(en) France, Coordination of Anarchist Groups - IAL #102 -
International: Rojava: A threatened revolution exemplary resistance!
(fr, it, pt) [machine translation]
Box 1: Brief history of the Kurdish resistance ---- There are a few months, the world
commemorated the centenary of the start of the slaughter of 14-18. In France, in
particular, this war is a major event in modern history. But when talking about World War,
we often tend to forget that the colonial powers have largely exploited the huge pool of
cannon fodder that were the colonies, especially in Africa, and took the opportunity at
the end of the war to share new territories. The dismantling of the Ottoman Empire was
made especially for the benefit of French and British empires, capitalists who prospered
at the expense of the peoples of the region. It is these two colonial powers who traced it
borders problematic one today. Among the Sykes-Picot Agreement and the Treaty of Sevres
which the d ?terminaient, the guarantee of the future creation of a new state... Kurdistan
2! But Turkish nationalism of Mustafa Kemal and the interests of Western capitalists have
buried far from the reality that promise, flouting their own ideal (sic) nation-state as
it emerged then.
A few decades later, riding the wave of Marxist guerrillas in the Third World, Abdullah
?calan and his associates founded the Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK) armed political
organization that mixes Kurdish nationalism and communist rhetoric to explain his struggle
against the Turkish state. His classroom discourse affects many beyond the historical
Kurdistan campaigns, while the Turkish cities are experiencing an influx of a Kurdish
proletariat, driven from their territory by misery and terror policy conducted in the 80
and 90 per the Turkish state against the Kurdish resistance. Consequence of the war with
Turkey, the PKK also scatters and recruits the Kurdish territories beyond Turkey's
borders: in Iraq, where its fighting took refuge but also in Iran and Syria. However, we
must not forget that this organization is clearly marked by the cult leader (Ocalan), an
extremely hierarchical and authoritarian structure and bloody settling of scores between
rival factions.
In the Kurdish political field, at the other end of the skein, there are two major parties
( KDP and U P K) rivals, now attached to the liberal and social democratic International.
In real ity, these two parties have little more than a reactionary ideology, nationalism,
feudal and corrupt, which is based on traditional clan structures of domination. These
trends are particularly rooted in Iraqi Kurdistan, where they lead a terrible civil war
that killed tens of thousands of mo rt in the 90 j ntil Barzani and Talabani (the two
chiefs of these parties, respectively, P DK and U P K) agree to share the authority of the
Iraqi Kurdish territory: Barzani mastery north (2/3 of the territory and therefore the
government of the region) and the south Talabani (1/3 of the territory). And both make war
without mercy the PKK. They water the old feudal elite petro-dollars (the region is rich
in deposits) and take advantage of the imperialist war in Iraq in 2003 to gain some
autonomy chumming with the US and the sworn enemy of the PKK, Turkey.
Meanwhile, the PKK began a long but decisive moult. In 1998, he officially abandon the
reference to Marxism-Leninism. ?calan says here that Marxism was for him only a "tool for
his nationalism." With the end of the USSR, the tool becomes almost cumbersome. But rather
than move as too many armed national liberation movements to a weakening of the class or
downright speech to a reactionary nationalism, PKK feeds libertarian thought of Bakunin,
Kropotkin, Bookchin, theoretical contributions heterodox philosophers like Deleuze and
Guattari especially plunged into a political innovation process based on progressive
inclinations within it and on the Kurdish folk tradition. It challenges the structuring
concepts of national liberation movements such as the nation-state, nationalism and
independence and tries to oppose them new concepts and systems more suited to the mosaic
of peoples what the region autonomy and respect among communities, Democratic
confederalism, Democratic Nation, etc.
These developments are of course not smooth: the PKK, like any organization, which is more
of this influence, is crossed by numerous conflicts, which can be political, ideological
or, more prosaically as nature in a hierarchical structure, issues power and personal
interests. Apart from the fall of the USSR, which remains one of the major factors behind
this trend, two political forces seem decisive: first change was the consequence of the
(re-) discovered by Ocalan anarchist writings, which influence its writings and thus are
spreading in Kurdistan (Turkey at least). Istanbul is a comrade formal about it: it is
much easier for the "classic" of anarchism in Turkish Kurdistan in Kurdish in Turkish in
Instanbul and Ankara. The second force, which we think is most interesting is that of
fighting the guerrillas that their readings and experiences led to anarchism or
libertarian ideas. We take into account our analysis Kurdish Anarchist comrades Forum (KAF
English) 3 that make the strongest and most sincere comrades in the revolutionary movement
and the Kurdish resistance. According to them and them is predominantly female fighters in
this trend manifested in the continuing struggle for the emancipation of women within the
organization and the wider Kurdish societies.
In late 2010 - early 2011. Tunisia ablaze and knocked down a few days old rotting bleeding
the dictator for his own benefit for decades. Along the same lines, Egypt flares and
carries Mubarak in the flames of his revolt. Quickly is the revolutionary boiling in all
Arab countries and beyond. Tyrants that everyone believed flicker or jump ever-present one
after the other, even the imperialist powers know more about who bet to keep their
business intact. Jordan, Bahrain, Libya, Yemen, Syria, Morocco, Algeria, Saudi Arabia even
popular more or less strong and protest movements are emerging and challenge their rulers.
Many of the richest states, including those in the Gulf, buy social peace with the stroke
of salary increase, exceptional bonuses and other unexpected small gifts before the fire
from spreading and becoming uncontrollable. On the other side of the Mediterranean as in
Greece, Albania and Spain, popular movements also worried by their strength. In Iran,
strong student movements continue to fight already begun in previous years and are trying
to shake the theocracy and ayatollahs of Ahmadinejad.
The revolutionary spirit that blows during the month, with its ups and downs, will
eventually to stop the madness of facing two of the most crazy dictators in the region:
Gaddafi and Assad are ready to massacre the population to keep their place on the throne
and privileges. In both countries, the opposition is experiencing a similar trend: it was
institutionalized in a National Council of Transition, responsible for dealer with the
imperialist powers military support and international recognition (no question at all that
these powers, including France, still acceuillaient few months before the two tyrants like
royalty); within these institutionalized opposition, a militarized movement occurs.
Self-management experiences and self-organized revolt of people (and sometimes armed) are
crushed before the diplomatic and military power of these representations of the
self-proclaimed revolutionary movements. Progressive trends expressed in various forms at
the base, are no longer the weight: those networks (financial and political) and have
enough money to acquire weapons confiscated dynamics. Trends clan and / or defending
political Islam more or less rigorous, the forces that emerge from this movement have
nothing revolutionary.
In Syria, the opposition is found between the fragmented free Syrian Army (FSA), supported
by European and North American imperialists, a group of liberal bourgeois parties and
"moderate Islamists" (conservative), Islamic Front ( Islamist says moderate), Al-Jabbat
Nosra (the Al-Nusra Front, affiliated with the religious fascists Al-Qaeda) and other more
or less independent Islamist groups that control areas, small areas and sometimes sell
their service or their allegiance to one or other of the camps. For all we know, the
difficulties of the war and the power conferred arming all lead these groups in
racketeering practices, looting, settlement accounts, violence (especially against women),
far of any political ideal they could pretend to defend, would it be very far from ours.
On the side of Assad's army is obviously not better, civilian massacres, systematic
destruction of entire neighborhoods, use of chemical weapons and all types of abuses are
part of the arsenal mobilized.
This is where the Rojava, the "Western Kurdistan" (Syria, so), stands out. Led by the PYD
(Democratic Union Party), the majority party, affiliated to the PKK in Turkey, the area is
released in summer 2012 the power of the Syrian Assad State. The militiaman ? ? s not of
People's Protection Units (YPG) and militia of Women's Protection Units (YPJ) secure the
land and establish a front line against the army of Assad that embodies the status quo
that is emerging between the two factions. Therefore, the PYD is often accused of
betraying the anti-Assad cause and have allied with the fanatical dictator. The reality is
more complex: Assad does not want to open a new front with it already in difficulties with
the FSA and various Islamist factions; Kurdish released their territory and now have the
working load: they do not want more deaths and prefer to focus on the establishment of a
functioning administration rather than going to the punch against a much better equipped
army more numerous and engage in a fight to the very uncertain outcome; Islamists
(Al-Nosra mainly, to our knowledge) that fought at a time to the Kurdish sides turned
against them and them and tried to seize the Kurdish territories 4. The PYD and its armed
organizations therefore know now (if they doubted one day) that the fall of Assad will not
mean the end of trouble for Kurdish. So they refocus on the territories they control and
must now administer.
Several features of social organization in Rojava
It is quite difficult in reality to have reliable information about the details of the
inner workings, social and political, to Rojava. We present the evidence we have collected
from Kurdish-speaking peers and / or having been Rojava or the Turkish-Syrian border.
The basic element of the revolution is a small group called "common". There are dozens of
neighborhoods, each municipality clearly not exceeding twenty people. Each individual over
16 years old can participate in his living space. According to the report of a Kurdish
anarchist comrade who went to meet them, "their role is to take care of all social issues:
women's issues, economy, environment, education, health, self help, centers for bereaved
families, trade and business, relations with foreign countries. Some groups have even been
responsible for arbitrating in disputes, to avoid the complainants who wished to have to
hire judicial proceedings.
Generally, these groups meet each week to take stock of the social situation. They have
their own representative in the village council or the city, called "house of the people."
"As far as we can tell, this form of organization is very similar to that of the
libertarian federalism and is the result of genuine voluntary control, which is found also
in the organization of refugee camps in Turkey.
This is the Tev-Dem to Tevgera Civaka Demokratik (Movement of Democratic Society), which
has set up this whole complex structure which seems to be the basis of social organization
Rojava. This movement, driven by the PYD, now he seems able to ensure the administration
of the territory, to decide for himself and to implement or enforce by State institutions
PYD (militia of vigilante YPG / YPJ, police and unity in the fight against sexual
violence) decisions. However, largely beyond the simple structure of PYD, which remains a
militant and hierarchical party, while the Tev-Dem seems to adopt a loose operation,
because of the local autonomy of constituent groups and a network system rather that
centralization. The idea claimed by the PYD and Tev-Dem and confirmed by the comrades who
were able to conduct direct observations is that it is practiced ant autonomy collectively
that we learn to do without delegation power and representation. The company seems to
Rojava at a much more advanced politicization point that Western societies, French in mind.
In January 2014, the PYD-controlled territory were separated into three cantons, the
initiative seems the Tev-Dem:. Ciz?r?, Koban? and Efr?n In each township, a "democratic
self-government" is elected by the Assembly of Peoples of Canton. This assembly, a hundred
people, is composed of representatives ? e ? s of all common, committees and cooperatives
that operate in contons. The democratic self-government is elected from among its members
as executive committee. For the canton of Ciz?r? (Qamislo), 22 men and women were elected
with each ? e two deputies. In the current reality, it seems, however, that this
democratic self-government has a broad policy space and on the initiative on the
legislative front. Thus, laws on transportation, male violence, parties were prepared by
self-administration. The constitution of the cantons (the famous Social Contract Townships
of Rojava) was also drafted by the executive committee, and a program for Tev-Dem.
The first page of the Social Contract states that "the self-governing democracy
territories do not allow the concepts of nation-state, national or state religion army,
centralized management and central authority but are open to forms compatible with
pluralistic democratic traditions, open to all social groups and cultural identities,
Athenian democracy and the expression of nationalities through their organizations.. "
This social contract also assures equality between national communities in the territory.
If the majority of the population is Kurdish, in fact, exist for minorities such as Arabs,
Turkmen, Assyrians ? no ? s, the Armenian ? no ? s, the Christian ? no ? s, etc. Three
languages are official languages in the canton of Ciz?r?: Kurdish, Arabic and Syriac and
co-chair ? e ? s assembly are still coming ? e ?. s national minorities Moreover, the
social contract guarantees in law at least, the separation of E church and the E state,
equality between men and women (including the right to protection, prohibition of forced
marriages, polygamy and female circumcision the prohibition of marriage before age 18),
the right of asylum, decent life in prison...
Because of these, still we see that democratic self-government has a certain political
power and it is reasonable to ask whether its place does not grow too much and he does not
act actually a rehash participatory sauce of government. It is difficult to determine our
position in the current conditions of war and deprivation on site, but it is an undeniable
risk. However, the experience of Commons and committees seems very strong and really
effective in everyday life. Hope it will be enough to prevent the monopolization of
political power by a minority, even elected, not least take the opportunity to slow down
or even stop the revolutionary spirit of the people and their emancipation.
The place of women in the new political system, designed especially from the working
theory of Abdullah ?calan, the subject of particular attention. If the Democratic
confederalism is a proposal that seeks to provide solutions of political organization of
mutual respect and autonomy to regional situation of various peoples mosaics, it is also a
feminist project. The struggle of women in Kurdistan began in the late 80s, early 90s,
within and outside of the PKK. Substantive work and lengthy is led by activists for women
to operate together to discuss, organize and empower. In Rojava, this has resulted in the
systematic introduction, apparently autonomous women's groups working to address and
combat sexual and domestic violence. The women are learning self-organization and
collective action and it appears to have a real social force and it reverses the balance
of power, including in intimate relationships of couples. On the policy, representing ? e
? s elected ? e ? s are necessarily two, a man and a woman, and at least 40% women must
sit in institutions or assemblies.
The multiple threats to the Rojava
It is this experience that is threatened today. And not only not Islamic State (EI or
Daech acronym in Arabic). The imperialists in the region (Turkey, Saudi Arabia, Qatar,
Iran...) does not want to see longer revolutionary experiments carried out on their
playing field. This could raise the challenge of dynamic in their country (AKP In
particular, many feared the junction looming between parts of the Turkish left and civil
movements linked to the PKK, either in Taksim area or around the HDP 5 ). Global
imperialist powers (including the United States, England, Germany and France and more
broadly the EU) are often more pragmatic and do not hesitate to support their ideological
enemies if it is good for the global balance (meaning here, world trade and in particular
the arms industry).
However, the political projects of the Kurdish resistance are not seen as a good thing for
these powers, and they will not hesitate to destroy them as soon as they have the
opportunity and the threat of Daech will be removed. Do not forget that the world is like
a chess game for them, they will not hesitate to sacrifice a tower if they know (or think
they know) that they will win the game in 3, 5 or 10 rounds. For example, support for the
ASL against Assad in Syria, probably made in exchange for lucrative contracts to rebuild
the country (location of major Western brands, exploitation of oil deposits etc).
Meanwhile, their main and strongest allies remain Turkey and the government of Iraqi
Kurdistan led by Barza or (KRG see Box 1 ). The Kurdish resistance Rojava and Turkey is
caught in the middle, both geographically and strategically, between religious fascists of
the Islamic state on one side and its historical enemies (Turkey and Iraqi Kurdish
reactionary government) supported by the major imperialist powers another.
When the Islamic state launched his attack against the city of Koban? in mid-September
these religious fascists do not expect the fierce resistance of the Kurdish
revolutionaries. But this is both a question of principle (the first military defeat
inflicted bulldozed Daech), a strategic issue (if Koban? grave EI control a very large
part of the Turkish-Syrian border and can easily destroy the Rojava the other cantons,
that of Efrin and of Cezire) and a symbolic issue (Koban? is one if not the bastion of the
revolutionary process and the autonomy of Rojava, if it falls, it is a real blow for
Kurdish revolutionaries) than holding. And it's been two and half months at the time of
closure that the city keeps out at the cost of many hardware damage and too many lives.
This relentlessness has the admiration of the whole world and especially forced the
imperialist powers to act: the bombings were carried out in conjunction with the command
of the YPG / YPJ and Iraqi Kurdish fighters (and Syrian ASL) came to fight them side.
However, we must not forget that these interventions are not humanitarian or philanthropic
or naive. If these powers intervene is that they have an interest. The arrival of fighters
and Kurdish peshmerga ASL Iraq is a form of political interference: the two factions of
the regional ongoing civil war and the imperialist powers who are behind them (especially
European, American and Turkish) also see it as a way to regain control of the breakaway
territories and to impose their political project opposite to that developed by the PYD
and the popular movement in Rojava. Turkey, of course, is downright hostile. It highlights
the pretext of defending its territory against the IE, the "solution of the buffer zone."
What? In reality, it is a question of a proposed occupation of the northern part of Syria
at war with a heavy military presence. That is to colonize the autonomous territories of
Rojava and obviously to destroy the political project that it builds and popular sympathy
What have acquired and still earn currently Kurdish revolutionaries. And only one country
supports this political-military proposal: our sweet France!
Strong international
At the same time, the arrival at the forefront of the state of Rojava led to a
strengthening of international mobilization and, in the foreground, the Kurdish diaspora
that has once again demonstrated its ability to organize and solidarity worldwide. Recall
that the PKK is a very large structure, especially with multiple television channels and
multiple organizations related to it, civil or military, mixed, youth, women, and in many
countries, especially in Europe but not only. Solidarity demonstrations included for
Koban? held in Latin America or in Pakistan and Afghanistan, in cooperation with the
social movements on site. The challenge is both to show that the resistance of Koban? is
not alone, it is now an international issue but also to put pressure on Western
governments that have lots of cards to ensure that they do not benefit from our
innattention to crush a people and a revolution in silence and blood, something they do
too often. In addition to the events around the world, many people in Kurdistan accourru
to lend a hand to their brothers and sisters blood and / or heart. These are largely
Kurdish youth but also some international and international who brought freshness and
knowledge (medical, linguistic, military and other) to lend support to the revolutionary
process and the Kurdish resistance.
Turkey: behind the scenes of war
In Turkey, this mobilization has resulted in a call to the Kurds around the world to
support the resistance of Rojava. Mobilizations to protest against diplomatic, media
strategies and anti-Kurdish soldiers of the Turkish state were held in all cities of
Turkey and, of course, especially where the Kurdish proletariat is numerous. For four days
of clashes between the army, the police, the Turkish fascists (religious and laity united
in their fanaticism) on one side and the militant ? e ? s Kurdish left and pro-Kurdish
(including anarchists) of Both have made a death fifty ? e ? s and hundreds of others were
arrested ? e ? s. On this occasion, a legitimate anger against racist and fascist policies
of Erdogan and his clique was manifested in many ways, for offensive and determined
protests, attacks against the forces of the state, Turkish flags burned up public, etc. A
few days after, attacks against police or the Turkish military targets have been
conducted, often independently, even against the advice of the PKK leadership. The
unilateral peace process proposed by the PKK was in any case largely weakened by the
belligerent attitude of the Turkish state against the Kurdish population and ?calan
launched an ultimatum to break mid-November if the AKP is not finally decided to open a
humanitarian and strategic corridor to facilitate trade with the Kurdish resistance Koban?.
This is one of the most important indirect consequences of the multi-factional conflict
over Syrian territory (and now Iraq): relations between the Kurdish revolutionary movement
and the Turkish state are to be tense again, to the point that a Kurdish friend KAF do not
hesitate to write that "the revolution will spread sooner or later in Turkish Kurdistan"
6. If we are not able to announce it as clearly, it is clear from the information in our
possession that nobody has any illusions in Turkey on the evolution of the cease-fire and
the potential of peace and conflict resolution he wore. The Turkish state insists on
considering the PKK and its ally ? e ? s as mere terrorists. Under the pretext of
non-intervention, it blocks border trade at Koban? (the arrival of weapons and fighter ? e
? s at Koban?, the arrival of civil ? e ? s and / or injury ? e ? s in Turkish territory)
and dries the resistance. This also provides objective assistance (if not proactive) at
the Islamic State which manages without problems in getting its equipment and its
volunteers across the border, which can send people to discuss with the Turkish soldiers
without reprisal and benefit greatly.
Kurds and their allies ? e ? s were therefore organized ? e ? s accordingly along the
border at the same time prevent the supply of the EI and allow those who want to cross the
border in one way or the other to rest, to visit their relatives, getting medical
equipment, military, journalism or other... But it is not without consequence: recently, a
Kurdish young student was abbattue blood cold by the Turkish army while crossing the
border into Koban?. Beyond this mobilization, both civilian practical answer ? e ? s ? e ?
s engaged in an armed conflict and political protest against the complacency of the
Turkish state towards religious fascists, while an auto reception system -Organized is
taking place in Kurdistan, including Suru? and Diyarbakir for refugee ? e ? s Shangal 7
and Koban?. Kurdish schools open in it while they are normally prohibited, medical
hotlines are provided and meals are served, without any funding or most of the Turkish
State 8. Autan t as possible, things organize it and realize it democratically. There is
for example a row by organizations System (tents) in refugee camps ? e ? s Koban? and
autonomous forms of women and refugee organizations are invited ? e ? s to participate in
the achievement of tasks.
E Box ? SUBSCRIPTION
Beyond circles militants of the Kurdish diaspora, the revolutionary process in Rojava and
Koban? resistance have been able to attract many supporters. Without being able to include
tou ? te ? s, one can for example mention the Feminist Initiative Koban? which is mounted
in Paris and brings together women and lesbians from different backgrounds and diverse
backgrounds, including Kurds. A delegation of this assembly, composed half of Turkey and
Kurds from different regions of Kurdistan and half French, visited the border (Turkish
side) in early November.
Another initiative that interests us is driven by militant ? e ? s various anarchist
organizations (including the CGA, among others) who founded a group in Paris "Anarchists
solidarity of Rojava" which brings together militant ? e ? s libertarian organized ? e ? s
or not, around support to the revolutionary process and the resistance Koban?, to
disseminate information, analysis and ideas brought there. As such, the collective is
currently organizing, in conjunction with other initiatives in other cities of France and
Catalonia, an information tour that should attend a buddy of Revolutionary Anarchist
Action (DAF), anarchist organization in Turkey is very involved in supporting Koban?,
Istanbul and on site.
The other challenge is also to reap what, so to say, is "the sinews of war": money!
Because " The refugee ? e ? s need help, the militia and militia need weapons; the
families of the victims need help. Like others, the libertarian movement launches funding
campaign. 26 November 2014, a month campaign, more than 7,000 euros have already been
harvested. The money you send will transit through safe circuits, through the anarchists
of Turkey (DAF) in which the PYD and Kurdish organizations have confidence it will
eventually power the action of YPG-YPJ, houses of the people and the common Rojava "..
Several options for participating in this subscription:
by transfer:
A: Assistance Association libertarian
IBAN: FR76 1027 8085 9000 0205 7210 175
BIC: CMCIFR2A
by check:
Payable to SEL, marked "Kurdistan" on the back, to ship
CESL, BP 121,
25014 Besan?on Cedex
Paypal, via the websites of the organizations involved in this collective. For example, on
the site of Libertarian Alternative:
http://www.alternativelibertaire.org/?Kurdistan-syrien-Des-fonds-pour-la
Proposals for an anarchist position on the conflict
As anarchists, it is clear that this revolutionary process does not leave us indifferent ?
e ? s and that is why we develop our solidarity and we mutualize our means. Because
together we are stronger ? e ? s! Also, what happens to Rojava currently is without a
doubt the most interesting social and political experience in the area for a long time, at
least on such a scale and in such a context. Given the different factions fighting in the
region, it is clear that the Kurdish revolutionaries are those who are the closest
political project of ours, especially in the fight against patriarchy, ecology,
self-organization, autonomy and mutual respect between communities. Similarly, it is
obvious that we learn lot from them and that this support we wear is not that of Western
and Western paternalistic ? e ? s proud of their offspring. Instead, we infants of
political experience to the Kurdish resistance during decades of struggle and during the
revolutionary process underway for over two years.
However, anarchists have never been very good ? do ? s students one to remain at the
forefront and memorize their lessons. If we are delighted ? e ? s to receive our
revolutionary brothers and sisters in Kurdistan, we're not satisfied and we are trying to
develop our own vision of the situation, from the items we collect and our knowledge more
or less extent of the situation.
Recent developments of the PKK (see Box 1) are undeniably an important element in our
interest to the revolutionary process underway in Rojava. Our sources of information seem
to agree that at present, the PKK and its sister organizations operate more or less slowly
towards libertarian ideas. We know as long as they are not anarchist organizations and
remain largely marked by a long authoritarian history. Let's say the faction in power
within the PKK now seems interested in proposals and libertarian practices. This is not to
say that neither tou ? te ? s ? e ? the militant s are, nor all the population in
Kurdistan is. It should not be locked into such a romanticism that might weaken the
relevance of our analyzes. But we see at once that a lot of ideas that we defend are close
or even some occasions ? e ? s our Kurdish friends here and there, which can not but
rejoice, but also that our anarchist comrades in the region that much better know the
situation, they / they are Kurds, Turkish ? that ? s ? no ? s Syrian, Iranian ? no ? s are
many very enthusiastic about this experience, which reinforces our in our analyzes.
Important questions still remain unanswered. First, the links between the PYD, the
operation is hierarchical, and the popular movement in Rojava (Tev-Dem). These two
entities are they really independent? We know that this is the PYD has driven the dynamics
of popular self-organization, but there he was therefore not a risk that confiscates his
own interest revolution, when it deems useful? Then, the link and the differences between
the PKK and the PYD ?calan remain rather obscure in our opinion. The political history of
the Kurdish movement is based around a cult figure of ?calan and ideas that can sometimes
surprise us and we aback. It seems that at present some factions within the PKK and around
detach themselves, for better or for worse, but its footprint is extremely strong. As
anarchists, the presence of a leader asks us and makes us fear reversals, including
ideological, although we believe that by educating to freedom and independence, one
Kurdish revolutionaries come a long path and it will be difficult to anyone who would like
to try to make them turn back.
It's more in the diaspora and the communication strategies used by the PKK in Europe that
some options may seem problematic, in our view. Indeed, given the urgency of the situation
Koban? and the pressure put by the Islamic State, the speech carried by a part of the
Kurdish diaspora to populations and European governments focused on a denunciation Daech
(Islamic State) and the "barbarism." If we can understand in this context the
communication of choice, we think it is harmful, even against-productive, at least in
French society. Indeed, by putting forward a non-political critique of the religious
fascism Daech the PKK discourse loses political background. Certainly, it acquires a wider
audience and favors the imperialist governments, but if we fight fascism, it is not
because it is "barbaric" or "middle-age" is because his political project is the exact
opposite of ours: authoritarian, racist, patriarchal...
We believe conversely it is desirable to widely spread the political project led by the
people who live and struggle to Rojava and focus here -dessus rather than adopting
postures humanitarian, charitable and doom. This criticism that we carry with Kurdish
comrades with whom we work is all the more urgent that blurring the revolutionary aspect
of the project brought to Rojava and focusing on "barbarians" of the EI and the dangers
that they constitute for Europe (speech which is several times income, Paris and Germany
in particular), we may increase media and political paranoia around the jihadism in
France. The excitement around the tens or even hundreds of people who go to fight or
support the IE is part of a dangerously Islamophobic turn of French society (eg asked to
Muslim ? e ? s to publicly condemn the extremists, so that nobody has ever lobbied for
them cathos / they condemn the fanatics that we know too well at home or on the Protestant
? e ? s for them / they condemn the atrocities committed in the name of Religion in
Northern Ireland). Y contribute, consciously or not, it's bribe of fascism new age and
serve soup worst reactionary politicians, who have too booming for us. Fascists there are
also quickly engulfed, claiming support minorities (Christian) in Iraq and Syria and want
to make an anti-Daech common front...
No "red-and-black" table (make it go in our direction, even against the facts), so it
should be very careful and attentive to the situation on the ground and support as much as
possible the democratic aspirations, feminists, environmentalists, autonomous and even
libertarian therein are emerging. Without us illusions and lull us sweet songs and
revolutionary romanticism, it is for us to identify the most libertarian tendencies that
exist within and around the PKK to better support. It is in that sense we prefer to speak
of the revolutionary process: the social revolution is not Decrette overnight, it is built
from social realities and current power relations. Different patterns and even
contradictory exist within this process and it is our duty as revolutionaries, to bring
our help and support to the most liberating and rupturistes trends fighting there.
Specifically for us, activists in a rich, imperialist countries, it is our duty to fight
the imperialist powers, including France first, to sabotage their interests and plans for
the area, collecting money (something easier than in the South) for the needs on the
ground and fight for international recognition of the PKK and its allies as interlocutors
and first class interlocutors (and therefore of the party unsubscribe from the list of
terrorist organizations ).
Finally, support the struggle of the revolutionaries who are fighting there, it is above
all the daily build the foundations of a revolutionary break here in France and a cohesive
society, egalitarian and libertarian. As they and them, we have little to lose and much to
gain!
FACTBOX POSTSCRIPT
For more info, many texts exist on the Net.
These include the collective blog "Anarchist Solidarity of Rojava"
rojavasolidarite.noblogs.org
There are also texts interesting analysis on the site of the OCL: oclibertaire.free.fr.
Articles of Alternative Libertaire are also read as "Revolution Rojava" (available on
Rebellyon.info) and the federal press the CGA.
And celleux who like to read in other languages... the world awaits you! But so start by
looking here:
tahriricn.wordpress.com (website on anarchism in the Middle East and Europe, English and
Arabic)
anarkismo.net (site anarchist communist network Anarkismo multilingual)
anarchistan.tk (KAF Site, Multilingual)
rojavareport.wordpress.com (near the site of the PKK, in English)
1. Of course, all boundaries are a problem! But these days, border conflicts are more
intense in the Middle East than in Europe or North America...
2. This state was in reality only a small compensation, far from the historical boundaries
claimed by the Kurdish movement.
3. http://anarkismo.net/article/27520
4.
http://www.france24.com/fr/20140904?le?debat?reportage?exclusif?combat?kurdes?organisation?etat?islamique?syrie?irak/
5 Note understanding: = AKP Party. for Justice and Development of Islamic-conservative and
liberal trend in economic terms, in power in Turkey dep uis 2002; HDP = Party for
Democracy Peoples, r eeting of the Party for Peace and Democracy (BDP), a legal party
linked to the PKK and several movements of the Turkish left. The HDP is a young party, in
those very progressive aspirations (feminism, ecology, minority rights) and has quickly
gained a relatively large force on the Turkish political scene.
6. http://anarkismo.net/article/27623
7. Shangal is the province where the Yezidi live ? e ? s in Iraq. The attack against IE
and Mount Sinjar Sinjar summer has surprised and moved the world. If they have often been
described ? e ? Are in France ? Christian ? s not the Yezidi ? e ? s actually have a
monotheistic religion aside, sometimes likened to a heterodox form of Islam but more
likely outcome Kurdish beliefs and / or ancient Iran, more or less akin to Zoroastrianism.
They / They are Kurds from mythology traditionally transmitted and accepted by the PKK and
its civil organizations but this does not seem to be unanimous, whether in Yezidi ? e ? s
elleux themselves or among non-Kurdish Yezidi ? e ? s. The KRG and its Peshmerga has also
abandoned the cowardly ? e ? s during the offensive of IE and it is the militiaman ? no ?
s YPG / YPJ who intervened ? e ? s and identified and protected a humanitarian corridor to
Canton Qamishlo (Syria) under their control.
8. Other camps built by AFAD (the body of the Turkish state), exist. However, they are far
less numerous, much more restrictive (accommodate only some ? e ? s ? e ? s refugee with
valid papers) and almost military discipline in the refugee ? e ? s. The foreign ? e ? s
and NGOs are not allowed ? e ? s.
http://www.c-g-a.org/motion/rojava-une-revolution-menacee-une-resistance-exemplaire
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