France, Alternative Libertaire AL (#252) n° spécial - 1944 Falling collaborationist movements Breton (fr, it, pt)

 France, Alternative Libertaire AL (#252) n° spécial - 1944
Falling collaborationist movements Breton (fr, it, pt) [machine
translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)

Breiz atao da Lazo mad! "Breiz atao, good to kill! "Was the slogan of the Breton 
resistance fighters during the liberation of Britain in August 1944, referring to the 
Breton nationalist newspaper breiz atao (UK Time). During the German occupation, in fact, 
a large part of the Breton separatist political movement fell into active support for 
Nazism. ---- We can trace the roots of the contemporary Breton movement (the term Emsav, 
which means "movement" Breton, appears only after the Second World War) with the creation 
in September 1918 of Breton Regionalist Union rather right , which publishes a magazine 
called breiz atao (UK Time). The Breton flag, the "Gwenn-ha-du" (white and black), created 
in 1925, will become the main symbol of the Breton movement.

In the 1930s, the movement experienced a split between the Federalists anticlerical left, 
organized the Federalist League of Brittany and the Breton nationalist National Party. GNP 
is already marked from the beginning by the antidémocratisme and head of idolatry as in 
most of the extreme right organizations, but also and especially by anti-Semitism, which 
greatly influence his miserable path. It then relaunch party review breiz atao.

Fascist drift

These two movements register new members after the destruction bomb in Rennes in 1932, the 
statue of Anne of Brittany kneeling before the king of France, bang Célestin Lainé, the 
fascist leader of the separatist splinter group Gwenn- ha-Du, which is already linked with 
the Nazi party, but also with the Irish Republican Army.

While the Federalist League dissolves in mid 1930, GNP, meanwhile, like different 
movements of national minorities in France, succumbs to the lure of fascism, whose 
successes impress the small middle Breton militant. Spurred Olier Mordrel, GNP said in 
1936 its support to the German Reich. That year, he and his friends publish the doctrinal 
review Stur (rudder), which, over the numbers, does not hide its support for Nazi theses, 
with the active participation of Laine.

At the Party Congress in 1937, the most moderate wing that refuses the Nazi corner of GNP, 
around Raymond Delaporte, is excluded. Mordrel Lainé and so have plenty of space to 
transform the GNP openly fascist party. GNP signed anti-Semitic slogans appear on the 
walls, for which Lainé will be sentenced to several months in prison in June 1938. The 
party supported the invasion of Austria by Nazi Germany. With the approach of war, 
censorship is restored in France and many of GNP activists were arrested while Mordrel 
with François Debeauvais hastily flee Germany in 1939. The same year, GNP autodissout.

Despite its limited edition breiz atao was read by thirty correspondents in the German 
Reich, interested in "race" Celtic and sensitive to nationalist theses developed by the 
magazine, so Mordrel Debeauvais and found the support of dignitaries Reich.

In 1940, in France in disarray, the two Breton leaders manage to open a special internment 
camp for prisoners of war Breton nationalists. We are witnessing spontaneous conversions 
nationalism among the Breton prisoners, motivated by the possibility of repatriation. 
About 600 prisoners were freed from German camps from July to December 1940 and, on their 
return, under pressure to push for GNP. In reality, only some of the freed men put 
themselves under the command of Célestin Lainé (then leader of the movement to create a 
Breton army, Lu Brezhon), others are eager to return home and be forgotten .

Breton separatists are grouped in a castle in Pontivy in 1940, sparking indeed hostility 
from the local population (they are finally expelled 24 July 1940) and launching the 
foundations of their organization, which they call the Council Breton national, for the 
establishment of a Breton government with a program in 18 points. They also decide to 
create a weekly, The Breton Hour, with a circulation until the end of the Occupation, will 
reach about 30,000 copies.

The move to collaboration

Three months after its launch, the CNB is still not able to recruit heavily in the 
population. In October 1940, Mordrel decides to raise the GNP which he takes the lead. The 
CNB turns into a kind of "Senate of the party." The choice of collaboration with the Nazis 
seems to be a consensus in the party ranks and Debeauvais Mordrel but disagree on the 
question of an agreement with Vichy. Mordrel rejects and hardens the political orientation 
of the party in a more Nazi sense, separatist and pro-German.

While in October 1940, with the Montoire interview, sealed the agreement between the 
French State and the Reich, Olier Mordrel more Nazi than the Nazis themselves, openly 
criticized the policy of collaboration, putting in Germans warn about the sincerity of 
France. By disturbing its moderate wing, there is more unanimity within the party and was 
forced to resign. It's the least stirring Delaporte returning to replace him until the end 
of the war.

Mordrel, is informed of a possible arrest by the French police, who hopes to make it 
disappear. He fled to Paris and goes into hiding. For the GNP, time is no longer a 
decidedly anti-French separatism, but the outstretched hand policy towards Vichy. The 
Nazis, for their part, even after the policy of alliance with France of Petain remain 
sympathetic with the autonomist movements may weaken French nationalism and national unity.

In September 1941, thanks to the Nazi protection, Mordrel can get in Britain. After 
Mordrel back in Britain and throughout its history GNP is therefore still torn between new 
trends and Delaporte Catholic Mordrel Lainé and fascists.

The numbers of GNP is estimated at 3,000 members - the real figure is unknown, its 
archives have been burned before liberation. Many accessions are actually motivated by the 
hope of releasing a parent or a close prisoner in Germany. Nevertheless, one can actually 
count on an active core of 300-400 militants, little more or a few easily identifiable, 
which facilitates the work for the Resistance who seeks to run its local leaders. As often 
on the extreme right, the sociological composition of the organization is familiar with 
large families in which all members adhere to the party.

Activism is essentially in the sale of the newspaper The Breton Hour, which is then one of 
the few newspapers counter (articles consist of a pro-Nazi faithful reproduction of 
information on the course of the war), sometimes leafleting and in the recruitment of new 
members. While many political parties are banned, GNP storefront. It is often regarded 
with suspicion by the public or even with great hostility particularly in Carhaix, Morlaix 
Guingamp or traditionally red - parades of GNP, are sometimes simply attacked.

The choice of weapons

Many activists are indicators Nazi forces and confirmed cases of accusations abound, 
particularly in the pro-Nazi trend. For example, the Ferns section sends the Nazis a list 
of Freemasons and Jews in the city. An information service exists within the party, 
responsible for flushing out resistant or listeners of the English radio. The party also 
has a militia created in 1941: the Bagadou Stourm ("combat troops"), mainly to oversee the 
youth of the party and counter poaching attempts Célestin Lainé, which has its own special 
service.

Gradually, the youth organization takes the appearance of a paramilitary formation, with 
armed militia iron bars. It organizes events where can scroll a hundred men, obeying the 
orders given by their leader in Breton, under black cross flags with a triskell [1]. But 
the German presence becoming increasingly tough, these parades collaborationist 
insupportent the population in Landivisiau, August 7, 1943, pavers and stones batter the 
Bagadou Stourm.

Der Bretonische Waffenverband der SS

From 1943, the wind begins to turn. The resistance groups and guerrillas engaillardissent 
multiply actions against GNP, spreading concern in the collaborationist ranks. Many 
activists of the extremist wing, the most active, are slaughtered. The December 12, 1943, 
it was the turn of Father Perrot, well-known character of Breton nationalism, being killed 
shot in the head. Resignations multiply. It is in this context of attacks and the start of 
open warfare between the GNP and the Resistance that fits the creation of the Perrot 
Formation, late December 1943.

Fully under the command of Laine, the Training Perrot (Perrot Bezen), which has about 80 
militiamen, paid, with uniforms of the Waffen SS, armed with revolvers by the Nazis. It is 
integrated to the security service as the SS Bretonische Waffenverband. Delaporte, leader 
of the GNP, later forbids dual membership in Bagadou Stourm and Perrot Formation. 
Activists hardliners, mostly young people, who wish to do battle with the Resistance 
frontally, leaving to join Bagadou Laine, who has in the meantime revived the magazine 
breiz atao, this time totally pro-Nazi (only a few numbers of this new version appear).

Totally submitted to the occupation forces, the task of Perrot Formation consists mainly 
of local Nazi guards and surveillance. As at the Perrot Formation evolves into retaliation 
missions directed against the bush, and after the Allied landing, resistant to dozens of 
killings.

The militiamen of the Perrot Formation, in addition to well know the terrain, can rely on 
the extensive network offered by the GNP. The Perrot Formation, which also commits many 
acts of torture, has left behind one of the most atrocious pages of the history of Britain.

While the German defeat is no longer any doubt, the Perrot Formation, plagued by 
desertions, hardly has about thirty members and chooses a pitiful retreat to Germany, 
assassinating briefly on his way political prisoners that falls to hand. Célestin Lainé 
deserted in turn, betraying his companions. He went into exile in Ireland, like other 
Breton nationalists condemned to death in France. Mordrel, the other leader of the 
pro-Nazi anti-Semitic trend, went into exile in Brazil, and will return to Britain in 1971 
in favor of a pardon.

Breiz atao, ball of Brittany

GNP was far from being a mass party. Unfortunately, the other side of the barricade, the 
anti-fascist camp was also minority. Many were resistant to the Communist Party and 
organized a priori left side of the Breton cultural heritage. The Breton-political space 
seemed so fully occupied by the GNP.

This contributed, as of course the ignoble action of Perrot Formation, to discredit and 
cast aspersions on the whole Breton movement in the years after the war, facilitating the 
work of the French state in its destruction of the Breton language, a defender of the 
Breton language is seen as a traitor, a "breiz atao". This has fortunately changed and 
many are now left organizations active in the Emsav, the Breton movement [2].

Today, we can note the reappearance of the term breiz atao term that should have remained 
permanently in the dustbin of history, to designate a website of ultradroite ("daily of 
the Breton National State") established in 2000, in the ideological straight line from 
breiz atao Nazi. The creator of this site, Boris Le Lay was convicted several times in 
France for volksverhetzung and fled ... in Japan, not in Germany as its predecessors 
miserable.

François (friend AL)

[1] A cross outcome of prehistoric Celtic art which has the advantage of vaguely resemble 
a swastika

[2] The current left-libertarian union SLB combines in the same struggle, proletarian 
internationalism and defense of the Breton language and culture,

http://www.alternativelibertaire.org/?En-1944-La-chute-des-mouvements