(en) OSLT - he Greek hypothesis ,On the struggles, alternatives and d?gouvernement (fr)

(en) OSLT - he Greek hypothesis: On the struggles,
alternatives and d?gouvernement (fr) [machine translation]

Dear comrades, ---- The victory of SYRIZA is a political event, not only for Greece, but 
for Europe. This is an important advance in the period we are going through. The political 
position of a significant fraction of the wage and the people, albeit through voting and 
delegation of policy, is not nothing. There is a commitment of the working classes in the 
political process. Do not underestimate this expression, do not despise is required. This 
does not detract from the strength and clarity of a policy that opts for popular autonomy. 
The direct action of mass, the rule of force report is first. The central question is to 
always aim deployment against-power, against hegemony, with the key to the construction of 
popular power. ---- Find the analysis of the OSL online. 
http://rebellion-osl.ch/index.php/textes/politique-generale/125-l-hypothese-grecque

Also available in PDF <http://rebellion-osl.ch/images/syriza.pdf>

Thank you disseminate to interested people!

Libertarian greetings,

Libertarian Socialist Organization - February 2015 - Lausanne (Switzerland)
http://www.rebellion-osl.ch/
info@rebellion-osl.ch

---------------------------------

The Greek case ---- The struggles, alternatives and d?gouvernement

SYRIZA seeks a path to satisfy, at least in part, claims that brought him to power and to 
loosen the grip of debt on Greece. This radical left now "government", comes to power in 
coalition with the nationalist right and after a AN.EL certainly significant electoral 
victory, but because of the strength of the coalition parliamentary majority but minority 
view in the society.

The victory of SYRIZA is a political event, not only for Greece, but for Europe. This is 
an important advance in the period we are going through. The political position of a 
significant fraction of the wage and the people, albeit through voting and delegation of 
policy, is not nothing. There is a commitment of the working classes in the political 
process. Do not underestimate this expression, do not despise is required. This does not 
detract from the strength and clarity of a policy that opts for popular autonomy. The 
direct action of mass, the rule of force report is first. The central question is to 
always aim deployment against-power, against hegemony, with the key to the construction of 
popular power.

The Greek vote raises questions. It opens a situation in which revolutionaries must 
intervene to enrich the mobilization, prospects, the balance of power between delegation 
policy and direct mobilization, even within the popular movement. This is the question of 
strategy and deployment in action it is to decide.

Some advantages to SYRIZA

SYRIZA has two central elements. The first is making popular position. That it is 
manifested in the current political climate, in the electoral arena and therefore 
delegative is an asset to the government and the winning party. But the situation probably 
will move in the coming period. SYRIZA control for the time a decisive part of the popular 
movement but the party will immediately be taken to try to limit the action and tomorrow, 
perhaps, to the curb and confront it.

The second element is the systemic crisis of European capitalism in its current 
configuration. This is not the victory of SYRIZA that raises this crisis or that 
conditions in all its magnitude. But the Greek elections have undoubtedly contributed to 
precipitate the situation. They will sharpen the contradictions.

SYRIZA may be able to count on significant international solidarity movement, if things 
tend strongly. The Greek situation can lead a frontal challenge against the entire 
bourgeoisie aust?ritaire policy and European institutions. This possible mobilization is 
far from being a negligible factor.

Without strong fight, not against-power, without strong opposition, capitalism and state 
governments or supra-state still deteriorate the situation of the working class, 
increasing exploitation, deploying social and political authoritarianism. There are limits 
to this pressure than can oppose him mobilizing those from below, wage labor and the people.

There is a crisis of the development model and command of European capitalism with its 
political systems of domination and hegemony. There where powerful internal factors 
relating to the structure and dynamics of the system, as it is made in the last decades. 
Naturally, this crisis is also the result of a deep and long-term resistance. The cycles 
of struggles confront the system, its strategies, its general or specific policies. There 
are open fighting, but also a kind of mass dissent that extends multiplies the sand grains 
in general machinery system, blocks here and there, bouncing and capilarise resistance in 
any social institution. Of course, everything in this opposition is not the bearer of 
emancipatory aims. Just look at the development of conservative or fascist right across 
Europe, to draw the bitter fact.

This is because there is a new movement of the systemic crisis that contradictions rise in 
European bourgeoisies, degrading the consistency of the dominant bloc, suggesting changes 
in the policies. We discussed later feints and / or actual changes in fractions of 
European social democracy.

Tsipras, Ulysses or deception

Naturally, Tsipras trying to take advantage of these contradictions to conquer leeway and 
reposition the situation in Greece. For we must give importance to the situation of 
suffering endured for years by Greek society. Destruction of the economic, social rampage, 
wear and political situation protectorate agreed that breaks the spectacle of national 
sovereignty, this is what happens.

Greek society needs concrete and rapid improvement. People need to be able to breathe and 
hope. This is central because if SYRIZA can achieve some tangible results, his position 
could be consolidated. The government and the party play their existence and they know it.

The process in motion can not be measured only yardstick of a number of anti-systemic 
goals, anti-capitalist. We must also take account of possible advances in loosening the 
grip suffered terrible Greek society. And that is what is important for loosening the 
peoples of Europe, including countries that are presented by the dominant discourse as 
being in a stable economic situation, even favorable.

In fact, throughout Europe, which is the order of the day it is a crushing of the wage 
norm, social insecurity ceaselessly deepened, a bid requirement each day more fundamental 
for those from below . The dissent of the system in the Greek situation a source of 
encouragement.

Part of the European bourgeoisie is concerned about the possibility of changing, with more 
or less deep, regulation system. This question crosses all fractions of the dominant bloc. 
This is the systemic destabilization difficulty finding a long breath of development and 
decay of the conditions of hegemony that grow to consider the possibility of introducing 
some leeway, breaking with past policies. It is very little for now, but it could go up 
... Even if for now this seems to assert it is a policy of arrogance and provocation, in 
the front line of the ECB . It is clearly designed to make the fold Tsipras government and 
impose a strong political defeat.

Substituisme and transmutation

Much has been said that SYRIZA is a substitution of social democracy, which formerly 
occupied the land devolved to PASOK. Naturally, this is false or a bit short. But what is 
true is that the Greek social democracy, as more or less all European social democracies, 
experienced a qualitative change. Social democracy, mainly become a social liberalism, no 
longer provides acquired defense function and preservation of social compromises, 
political and institutional, as in the past. Although this defense was contradictory, 
partial and greatly limited. She becomes directly capitalist and state management 
apparatus, a force command system which deals, among other things, supervision of the 
working classes. In this sense, it is not enough to say that social democracy loosens its 
former social base. It has fundamentally changed function and nature, even if part of the 
currents that make up the gently tries to resist at this critical transformation.

Suddenly, there was indeed a winding side of classical reformism and the other, attempts 
to redial a staff reformism to the left of social democracy.

Many ministers in this space

This is the space occupied SYRIZA, which tries to take Podemos, the Left Front, the Left 
Party, and many other groups. Nobody knows, deep down, it is possible to reconstruct at 
European level a new social compromise, political and institutional, a new imagination, 
new configurations of hegemony. This reformism is extremely fragile. Its statist and 
institutional in nature grows to power devices. It seeks to provide objective and 
consistent approaches with the reproduction of the system. These forces are constantly 
tempted by alliances with social liberalism, as we see in Thuringia, where the Left Party 
governs with the SPD and the Greens, Andalusia Until there is little with United Left and 
France with politics the PCF.

However, Greece, with the parliamentary premium relative majority, induces a favorable 
situation. Coalitions with social democracy, environmental or other forces will be needed 
elsewhere in Europe. Reformist formations make access to government and integration to 
state the key devices of limited social transformation.

There are so much tension between three elements:

The need for social majorities out of the situation rampage, increased of servitude and 
exploitation, with the need for change, including in the context of a "historic" 
compromise with the new ruling classes.

The existence of political forces, reformists, which can be built on the basis of this 
demand for change in the container in a delegation of policy and in an acceptable project 
for the ruling classes.

The possibility of building a popular self-mobilization of those and those at the bottom 
who refuse the limits that the system intends to impose, including a new compromise 
"historic" between block dominant and reformism.

New deal, which cards?

In Greece, SYRIZA is undoubtedly at the cutting edge of this hypothesis. This political 
force has undoubtedly liquidation of fact exacerbated social liberalism represented by 
PASOK and the realignment within SYRIZA decisive fractions of the Social Democratic machine.

Tsipras need to move forward and achieve at least partially, its aims to maintain the 
popular movement under control. It is imposing a subordinate status of mobilization, rule 
of government and political elites of the left in power.

However, it is this historical obligation results even limited differentiates SYRIZA 
classical social democracy. There is a break here in contrast to the political weakness 
and opportunism of a number of institutional forces far left, ready for all sacrifices to 
achieve the government, even the orders and the boot socialist parties and social-liberal 
majorities.

Nothing, however, no indications that there is now a possible stabilization of the system, 
even a partial solution to the crisis in the sense of a new socio-political compromise. 
Many possible, including the worst, are open. But among these possible outcropping, there 
was also the one worn by the popular movement. In its forms and its many cultures, it 
seeks a certain autonomy from institutional policy, and social compromise, so deal with 
changes ordered and organized from the state power structures.

The movement is invented and reinvented

The popular movement is plural, burst, through significant contradictions. The electoral 
practice, delegative political action is an important element that must be, let us be 
clear, subvert and overcome. But it is essential to understand the people's movement in 
all its richness, to take into account the multitude of resistance of concrete utopias, 
constructions, dissent, thoughts and aspirations today are antagonistic to the system. 
Already, the popular movement outline of alternative elements beyond and independently of 
forms, projects and approaches that carries the proposed new reformism. In other words, 
its history, its experience, its claims, its desires, its aspirations and probably by his 
dreams, the popular movement goes beyond the limited attempts to change the order of things .

In Greece, there is the government movement and strategy and there is any excess 
governmental and statist framework, so the project SYRIZA. There is a story, a memory and 
a socio-political fabric of the popular movement. General strikes in self-management and 
cooperative efforts, we have a movement that has suffered mudslides but that has been and 
will carry decisive struggles. There is a movement that goes far beyond the one-time 
election expression, which is able to invent and reinvent itself.

However, the Greek situation is extraordinarily complex. Attempts to draw, facing the 
social devastation and barbarism, alternatives in action are certainly valuable and 
indispensable. But we must recognize two or three things that will make the problem 
everywhere, far beyond Greece. First, we must remember the extraordinary resilience of the 
proletariat and the Greek people. It was she who forced the European bourgeoisies and the 
Troika to reconsider the scope and depth of their initial plans. It was she who managed to 
set bounds to social cruelty and cynicism of the dominant bloc. But she could not, in the 
past five years, impose a loss in power and open the system.

Self-management attempts, contact information and even federated, are not enough. The 
movement struggles must take into account all of the claims, the entire declension demands 
and aspirations of those from below, including requests for immediate improvement, limited 
changes and more general transformations. This is the essential condition to redeploy and 
move forward. In other words, the popular movement needs to confront the government policy 
and the measures it will take. It must win its independence from conception and action, 
organization and strategy from political power. This means it must be capable of exerting 
constant pressure, to claim but also to offer.

There may be occasional convergence between government action and the popular movement, 
but it can not, on pain of dryness or liquidation, losing its independence to determine 
its objectives and decide its forms of action and of organization.

Distance to the state, the heart struggles

This is the key question that determines what a revolutionary effective political or 
social transformation and what does not. Contrary to what we are told here and there, he 
did not act for the popular movement to accompany, to pressure or to supplement the 
government. These formulations are ambiguous and cover is the design of a centrality of 
institutional policy against popular policy.

The popular movement has, in Greece and elsewhere to build away from the state and the 
momentum of its struggles. Its proposals, conceptions, modes of action must be brought by 
the systematic construction of clean power, with a total self-determination. This is 
precisely the politics of liberation, the direct mass action policy. This is not to 
supplement the government, but to build people's power is in its design, in its practice, 
in its aspirations, fundamentally different from the logic of government and the statist 
fetishism.

For this, as we said, the movement in Greece already has a rich treasure of experiences, 
organizational elements of thought and aspirations. This is basically to bring together 
the elements of self-organization, the weapon of the strike and the demonstration with the 
construction here and now all we can self-management. And this to move forward.

Clearly, we must assume the possible convergences, with predictable government action and 
the current of opinion related to SYRIZA, but at the same time we must ensure the 
confrontation with institutional policy, in its approach and its limitations. If all this 
is, of course, urgently in Greece, it is essential in all Europe. Especially where the new 
reformist attempts both to take the lead in the popular resistance and restore 
compatibility with the system.

There is a capitalist attempt, state and supra-state, build an unlimited power of the 
dominant bloc. Against this attempt stands a movement to fundamentally change society. 
Aspirations, far more radical than a new historic compromise, trying to open a path. This 
we see throughout the struggles that emerge and spread across the continent. Naturally, 
they are scattered, divided, and thus thereby strategically often low. But contain all the 
elements, Federated can afford to build a new project of social transformation and success 
of convergence increasingly strong organizational and management practices.

Between the ballot box and the front, choose to cope

The anti-capitalist front is probably the most basic form of this movement forward. It is 
essential to get to build alliances with all the forces that, in one way or another, are 
the needs, aspirations and popular demands. In any situation, at any level whatsoever. To 
move in that direction, and this is also the case in Greece, one must take into account 
the possible evolution of some common militants. There are collective and aggregations 
gradually moving away or break more frankly with d?l?gationnistes and authoritarian 
conceptions. This radical repositioning does not operate linearly nor merely cumulative. 
He requested that the libertarian and self-management left in its broadest sense, is able 
to consistently maintain the battle and the political debate to one side, the search for 
convergence, advanced, and unity of the other. More importantly, it is not to simply go to 
those who are already politically organized es formally but to seek exchange and unity of 
action with all those and all those fighting who build the popular social fabric and build 
the community, the organization of emancipation.

In particular, we must stress the importance of basic trade unionism and AC as well as the 
independent class unionism current bureaucratic apparatuses that are present throughout 
Europe. The basic trade unionism and class is indeed carrying a practical and a political 
design. We say clearly, there is no hierarchy or privilege to any form of popular 
organization whatsoever over another. The social is political and the political is social.

To describe this process of political work, it must be said again and again reaffirm 
constantly, it makes sense only at the service of building an independent popular 
movement, able to embody the democratic movement, social change from here and now, the 
accumulation of emancipation towards the conquest of emancipation and liberation.

It is to "make the left" it is

That's why when no-es propose to establish a consistent and new left, to focus on three 
goals of democracy, pluralism and emancipation, we answer that we must dare to bet. And 
take the measurement. It takes great cultural revolution within the Left who are wanted 
and want revolutionaries. In this sense, the first step is to expand the proposal 
"democracy-emancipatory pluralism" joint democracy-pluralism-based right to 
experiment-emancipation. There preeminence of self-organization and independence of the 
popular movement, accumulation of popular power, in two words. A socialist project, 
federalist and self-management, and therefore in our view, of course libertarian, one 
where everyone-e can bring his words as long as the profound unity in either gradually 
conquered.

Take Stalin and Lenin, let us Rosa Luxemburg and Bakunin

There, in the Greek situation, the importance of the KKE, the Communist Party and its 
trade union front, PAME. In Greece, unlike most European countries, except Portugal, we 
have a post-Stalinist current. With its capacity of organization and action, its cultural 
roots, the KKE may attempt to take the direction of rising claims and popular struggles, 
and exceeding the limits and challenging approaches to government action and SYRIZA. In a 
fragile situation, such intervention can lead to a significant development, even decisive, 
a current authoritarian and statist type. "Radicalism" of the KKE is a politico-cultural 
design that must be fought, basically. This does not mean that there is no possible 
convergences, timely, in action and claim. But in each fight, tactically, strategically, 
politically, from the point of view as central meanings contradiction with this late 
Stalinism is first and decisive. In addition, it is important to remember that the hostile 
position of KKE open face SYRIZA does not guarantee that this training operates right- and 
opportunistic turns.

interim

This is not the time for revolution or of the event that are now in play for Greece, it is 
the time of political accumulation, construction of popular power, independent, facing a 
center of power whatsoever.

We must reject sectarianism. It does not overflow left the government to replace it, 
forced march, another more substantial government, more radical, more determined. This is 
not to oppose schematically and impoverishing a revolutionary way disembodied requirement 
to limited government action and insufficiently trench. He has the absolute necessity of 
building a revolutionary pole, but this is primarily a center of struggles, needs and 
aspirations. There is also a political worker process that built and anchor designs, 
elaborations, strategic battle and as much cultural.

It should as quickly raising a movement that affirms solidarity with the Greek people and 
their needs, and, even more, the common destiny with him in the fight against a system 
that exploits us, dominates and oppresses us everyone .

We can not be much time, but there is no miraculous leap of sudden mutation, definitive burst.

We hope that Greece will give us, for reference and for example, extraordinary events, but 
we know that every event must be projected to draw all the wealth in a long-term policy 
work processes. Anchoring the event in the long struggle, enrich the thrust of our 
struggle by events that are all creations and therefore qualitative advances, innovations, 
so that's the challenge at whose head stands the hypothesis Greek.

Libertarian Socialist Organization - Lausanne - February 2015