country. They foster particularly anti-German sentiments and demand a settlement of reparation payments from the Second World War. In this spirit, the founding declaration was held at the place where a German Waffen-SS massacre was committed in 1944. They reached 7.51% in the 2012 parliamentary elections. Recently, ANEL comes off as an unorganized cluster: members of parliament have become independent or have switched over to Syriza, like Rachil Marki, for example. This has cast strong doubt on Panos Kemmenos’ party leadership. ANEL’s position has, until now, primarily included the demand to lift the immunity of ministers, members of parliament, and officials from criminal prosecution, the protection of national sovereignty, and the termination of the memorandum – for instance the agreements with the Troika. In interviews leading up to elections, they made an agreement on the national questions of Greece – such as the naming conflict with Macedonia, the Cyprus conflict, and the political conflict with Turkey – condition for a potential coalition with Syriza.
Many will now be asking themselves: How can such a party even come into consideration as a coalition partner for Syriza? A few possible explanations to help understand, not justify:
Firstly, the party cannot amount to a strong junior partner because of its election results, but also because of how disorganized it currently is. It hasn’t been said that ANEL can take on a significant, distinct role in the government coalition. In key areas, ANEL’s program is irregular and populist; in particular it is missing a serious expert staff of scholars that Syriza, for example, had already built up a while ago. Syirza will surely maintain the upper hand in the government and perhaps, in the long run, break up the fraction and be able to bring members to its side. It wouldn’t be the first time in the Greek Parliament that a junior partner is swallowed up by the greater government party. Whether or not that’s a tactical calculation on Syriza’s part remains speculation.
Secondly, ANEL is a party that emerged from the protest movements against the crisis regime and, in questions of Troika, is on a confrontational course. In any case, the central unifying moment of both parties is still opposition to EU-policy dictated by Angela Merkel and her partners.
Thirdly, the ANEL has a certain credibility since, to many, it doesn’t derive from the classic political establishment and has consistently acted as an anti-Troika party – even if this means in a purely populist way. As a country with a long history of colonization and occupation, the proximity of nationalistic and left-wing positions is certainly a different one in Greece than in Germany.
While the influence of ANEL on government business will arguably be rather straightforward, the question now arises concerning ANEL’s concessions to its right-wing populist milieu. However justifiable Syriza’s decision for ANEL may be, they should decide in particular on refugee policy and the handling of the detention camps. Should Syriza handle the humanitarian crisis henceforth exclusively as a Greek citizen because solidarity with migrants isn’t feasible with ANEL, then this would be a slap in the face for many Greek leftists and, of course, for those affected by it. The party’s humanistic and universalistic rhetoric would lose a lot of credibility. For many, a no-go and a ‘compromise’ would perhaps go too far. This could well lead to much distortion from within Syriza.
With the words ‘friends, I would like to sincerely thank all of you. But above all I would like to thank those of you – and there are thousands - in every corner of Europe, who have come here, the foreign delegations, who come from every corner of Europe for this unique wave of support and solidarity with the Greek people. Our victory is at the same time the victory of other European people who have fought the austerity that is destroying the collective European future,” Tsipras greeted the many leftists from all over Europe who came to Athens and are fighting austerity elsewhere. This was more than an empty phrase, as many familiar faces from all over Europe were present in Athens. As it happens, we have also met with many comrades-in-arms here over the past few days (from Italy, Portugal, Denmark…), who we had recently seen in the fall at the Blockupy festival or at the last activists meetings.
In the day of the elections a few more considerations and questions about the situation in Greece, finally in reference to the hope, that something might change or at least start within the next weeks, against the eu-austerity- and troika policy in general and in particular that the inhuman camps might become under pressure and as well the brutal push backs by greek coastguards (covered by frontex), if a new left government comes into power.At least in german medias the open question in the last days was not any more, if Syriza will win the most voters or not. Its only the question, if they will receive an own majority or if they have to build a coalition for a new government.Of course we hope, that Syriza will win its own majority and then the "Street", the social and political struggles from below, has a much more better space to get (back) more rights and better wages. And perhaps even to create a new dynamic of struggles, of selforganisation and re-appropriation. Thats finally of course the crucial challenge.But in case that Syriza is in need of a coalition partner, it becomes very difficult (as the interesting Interview with Christos from solidarity for all ends, see below). It is excluded of course to cooperate with the faschists and also with all the parties, which agree to the memoranda-policy. The communists from KKE are still too dogmatic for any cooperation, thus only one party remains possible for a coalition: the independent greeks. Its right wing nationalist and not even clear, if they really win more than 3 % to come into the parliament. But if they win, they might be the only option - exspect to repeat the elections 4 weeks later again - for a first Syriza-led government, as the independent greeks are the onliest ones, who are clearly refuse the Troika policy.But if the Independent greeks would be part of the government, then Syriza has to freeze any possible change in migration and refugee policy. The independent greeks would block any progressive reform concerning migration, and a tactical coalition between Syriza and independent greeks can be critizised or not, most probably it would not last longer than some month, just to oppose against the Troika policy as first steps and chance for some first changes, but then to come back to the next round of elections...and then hopefully with a better Syriza-majority (if not already today) and another chance...or another illusion?!?However, if a Syriza majority is given tonight, activists from all social movements in various EU-countries are challenged to defend the greek anti-austerity-policy against the pressure and blackmailing attempts of the troika and EU. and in this situation the opening of the new ecb-building and the protests and blockades at 18.3. in Frankfurt appear in the perfect timing to present a day of radical solidarity. (And BTW: we plan again an own block for freedom of movement and against the EU migration regime in the frame of Blockupy at the 18th of March). And the even more important question is to support the "street" in Greece on a more daily level, and concerning Migration and Refugee politics it means to develope new forms of solidarity with antiracist struggles and to help to create another pressure for the rights of refugees and migrants, first of all not to get push-backed on sea and to be released from the inhuman camps, but also to attack the Dublin system and to demand papers to leave Greece to another destination country without dangerous illegalized bordercrossings.Good luck to all greek friends today, we "fever with you"...hagenP.s.:Attached one (of a Series of) Interviews from the Blockupy goes Athens-delegation from yesterday. Its with Nasim from Dyktio and dedicated to the Situation of refugees and migrants.And below a longer written Interview with Christos from solidarity for all from one week ago - made by precarious disconnections from bologna - about the general situaition and importance of todays election.Interview Nasim (Network for Social Support for Migrants and Refugees): http://youtu.be/aR90bulHElw
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