EMBAT: Chile, "Top of the fighting and fighting." The Unification Congress Anarcho Chilean Communist (quack) and the commitment to libertarian century. Interview with Mario Celis.

EMBAT: Chile, "Top of the fighting and fighting." The
Unification Congress Anarcho Chilean Communist (quack) and the
commitment to libertarian century. Interview with Mario Celis.
(ca) [machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)

Approximately 2007 still worked when the Popular Library of the House of Obrero "Ateneo 
Libertario" in the city of Quito, accidentally received the Libertarian Communist 
Manifesto by Georges Fonteno, the shipment came from a small group libertarian Argentinian 
the manifesto was reprinted from a translation done in Chile. The work of Fonteno to whom 
at this time we thought was pure anarchists immarcescibles meant a punch in the face 
literally. We understand at this time, in the heat of political futility representing our 
efforts to "change the world" through film screenings, round tables, links with urban 
tribes, groups of sensitive circuits without any real participation in politics, which 
were less anywhere where it is played.

Then the possibility anarchism from Ecuador to develop a serious revolutionary project was
unthinkable. Months after having devoured the manifesto, whose effect since that time 
until today has been split with a large but politically insignificant sector of anarchism 
Creole, for whom the correct reading Fonteno meant Stalinism Orthodoxy, authoritarianism, 
etc., received a visit from a friend of Chile. This visit was important as far as we're 
approaching an attempt, with its successes and limitations, which sought think anarchism 
in connection with the struggles of people from Latin America. The motivation comes from
the reading experience as Fonteno Chilean Anarcho Communist Unification Congress (quack) 
became important references for at least now, sit and think "more seriously."

There were in Ecuadorian anarchism with which we identified us, politically extinct since 
his first battle (15 November 1922) and continued by artists, songwriters or project 
without political significance as alternative organic, tools, experience or references 
necessary to tackle the task of creating a revolutionary organization of national 
character. Obviously the years do not go in vain, that one generation of "old militants" 
little or nothing is, in fact many of those who until a few years ago we identified we 
fully anarchists contact with the real problems of the people and their organizations, as 
well as other related lectures and theoretical aspects which acudíem not for fear of 
"defraud" Bakunin (from a principled reading this) has enabled overcome idealistic 
visions, voluntary and not organic so patents this anarchism with which we assumed we so 
foolish religious. Now we are so close to Bakunin and Marx to Gramsci Fonteno as, Makhno 
to Öcalan as well as contemporary thinkers and progressive processes taking place around 
the world. This interview was conducted during 2014 and 2015, began to Santiago de Chile
in September, along with events and demonstrations commemorating the fascist coup of 
September 11, 1973 and was completed this September. We recommend reading without 
neglecting the criticisms and observations, whenever required, which can be made; reflects
in many ways the current debate within the ranks of the libertarian country, the need for 
a political reference of national coverage instance it is possible today, after so many 
years and mistakes.

Socialism and freedom! Top of the fighting and those who do not fight!

arlos Pazmiño. We started talking about the origins of Anarcho Communist Unity Congress
(quack) in Chile, as was the Chilean anarchists saw the need to overcome the idea of 
voluntary group or organization, educacionista against cultural toward the political 
organization? What is and what is the role of anarchist political organization?

Mario Celis. The libertarian outlook for Chile in the 90s featured a number of groups that 
had passed the counter to show Mapuche demonstrations, and try to put together some 
coordinators, but always all succumbed in the dispersion or practices depoliticised.

In 1998, several groups tried to raise a libertarian center in a squat in central 
Santiago. In this project failed, it returns to the dynamics of groups and coordinators. 
Until 1999, discussions among some groups of Santiago, also connected with groups of 
Valparaiso and Concepcion, pose unify the groups that were seeking to organize themselves 
politically. To this end it is proposed to convene a congress, a meeting for discussion. 
This meeting takes place in a union and lasts a full day. There agreed to create an 
organization with political objectives with the theoretical basis of the "Libertarian 
Communist Manifesto" George Fonteno.

As we needed a name, we decided to use the provisional name of the conference. The acronym 
formed, showed very little professionalism. Many told us "onomatopoeic sounds like a duck, 
it must change." But we get used to using it, because it made us laugh, broke with all 
solemnity and was provocative. Finally remains the official name. Today can be seen as a 
reflection of the time, the turn of the century. If you read completely, the name seems a 
serious organic, old-style unions salnitrers, port, cobblers or graphics. If you read only 
the acronym is the spirit joking, carefree and lacking commitment 90s was the duality of a 
young anarchist who struggled between being or not; tradition or something new, the 
individual or the collective, or structure regulated flexible coordination, commitment and 
volunteerism initiatives ephemeral or permanent practices.

Soon reality forced us to choose one of two options, with no room for ambiguity. It needed 
an organization that defined political goals, operating with a device that worked 
initially commissions and then fronts (social work sectors: student, union, population) 
and the service fees of these fronts. No suspect that the construction of these works, 
which would be essential for later. And without either have the tools to face an era full 
of uncertainty in a really fucked with any conditions objective in view, any reference 
coming back.

Carlos Pazmiño. The quack for documents that can be read, show an internal structure 
defined, organized and planned with specific development committees and political fronts.
It can be said that the quack was a sketch of anarchist party, as he thought and worked 
the organizational structure? What were the pros and cons?

Mario Celis. We never liked talking about the game, or planned to outline a game that 
otherwise was something that caused great rejection, even among us, and it was the worst 
accusation that we did countercultural groupings. For my generation, the concept was 
related to the traditional party of the left, so full of rigidity, authoritarianism, 
patronage, privilege, sexism, etc. Nobody wanted it. Always thought of an organization 
that follows the tradition of anarcho-communism with political program and organizational 
discipline, far from a military order, but rather based on the responsibilities 
autoassumides. An organization that decides with people while, give answers to the 
numbness of social demands, decided that proposals generated as a visible force with 
effect nationwide. But Chilean anarchism had rearmed after a gap of decades and this meant 
get some order in the context libertarian Creole dispersed. At the same time we will be 
looking to educate, train new members, to dwell in other cities and regions relate to 
other organizations, etc.

It was a heavy backpack. So we had to build a solid structure, disciplined, very 
operational, because most were still few. It also created a strong mystical. Some saw this 
as a terrible match-down structure. Initially for other leftist groups (before winning 
their respect us) were a lot of fans in politics. The latter was perhaps closer to being 
true. Our amateurism (without naivety) was a reflection of the post-dictatorship moment 
precisely one of our strengths, to be built around all the time, free from dogmas, recipes 
and tricks, acomodaments typical of politicians.

But nothing objectively become so rigid nor so lax. What existed was an organizational 
discipline, which was not done to undermine the freedom of militants or meanness. But to 
organize and reinsert what libertarian. While it is true that in the final stage, some 
exaggerate this discipline, they sharpen his knife, causing several conflicts and 
abandonment of militants.

The structural issue always complicates things when you do not have experience or not 
deepen the concepts. At the time, the word "structure" caused rejection in some people who 
understood - even today understand - as opposed to freedom. But curiously, those who are 
reluctant to respect the collective order, usually become more severe censors and the 
sentinels of a repressive order.

Finally, learning the discipline was not monitoring, which should be based on trust in 
others and in himself. While the absence of hierarchy requires high levels of commitment 
and maturity of individual and collective. That is essential and possible, our 
organizations have clarity of their political goals and establish a free order internally. 
So today, I think is indisputable.

If this is a party, the parties differ much we know ...

Although arguably so, each organization must clearly define it beforehand. Taking clear 
that this structure, as it is said, is not to become a machine election, nor privileges, 
nor reproduce domination or create a hierarchy covert, which restricts the social 
expressions or fuck life to its members.

I do believe that any organization that intends libertarian certain seriousness, should 
define an organizational structure, a political program, strategic plans, a schedule of 
activities, a system of evaluation parameters achievements, and cross-territorial spaces a 
plan of resources and infrastructure, a cultural plan, etc. This only started talking 
seriously.

arlos Pazmiño. Anarchism, anarchists or rather, have ceased to think of politics as a 
concrete fact, as reproduced and the people, citing ideological purity not intervene 
effectively in society, leading to political conception freedom flying tactics, strategies 
and program approaches this far. In this regard, as he thought the policy quack? How would 
you define from anarchism?

Mario Celis. Incidentally anarchism is an ideology and practice intrinsically bold 
"entrador" said Chilean and "Score." Not in the sense of being more incendiary, but when 
summoned to penetrate where no one else could build where there is nothing to take steps 
disconcerting to loosen knots, achieving strong gains. And that, of course requires a 
dynamic organizational structure, ethics, clarity and iron discipline, which must be 
fraternal, but strong against all illusion and every element that impair the objectives. 
No plot a constant witch hunt, but a search for balance. In the quack, from the beginning 
there was this research. The assembly was very demanding with every militant and energetic 
against saboteurs, that if we had.

If the quack was art or not, whether it was in the context of Chile in the 90s, reaching 
the new century in which nothing happened again. Agonizing social organizations, 
marginalized and stagnant speeches, which learns the wave of globalization issues such as 
privatization, treaties, abuse, modernity, the malls (shopping malls), a transitional 
eternal pinochetisme before a fragile democracy that refused to die. Before that, the 
quack bets on external ideas openly partisan, anti-capitalism, antiestatisme, along with 
their proposals (using assambleisme, direct action, spokespersons, organizational 
autonomy, social integration and re-articulation). Also exhibiting an aesthetic that takes 
away Santeria symbolic left, creating new shares of propaganda, libertarian education and 
culture. This was more striking and more effective. It gets along with other groups, sow a 
seed for social movements resurfaced in the next decade.

But much of the energy invested to face the complexities of their own organizational 
structure and the same obstacles anarchism. To neutralize the positions defended 
lifestyle, pseudo-rebellion, individualism, the slogan without support, urban tribe, and 
repeated inconduents talks on anarchism of memories (with lots of beer, lots Tagliatelle 
with sauce, lots of "toccata" punk rock, but little content), the sacredness of the 
barricade, etc, etc.

When quack becomes OCL (Libertarian Communist Organisation), these infantilismes, although 
with resistance, they are eliminated. The organization grew and matured, discovering that 
create organizational structures and strategies adapted to the here today could become an
actor starring in the politics of the country. These forms take strength to work in 
population sectors, trade unions and then work FEL (Front libertarian students) in the 
long process of the student movement. The presence of new libertarian organizations, in 
constant critical eye also enriches the scene in the following years.

arlos Pazmiño. The quack was a benchmark for many organizational processes in Latin 
America and Chile itself, what was the scope of the documents and the experience of quack? 
How to measure, so it empirically, their influence?

Mario Celis. Somehow the quack served as a motivating experience in the process of 
anarchism Ecuadorian, Peruvian and Bolivian maybe. In addition to learning of our 
organizations in Argentina and Brazil. I say motivating, because we had more capacity or 
better accompany each process, but certainly organizations of each country, drew their own 
ways, his own contemporary anarchism. In Ecuador, for example, gave a thoughtful growth,
maturity, although not caught a single national organization, began to read from the 
libertarian ideology rapid processes in the country from 90 to today. And although they 
were very different processes that happened in Chile, the fact of being, show that there 
was a new opportunity for anarchism in Latin America, helped goals arise from our 
realities and grow. And of course, it is very satisfying to know that our visits, talks 
and correspondence with people from other countries contributed in some sense. For us it 
was very rewarding, and we met great people.

It is also a responsibility to keep this exchange of experiences. So we spread some texts 
concerned then, along with articles and subsequent reflections of some people quack and 
OCL period in 2000, he continued writing. If all this is even reference material for 
various Latin American companies and new generations in Chile, I feel good and necessary,
because some analyzes and experiences not lose today and because every current process can 
return to zero if there is no historical consciousness .

Now, empirical measurements have little or nothing. Until now, research papers and theses
available that analyze the quack or later experiences not fathom about political dilemmas 
of the time and as repeated today. Even here there is a thesis that falls into gossip 
about people, implying that the process of quack, revolved more around personal conflicts
around opposing political views. Like everywhere else, it was personal discussions, but 
the only important thing is to know what defended politically.
Some of these factors are measurable in the hope that our fellow graduates of social 
sciences, and contribute to systematize create indicators to better understand what 
happened. For example, in the struggle against and in favor of social inclusion: Those 
opposed undoubtedly defended their affinity groups, their tribes, their lifestyle. I think 
that this could be verifiable, not born any political proposal worthy of consideration, 
transcendent. The obsessions of these affinity groups were however, the embryo dispersion 
"insurrectionary" of the decade in 2000.

To verify this is enough to see what happened with these groups, their work and their 
members. What happens now with hundreds of groups born with sudden death and vanish.

But still, I think it is perfectly quantifiable work during this time of the urban tribe 
spend a minimum voluntary work and educacionista (popular as the first pre-university) to 
get a job in protest social sectors.

It has also been ascertainable at the time, the creation of social fronts was not only 
necessary but essential. Only the deepening claiming key issues such as education, housing 
or work, would give the Chilean and Latin American anarchism the impetus for further 
development and current. Moreover, our methods libertarian promoted within the student 
movement, and union struggles for housing, environmental and regional conflicts, would 
become a few years later, the driving force behind the emergence of these movements in the 
decade in 2000 .

I think today in the early 2010, it is necessary to measure the impact past and present, 
and will continue led by subjective opinions of everyone. Someone working in a 
concentrated sector or territory and who contributes with his intellectual work hardly has 
a panoramic view of the entire process. Being complacent in assessing your work without 
deadlines set no goals or wanting to invent everything from scratch, are practices that 
also tend to dilute all progress.

Carlos Pazmiño. Now, based on this and the growing influence of what libertarian emerge in 
Chile, as you evaluate this? What about the quack in the Chilean libertarian second decade 
of the century?

Mario Celis. It is undeniable that since the quack until today, has a legitimate way of 
building organization, ranging from the original idea of social integration, to the 
struggles for major changes, coordination between different sectors and their struggles, 
the idea of territorializing, including feminism, environmentalism, etc. Although 
post-election period of 2013, there are major differences and deviations to other 
ideologies, the work of later generations to quack has in general a development consistent
with the initial approach. Even until now, it has developed more in the field than in 
other sectors student. Followed by the union. But still outstanding job building a 
localized claypit and other highly sensitive issues such as retirement, environmental, 
food, and health. Also in these sectors have dimensions, such as issues of gender, 
migration, or the accelerated aging of the Chilean population.

It has been almost two decades and the profile of militants and sympathizers also been 
extended. Our generation came from strata precarious instability resulting in inconsistent 
participation. The income of a large contingent of students better prepared for the middle 
strata, diversified movement, has more capacity and access to a better analysis. There is 
the intention to expand to multiple sectors which I think is difficult for some of the 
obstacles to the development of anarchism we describe in this time of quack, still 
persist, not only in Chile.

ETARA The problem: The difficulty to break beyond the youth segment have libertarian 
organizations (and those who still suffer adolescence in an adult body).

The identity problem: the lack of a libertarian own identity, and our local time to leave 
behind the practices of urban subcultures, other ideologies, other political projects. The 
organizational problem (still lacking creativity and wealth of organizational forms to 
respond to people's needs, this goes hand in hand with the problem of resources).

My purpose to dwell on the problem myself ideological discrepancies nor have recently 
separated organic because being given a thorough debate on this issue, and that is very 
positive. But clearly I do not consider that an increase libertarian organizations move 
away from anarchism to approach positions in other sectors.

I believe that entering the electoral game in very specific cases, should be discussing 
strategies, and to stretch the hair or split. Opposing priori and categorically to 
participate in elections or to abstract whole situation with other groups, can be as 
counterproductive as venturing into an election with a bad candidate, with few resources 
and no loyalties. Playing with fire, requires a prior analysis of all because then nobody 
cry or fight.

On the attitude of the anarcho-communist front organizations of devotees called 
insurreccionalistes or chaos, I do believe that there has been lukewarm when silent or has 
not been strong enough against all episodes of spontaneous or planned actions 
irrationality violent and politicized. Just showing a clear ethical libertarian achieve 
permanent legitimacy. Shaking us any ambiguity we look at people face to face. Because no 
one, least of one worker, we identify with practices such bombs in the subway, or the 
stoning of police in a march. Because adventures pseudoheroi head, damaging the progress 
achieved. I also see very complex based social struggles to rise cyclically new martyrs, 
there is a vicious circle ending in this logic. We must take care of the aggression of the 
state, to prevent more deaths and demand justice, but primarily our slogans should reflect 
the demands and ways of construction.

Why do you think anarchism has come to occupy a marginal position on the left? For example 
in the debate on the issue of power and the state, anarchism responds heatedly "popular 
power and self," do not you think that has forgotten how to think strictly economic, 
social and political training planned and centralized working class must take the place of 
the state? In Ecuador, as you know, we have raised a proposal to build so-called "New 
Popular Autogobierno Territorial Organization" (NOSTAP). To us the answer spontaneous 
popular power and self cantaleta primary one seems too abstract, that says nothing in real 
terms.

Mario Celis. I do not see that as an idea or political power, anarchism in Chile is so 
marginal left, considering it was not much left and discarding the sectors that were once 
left and now prefer to be called progressive. In Chile this decade, libertarian 
organizations have achieved a place in the political left and inserted in various 
important social struggles. This is something that was unthinkable a few years ago. Have 
demonstrated permanence of proposals and driving ability in conflicts that seem eternal. 
The question is how these struggles can be maintained, and if the libertarian movement can 
maintain and grow reclaimed areas. Surely this is not to be followed depending on the 
demands or student union, not only of the existing organizations will be extended.

The fall of the reforms promised by Bachelet, has contributed to stalled or diluted 
effervescence that emerged in 2011 and has fallen into a social movement noticeable wear.
I see that in this current situation, libertarian sectors could play a much more prominent 
place. Both as a structure or political structures stronger, more resources or as a 
libertarian culture that penetrates everyday life.

And for this, of course, you need a proposal. And this proposal would require a much more
daring than that drove the quack NOSTAP Ecuador 90. The proposal is very interesting and
points to the possibility of writing a programmatic orientation practice.

In the Chilean environmental movement two decades ago, we managed to raise proposals 
politico. Based on the economy on a human scale, the writings of Johan Galtung, Murray 
Bookchin, etc. and applying the environmental conflicts in communities and network Tips 
ecological community. All this is diluted by the breakage and the absence of a 
representative national organic. But libertarian organizations today, it is possible to 
make great debates and create a solid proposal. Maybe that's why I still believe in 
building a broad national organic. I am confident that you can find the path to a program 
unit.

The slogans of popular power have helped to bring libertarian ideas to other sectors, but 
now it seems that something new is required. Costa understand today a popular power that 
do not attempt to seize everyday spaces for others manipulate or create parallel forces. I 
think the boards of neighbors, as arms of the parties, mayors and ministries, as mere 
propaganda channels, donations, beneficiaries of public policies with private collusive 
sell "operational" cheapest health or legitimize Invasive investments. If no libertarian 
refuses to enter neighboring boards or similar instances must be able to create structures 
that could dispute this space.

About the self, the abstract is not the concept itself, but how it is used, stripped of 
its meaning and its practices. From left marxistoide 90 more marginalized, seized the 
concept, distorting it as a synonym for self, collect coins, resist fantasiosament 
precariousness of resources. Now the term is commonly used, use the same simplistic 
artists or entrepreneurs. For some it is directly gesture of rejecting all resource state, 
although contradict the struggle for rights. Culturally, still denotes a great inclination 
to marginalization, self-imposed, impostada. Many groups make up the deficiency. Lack of 
resources, agenda, members, infrastructure, methods, etc. The work is then small, just 
adapted to these shortcomings, but restructuring, when there are no limits as an element 
of a program. Perhaps because the term "manage," mistakenly understood as the action of
getting things get different media, collecting the remains and administer. In self instead 
administered, cooperatively and driving ourselves a good tangible means of production, 
work organization.

Carlos Pazmiño. Finally, since we have entered the debate was a real political alternative 
to the people, how do you think the ability to make policy from anarchism to build power, 
accumulate forces and fight for hegemony in the popular movement?

Mario Celis. Currently it seems that the Chilean libertarian context, can not be postponed 
further debate. How to create a program feet on the ground consistently. Clarifying my 
assessment of all the achievements, I can advance prospects questioning the current logic 
of struggle, discovering new lights. One issue is organizational - productive start to 
emerge on an interesting path relative to productive areas. That is, the construction of 
spaces in certain areas where the popular organizations take ownership, CREIN, recover or 
adapt production means to generate resources and development logic collective and / or 
community.
Since our contribution to social environmentalism Ecobarrial, has been exploring these 
possibilities in popular sectors across the food issue and its relationship with urban 
gardens, orchards harvesting fast and constant for small spaces. Overcoming poetry, 
esotericism and elitism that accompanies both the environmental issue, we have tried over 
the last decade, filled with political sense actions ecological level neighborhood. This 
is related to the exploration of new practices popular consistently bold, that indicated 
earlier.

In the "penguin revolution" of 2007, the Chilean secondary students gave several of these 
perplexing times that are totally libertarian (in early 2000 many leaders were trained in 
front of the student and quack OCL). The audacity to take the schools and keep living 
there, forcing the government to dialogue with speakers, meetings, communication and 
creativity to capture the attention of the press, etc. Nothing would have happened without 
these practices. A clear sign that the practices are fighting. With only slogans do not 
get anything.

I think the cultural issue, there is a key driver was the "Café Acracia" a cultural 
practice of quack is now reproducible. You need reactualizing the cultural matrix of 
current anarchism, libertarian create a culture that interprets the era we live in, 
establishing egalitarian relationships, new cultural practices (I mean new formats 
provided us out of the other imaginary realities of other decades, other ideologies). We 
can not glued to the club or in the event that ends in rock and cumbia to college. We need
family formats, new instances of encounter, fighting, sharing, artistic expressions 
policies. We have worn out the cultural mold. We need creativity revive enthusiasm. No 
need to clarify that I am not talking of putting a wig social struggle, returning all 
postmodern bizarre and even less to politicize it or balloon show populace. I speak to 
subvert our own cultural anquilosaments.
In an uncertain 2015 in Chile, including a climate of discontent and discredit the 
parties, together with the possibility of a new constitution, is a crucial moment to 
address a greater role. Do not think it was eluded the discussion on the new constitution, 
for example.

If the Concertación or invents new Mayo "Citizens Councils' debates manipulated to 
legitimize their cosmetic reforms, libertarian organizations unable to abstract debate 
involving all Chile. Only oppose reformism can not lose the opportunity to discuss how to 
end the foundations of the state subsidiary, Pinochet model, which establishes ownership 
over people.

I hope there will be a new stage in which organic and programmatic will not be just "up 
the fighting," but will also "not up the fight", "up which can hardly fight." Either by 
time, ignorance, age, mobility, insulation political circles ... Thinking about those who 
seem lazy, indolent, consumerism, incredulous of all religious individualist ignorant 
bourgeoisified. For them too, and they, now they stagger their certainties, their sense of 
orphans grows, and its research can also understand and identify with libertarian ideas. 
To all of them and they can and should get.

(*) Mario Celis (San Bernardo, Chile, 1969) is a former activist and member of the 
founding committee quack
Current coordinator of the "Center for Social Ecology Ecobarrial" - Chile. He has been 
regional coordinator for South America International Ecological Network "Tierra del Futuro"

An article by the author on the quack in: The Organization of quack Chile: Main 
contribution of its Theory and Practice.

Georges Fonteno "Libertarian Communist Manifesto."

Carlos Pazmiño. Researcher CEPY degree in Communication for Development Sociology student 
magíster FLACSO-Ecuador.

http://embat.info/amunt-els-que-lluiten-i-no-lluiten-el-congres-dunificacio-anarco-comunista-de-xile-cuac-i-laposta-llibertaria-al-segle-xxi-entrevista-a-mario-celis/2015-09-23T14: 
44: 14 + 00: 00equipembat Articles for debate releases and texts anarchism, Chile, 
strategy, institutional organization, people power
Introduction. Approximately 2007 still worked when the Popular Library of the House of 
Obrero "Ateneo Libertario" in the city of Quito, accidentally received the Libertarian 
Communist Manifesto by Georges Fonteno, the shipment came from a small group libertarian 
Argentinian the manifesto was reprinted from a translation done ...
equipembat jose@red-libertaria.net Administrator Process attacks


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