(en) Why are Anarchists and Libertarians divided over Rojava?
By Zaher Baher*
Like leftists and communists, anarchists and libertarians have been divided over Rojava.
Some of them are very supportive and optimistic about the future of this experiment and
the others are skeptical and suspicious. ---- There are many factors contributing to this.
Some of these factors apply not just to anarchists, libertarians and others, but to the
Kurdish people too. So this article may also be the answer to those Kurdish people who
frequently ask why they do not receive support from political groups and ordinary people,
not just about Rojava, but about any event in any part of Kurdistan. ---- The main factors
are: ---- First: the attitude of individuals in Kurdish communities who live in Europe
and other countries. Although many of us were born or have lived in these countries for a
long time, we have not played a big role in introducing Kurdish issues including Rojava to
the ordinary people in the countries where we reside, let alone to the anarchists and
libertarians.
Of course, I am not talking about those Kurdish who are already members or supportive of
the Kurdish political parties who do not like PKK and PYD, but about the supporters of
Rojava. A large number of us (Kurdish) have been spread over all Europe and the US. If we
want support for Rojava or any other part of Kurdistan, we need to get closer to the
people in these countries and consider ourselves a part of this society.
It is a bitter fact that not many of us (Kurdish) think the country we live in is our
country, its society our society. We do not think any changes in its politics, economy,
education, housing, welfare rights, law & order and many more, directly affect us. We do
not believe we are affected by immigration laws, though we are like many more black people
and people from different ethnic minorities facing racism and discrimination from police
and employers. Regardless of what happens, the majority of us are still silent and do
nothing to get together with others to fight back.
While we share all the above issues with the vast majority of the people in any country we
live in - and while some of these problems hit us harder - still we remain ignorant. We
therefore do not participate in independent local groups, not going to demos, protests,
not supporting the workers while they are on strike and on picket lines. We do not take a
part in other campaigns to improve communities, whether the campaigns are local or
national. So how can we expect non-Kurdish people to know us and support our causes
including Rojava?
Second: The way we do our demos and protests. We do not know how to introduce our cause to
passers-by or local people. The actual cause that we organize demos or protests for is
usually lost among so many irrelevant placards, banners, Kurdish flags and pictures of
leaders. We chant some useless and expired nationalist anthems. Because of this our demos
and protests fail to deliver our purpose and just remain attractive to ourselves. While
this is our way and our manner to introduce our causes to people, how can we expect them
to know the exact situation, let’s say in Rojava?
Third: The historical bitter experiences that the anarchist/libertarian movements have had
since the first International Workingmen’s Association in 19th century. They were involved
heavily and supported by the Association, but were later kicked out and accused. This was
followed in 20th century by bloody experiences with Bolsheviks, and then by the Spanish
civil war in 1936/37. This history has repeated itself in different countries throughout
the last century. Because of these terrible and bloody experiences many individual
anarchists and anarchist groups remain very cautious in approaching Rojava.
In Rojava and Bakur (Northern Kurdistan-Turkey Kurdistan) we see a couple of powerful
political parties, PKK and PYD, who have been heavily involved with both movements. This
makes some anarchists struggle to understand or see the big steps that both movements are
taking towards social revolution. They still look at PKK and its movement through the
glasses of the end of the last century and beginning of this century. There is no doubt
PKK did terrible things at that time: even Ocalan himself acknowledged that there was
involvement in terrorist acts toward its own people and people outside of the party.
However, many anarchists do not see there is an internal struggle inside PKK over ideas
and principles of anarchism: between the minority who tend towards anarchism and the
majority who would prefer to keep the party's structure as it has always been. I am sure
the outcome of this struggle will be positive. It is not realistic to expect that PKK and
PYD as a party will give up hierarchical organization. They cannot be transformed into an
anarchist organization as a whole. However, a quick look at PKK’s history shows that it
has changed and made many positive steps. For example, they do not believe in a nation
state and the notion of United Kurdistan; to a certain extent they, or a proportion of
them, are anti power, anti authority. They transferred their weight to the towns to keep
the struggles among the workers and poor people; they are in the process of abandoning the
guerrilla war and are involved in peace processes. They also believe in freedom: in
people living together in peace and harmony regardless of their differences in ethnicity,
religion, and gender. They are very serious about the environment and ecology issues and
also believe in social revolution. They support forming radical local groups, believing
in direct democracy and direct action. Not acknowledging the above comes either from
arrogance or from simple ignorance and an inability to read the situation properly.
In my opinion the best attitude towards Rojava is “supportive and being critical” at the
same time. Criticizing it alone and keeping distance from it does not benefit our current
anarchist movement. This attitude again shows incapability of recognizing the reality of
the movement, and would bring the blame of history over us. Meanwhile supporting it
without criticizing its negative sides again shows that we do not see this movement
realistically. Having this attitude, once the movement fails to meet our demands, we will
be very disappointed and keep ourselves a far distance from any movement in the future.
Four: Ideological attitude and looking for purity and perfection in the movement. I
believe this approach is at best naivety and at worst irresponsible. It is important to
recognize this movement as a mass movement; how do we expect perfection in Rojava and
Bakur unless we have perfect people? If we had pure, responsible and conscious people we
would not need revolution. We need to look into Rojava with its all positive and negative
elements. We should support the positive parts and we should be hard on its negative
sides, not just to draw the attention of people to what is wrong, but also to support
fixing it.
We have not seen a movement like Rojava since the Zapatista’s movement of 1994. What
happened in Rojava with all its faults so far is the best we have, especially when we see
the outcome of the Arab Spring, and that Rojava took exactly the opposite direction. Up
to this point the movement has been stepping in the right direction although facing
numerous attacks and threats: war with Isis and other terrorist organizations; the
possibility that Assad’s forces will return and invade the region; the possibility of
invasion by the Turkish government; the possibility of war with the Syrian Free Army; the
reconciliation of neighbouring countries at Rojava’s expense; and the rebuilding of Kobane
and the rest of Rojava by the US, Western Countries and their companies and financial
institutions. Rojava faces all these threats and many more, so what is the attitude of
anarchists and libertarians here? Solidarity and support to take the right direction or
keeping distance and ignoring it until it loses whatever has been achieved so far? Which
one is the right approach?
Five: Many anarchists and Libertarians come from Marxist or Marxist-Leninist backgrounds.
Although these comrades have adopted some anarchist principles, some of their views,
approaches and analyses remain Marxist. Therefore, they find it extremely difficult to
believe the social revolution can happen in developing countries, especially somewhere
like Rojava. This approach is ideological and borderline religious: they believe that if
anything is not written in the old books it will not happen. Many of us know the
Marxists’ books have confused people and distorted historical struggles about achieving
socialism/anarchism. These comrades still use the same Marxist, Marxist-Leninist
definition for the working class and the history of development in reaching
socialism/anarchism. For this, they have posited five stages societies must go through
before our aims are achieved. The five stages are the Primitive society, Slavery,
Feudalism, Capitalism then Socialism; and, after these stages, Communism (they even
separate socialism from communism). In somewhere like Rojava companies and factories are
seldom found; therefore, in the view of the Marxist, there is no working class or
proletariat. Rojava has not reached capitalism; how could the revolution start from there?
How can dictatorship of the proletariat be set up while there is no proletariat? So any
thought or any talk about starting a revolution in Rojava for these comrades is unacceptable.
It is a great pity our comrades cannot consider the exploitation of people throughout
history has been the main issue. There have always been class divisions, a tiny minority
of elites and the vast majority of people beneath them. So regardless of the many stages
mentioned above, one question has always existed, one struggle raised; and this will
remain the same until we achieve a classless society.
There has always been an alternative, there have always been grounds of replacing society
as we have known it by forming and building a socialist/anarchist society. There is no
doubt that societies have developed and progressed throughout history, but the social
revolution has nothing to do with this division or to do with the condition that societies
should reach capitalism before socialism. The need for revolution lies in exploitation,
having people on the top of society with all the privileges and the rest on the bottom
with nothing or very little. The basis of revolution lies in people’s consciousness, and
their readiness to rise up. In other words, the social revolution can happen in any
society, anywhere, regardless of the stage the society is in; but the total victory of any
social revolution depends on many factors, whether this revolution happens in Rojava or in
any advanced country like the UK or US.
History shows that human beings so far have only seen a couple of stages: societies which
are Primitive, and the class society which continues until the present. There is no doubt
that the division of human history to reach socialist/anarchist society damaged the social
revolution badly. How the leftists and communists throughout the last century and earlier
damaged the class struggles and principle of socialism as much as the right wing
politicians and their parties is a separate subject. I will write about this soon.
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* from Haringey Solidarity Group and Kurdistan Anarchists Forum.
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