Anarchistic update news all over the world - 2 June 2016
Today's Topics:
1. direkteaktion: „The boss could not handle it!“ --- A
portrait of FAU Berlins Foreigners‘ Section (de) [machine
translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
2. ias romania: STATEMENT OF Total Objector to Military Service
D. Chatzivasileiadis – Solidarity Assembly IN VIEW OF IMPENDING
COURTMARSHAL AND POSSIBLE IMPRISONMENT [machine translation]
(a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
3. anarkismo.net: Palestinian workers in Israel: between scylla
and charybdis (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
4. Text self-presentation Anarchist Black Cross (Core practical
Anarchist Solidarity, 05/28/2016 (gr) [machine translation]
(a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
5. France, Alternative Libertaire AL #261 - To win, all block
(fr, it, pt) [machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
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Message: 1
Due to language problems, residence permit status and ignorance of German labour rights,
foreign workers are generally more vulnerable to capitalist exploitation. But in Berlin
several bosses had to learn: There is that nasty union you shouldn‘t mess with! We spoke
to Lindsay, a member of the Foreigners‘ Section of FAU Berlin. ---- Lindsay, please
introduce yourself. ---- I‘m from Seattle in the USA. I‘m a proofreader and copywriter by
profession and actual occupation. I‘ve been in Berlin nearly a year. ---- You are part of
the notorious Foreigners‘ Section (FS) of FAU Berlin. What is that section about? Why do
you organize as foreigners? ---- The FS is a section in FAU Berlin where
non-German-speaking workers can organise and fight their work struggles. It was founded
around 5 years ago now, I believe. Mainly, it’s a place that allows foreign workers to be
active, fighting syndicalists in Germany. The FS also gets to share a lot of knowledge and
experience about how it is to be working as a foreigner in Berlin.
Your section has been involved in various struggles and is still so. What is the „typical
workplace conflict“ you have? What are the most common problems foreign workers face in
Berlin?
Since I’ve been in FAU, we’ve primarily had wage theft cases and arbitrary firings within
the gastronomy section, which means we’ve been struggling a lot for single members rather
than organising entire workplaces. This, I think, is typical because FS members are for
the most part in the precariat of the working class: we often bounce from job to job, even
if we’re in the same industry. This makes organising at one workplace very difficult. But
we are now trying to come up with strategies around organising in precarious workplaces
and will be focusing a lot more on education – how to organise – in the next year.
What makes you win so many cases, what is the concept of your success?
If you mean conflict with the restaurant „Cancun“, then I’d say we were very aggressive –
loud at the picket, lots of direct action – and the boss in this case could not handle it
and we didn’t need a court: He paid our member in front of the camera at the rally outside
the restaurant. As for the other ones, ok – I'll consider our 80 page injunction from
another Berlin restaurant a kind of success since it means we really pissed them off. But,
no win on that one yet. We will bring that injunction to court.
I think, the recent success we had, comes from a combination of the small or medium size
of the companies we are fighting, from the help FS working groups gets from the
German-speaking FAU members and from FS’ use of direct action; that is, FS working groups
are thinking about how to hit the boss economically, and how to coerce that boss into
doing what we want, and then the actions are prepared with the help from German-speakers,
which is essential to FS success. The actions themselves are louder and more frequent, we
have more demand deliveries, phone/email zaps, rallies, and other “creative” actions. Of
course, as a small syndicalist union, we see direct action as part of the recipe for success.
Furthermore, these smaller struggles for one member have in fact given more of our
membership practical fighting experience and a chance to learn union skills. Meaning that
while our membership in FS is smaller than it was in the Mall of Shame days (a conflict
that started in summer 2014 and lasts till now), nearly all of the active members are now
involved in working groups and organising struggles themselves.
It's often said that Germany has a pretty underdeveloped strike and combat culture. What
is your point of view on that?
I honestly don’t know much about this. If you mean Germans are quieter and less combative
generally in the labour movement as compared to say, the French, then yea, this is
obvious. However, compared to the American labour movement, Germans are downright quarrelsome.
The FS unites workers from around ten different countries. So there must be a vivid mix of
combat cultures and experiences. Could you give an example of this advantage?
Yea, we have people primarily from all over Europe and the US. I know that Germans are
quieter than the southern Europeans at actions and drink less beer than the French at
actions. At a strike in Paris they had a special van for beer and wine that drove along
with the march! Many in FS agree now that it’s important to be more animated, and they
take the street presence at actions as a real fighting opportunity.
Berlin is often considered as something like a melting pot of the radical left.
Nevertheless most lefties don’t fight and organize themselves as wage labourers. Why is that?
Well, I think the left in Berlin is focused on building defensive communities – squats,
coops, etc. In general, they have very little serious orientation towards fighting
offensively in a strategic manner. But, it would be deceitful to say that the modern
labour movements, including ourselves, aren't somewhat responsible for this. Labour used
to have a much larger “culture” surrounding it. So, perhaps as we start to grow up our
culture again, we'll have more success with getting the left interested in labour again.
FAU Berlin recently became the target of various injunctions and other repression. How can
a union defend itself against the bosses and their state? And did you get any attention
and solidarity of the left movement?
We didn’t get much solidarity from the left on this but perhaps that’s because we failed
to publicise it enough. These injunctions are nasty – particularly for a small union like
ours which relies so much on being loud and annoying to get things done. Basically, if the
boss has enough money, they go and buy the union’s silence from the court, and we are,
effectively, guilty until proven innocent. I’d say, that someday when FAU has more
resources, we’ll need to challenge the law which allows these injunctions to exist. The
IWW (an international syndicalist union) helped create free speech in the US through
direct action and appealing the supreme courts in the Free Speech Fights of the early 20th
century. I imagine the working class in Germany will have to do something similar someday
if we want our rights to grow.
What do you like at FAU and what has to get improved?
I like a lot about FAU, like the fact I can take a beer on credit at the union hall when
I’m low on cash. I like that we have a union hall, with books and people and a projector
there. All that. It’s a little community of people who are nice and polite but very nasty
and unpleasant to bosses. This is what a syndicate should be.
Aside from problems of education – sharing organising skills and knowledge – I already
mentioned, I don’t think I’d change anything right now. I think we’re on our way to being
much better already; people are doing things, thinking and discussing new ideas, and are
fighting. As long as we have that, we’re good, I think.
What is FS’ future goal?
The task now for FS is to combine all our fighting experiences with organising knowledge
so that we have several workers fighting for themselves at one job, instead of only these
solidarity cases with workers who are no longer working at the workplace. Also, we need
more cultural and social activities like film nights, etc. because these are fun but also
because FS has to work a little more to keep ourselves bonded because we have a lot of
cultures smashed together, which makes miscommunication and serious disagreement more
likely to happen.
The interview was conducted by Jonas
berlin.fau.org/strukturen/foreigners
CONTACT INFO FOR THE SECTION
Mail: faub-aus@fau.org
Open meeting: Every 4th Tuesday of the month, 19:30.
Location: FAU office, Grüntaler Str. 24.
https://www.direkteaktion.org/verteilzeitung-mai/a-portrait-of-FAU-Berlins-Foreigners-Section
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Message: 2
On the 2nd of June, the military court of appeals will review my sentence to 12 months in
prison for my second and third refusal to enlist in military service. Given the fact that
I do not fall into the legal window of sentence suspension due to having been convicted in
the past for my political activity, the sentence of my first conviction for the offense of
refusal to serve in the conscription army (sentence to 12 months imprisonment) was paid
off in installments with the aid of the solidarity movement. In addition three
administrative fines have been imposed of 6,000 Eur each for four conscription calls which
I have refused. ---- The endless persecutions, arrests, humiliating transfers,
court-marshals and consecutive sentences imposed on Total Objectors of military service
are a characteristic expression of state terrorism for which military rule is essential.
As I wrote from the cells of the Police HQ where I was held when arrested for the third
time for refusal to serve (2/11/14):
“The successive persecutions of Total Objectors for our consistent and politically
conscious decision to not serve the most brutal mechanism of authority, aim to curb the
anti-militarist, class movement. I do not recognize the right of military-state
repression. My detention in a cell, even for one night, is a brutal and unacceptable
insult at any notion of freedom and social justice. The resistance against state brutality
will not be bent. It will grow and it shall win. Immediate end to the persecution of Total
Objectors and an end to arrests.”
Particularly, the imposition of large fines following every new call to enlist is one
facet of the economic terrorism and of the larceny that the state is attempting against
the class oppressed in times of austerity. The successive convictions to redeemable
sentences (sentences that can be bought off) is another point connected to the greek
state’s monetary management of class domination and economic terrorism. The enhanced
repression of the military-state rule against the refusal to enlist and its
intensification against Total Objectors, who raise the flag of the anti-militarist
movement, has the advantage of targeting the resistance to military service with harsh
measures while at the same time camouflaging its harshness. After all it seems like the
battle against militarism is balanced out since for years now Total Objectors do not serve
their sentence in prison. At the same time the persecution of the widespread in society
refusal to enlist remains in obscurity since it doesn’t find the outlet of self organized
collective force.
In the fall of 2015, on the occasion of yet another court-marshal of a Total Objector, I
announced on behalf of the Anarchist Collective for the Combative Proletarian
Reconstruction an open call for a frontal anti-militarist struggle , referring to the
current situation and to the universal necessity of resisting the terrorism of the
state-military rule:
“It is no coincidence that the intensification of the militarist reaction goes hand in
hand with the stepping up of the militarist policy of the greek state. The local
bourgeoisie is preparing the inter state war for the control and exploitation of the
Aegean , masked behind the flag of EEZ (exclusive economic zone). The left wing
management, having vouched for the continuation of the nationalist strategy even prior to
the elections of January ’15, is now deepening the militarist coalition with the military
dictatorship of Egypt and with the israeli state which acts as the police dog, slaughterer
of the Mediterranean east and major exporter of genocidal technology and know-how. The
greek state has recently given its support, as an obedient follower of NATO, to the bloody
operations of the Turkish army against the Kurdish autonomist movement and the people of
Anatolia and Mesopotamia. The phrase “Greece comes first” used by Simitis (Greek prime
minister with the PASOK government from1996 to 2004 ) a decade and a half ago in order to
justify the country’s support to NATO’s bombing in Yugoslavia, sounds like a witty remark
compared to the current war strategy of the greek state.
The slaughter in Eastern Mediterranean is unfolding step by step. At the same time on the
borders between greece and turkey mass murder is perpetrated on a daily basis. The armed
mechanisms of the greek state and the European Union, aided by fascist gangs, are
murdering migrants en masse in order to maintain the control of the class border between
the privileged castes of europe and the downtrodden of the capitalist periphery who suffer
from interstate wars. If we only saw the interstate war that is coming, without
acknowledging the ruthless one sided class war that is already raging, we would be trapped
within a nationalist analysis. The greek territory is already in a state of open war. From
the proletarian-social point of view, it is necessary that we actively resist the
state-military rule in all possible ways and that we construct a powerful anti-militarist
movement. A century ago, when Europe’s social democrats inflamed the first world war and
then pushed the Nazi into power, the revolutionary movement called them euro-chauvinist
and social-fascists. But back then there was still room for reformist illusions. Today
there is no socialist footing for the capitalist war and for nationalism. Class war is
revealed in all its rawness. On the one side stand the privileged castes of the bourgeois
world. On the other side is the great river of the class oppressed of this planet who are
pillaged and murdered in countless numbers for the sake of the interstate capitalist
economy. The front line has been carved in blood. It’s time we take our position in battle.”
Today, since the fences and borders cannot hold back the masses of the downtrodden who
aspire to a share of the security and the concentrated wealth of the capitalist center,
the military-state rule is expanding inland. Concentration camps and impoverishment are
the status quo as well as the main tool for preventative repression of the proletarian
revolt. As I have stated before, the position of Total Objectors is on the first line of
internationalist solidarity, on the first line of the antifascist struggle, on the first
line of the collective resistance to economic terrorism, which is founded on the weapons
and the prisons of the state, on the first line of workers’ mobilizations, that are
cracked down by use of police-military means and enforced return to work. In class
struggle there is no room for elitism. From such a position of battle, Total Objection
exemplifies the disarmament of state terrorism as well as the breach with individualism.
The intensification of European racism and militarist terrorism arouses an
ethical-political duty for Total Objectors: to march head on for the deconstruction of the
state-military institutions. And to give ground to combative resistance. We must encounter
the political repression against refusing to serve the army, no longer from positions of
piecemeal defense and stalling, but from an advanced position that expresses the real
intensity of the current class struggle and can pave the way for our counterattack.
So, on the 2nd of June, when I will be tried for the second time on appeal for refusing to
enlist for military service, I will stand once again in front of the military judges and I
will articulate the polemic of the ones below against the state and its privileged castes.
But this time I will not give in to buying off the sentence. Conviction will mean
imprisonment, And prison, (where I have been in the past), brings us face to face with a
situation of real war, politically, objectively and as a lived experience. And even if the
generals of militarist repression give me the chance by setting a usual sentence of a few
months, I will go on hunger strike (as I have done before in the dungeons of the
anti-terrorist unit) so that the might of the extortionate and larcenous measures against
Total Objection is once and for all overturned.
Who will last longer? The proletarian-social resistance or the repressive mechanism? We
who have been foreordained as cannon fodder and pieces of meat for the appetite of the
masters, have nothing to lose. We are countless and we are already fighting for a world
without tyranny. Who in the end will fight for this rotten regime? The power of resistance
and solidarity is limitless. It is high time we do away with mandatory service to the
state’s war machine.
IMMEDIATE END TO THE PERSECUTION OF TOTAL OBJECTORS
*Dimitris Chatzivasileiadis (Total Objector) April 2016
https://iasromania.wordpress.com/2016/05/29/statement-of-total-objector-to-military-service-solidarity-assembly/
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Message: 3
This is an article X wrote upon an interview with Palestinian workers at Bethlehem
checkpoint ---- Palestinian workers are one of the most forgotten and abandoned social
categories whether in the political. economical or social contexts, Almost all Palestinian
workers suffer from Various sides: the Palestinian Authority, the Zionist state, and
Israeli and Palestinian bosses, its noticeable that the worker’s rights. stability and
future are roughly mentioned in the policies of the two conflicted Entities. since neither
one of them gave any importance to reflect on the issue of Palestinian workers. besides.
this point was not Discussed as it should in the Palestinian-Israeli negotiations. note
that according to the Palestinian Central Bureau of Statistics ; the number of Palestinian
workers in Israel is estimated of 105 thousand workers which constitutes 2.2% of the labor
force in Israel and about 11.7% of the size of the labor force in the West Bank .
Who is the Palestinian worker?
The Palestinian factor is the worker in the areas inside the Green Line (Israel) and holds
a Palestinian identity card and live within the Palestinian Authority zones in the West
Bank, or those who live in Gaza Strip, Israeli Arabs and Arabs living in Jerusalem
(holders of Israeli ID) are Considered Israeli laborers .
Work permits:
After the outbreak of the first Palestinian intifada, specifically in 1991. Israeli
decision was issued limiting the freedom of movement between the West Bank, Gaza Strip and
areas within the Green Line, thus. having a permit to enter Israel became obligatory for
any Palestinian who wants to move legally in Israel.
Palestinian workers divided in terms of Legality and thus the possibility of obtaining
their rights into two parts: the Palestinians legal workers with permits and make up 64%
of the number of workers inside Israel. the Israeli labor laws are applicable on this
category of workers upon the decision of the Israeli government in 1970 and the terms of
Paris Convention 29 \ 04 \ 1994, which addressed the issue of Palestinian employment
inside the green line. Secondly: Palestinian illegal workers (smuggled to Israel) and make
up about 36% of the total number of Palestinian workers inside Israel, Netanya
Magistrate's Court acknowledged the rights of this category of workers, but their rights
are often neglected and ignored.
Rules and conditions for obtaining a work permit changed to become increasingly complex
each year, prompting a lot Palestinian workers whom don’t fit the conditions (unmarried,
younger workers, married with no children ... etc) to enter Israel illegally -according to
laws of the state- with the rise in unemployment in the occupied territories. the number
of illegal workers in Israel peaked and that was accompanied with the exploitation of many
workers by smugglers.
Same tyranny. Different tyrants :
The Palestinian worker is being Prosecuted by several parties seeking to increase profits
on the worker’s account, in the other hand, the oscillating and constantly changing laws
and policies of the State of Israel and the continuous occupation of the territories
occupied in 1967 constitutes the largest pressure on the lives of the Palestinian worker
threatening its stability and constancy . prevents sometimes workers from access to their
places of work and practice their work freely. Workers are prevented sometimes from
accessing the place of work and doing their business freely when the Israeli army impose
closure on the occupied territories, However, the state has worked to reduce the number of
Palestinian workers after the Gulf War and replace them with foreign employment,
Palestinian workers nowadays usually work in hard labor. such as construction work and
servicing .
As stated previously, the Israeli government has recognized the rights of Palestinian
workers and claimed to give them equal rights with their Israeli counterparts, and that
any discrimination based on color, race or religion deemed against the laws of the state,
Multiple items in various fields were placed to protect workers from exploitation, but,
How valid are these allegations? Are Palestinian workers actually equal to Israelis? how
much are these Laws applicable on the ground?
With a close look to the Israeli labor law you can easily find certain gaps through which
to view distinction between the Palestinian and Israeli workers, since labor law gave the
Israeli Boss the right to recall work permits and whenever he wished. which means
depriving the worker from claiming future rights When denied entry to Israel, it means
that he could not file a lawsuit against the Israeli Boss or head to the authorities
involved in protection workers, which Forces the Palestinian workers to Hire an Israeli
lawyer to represent them.many workers become a victim of a scam and Fraud by the lawyers.
The Palestinian worker (O.A) said “"There was a dispute between me and my employer, and I
was surprised the next day when I was on my way to Israel heading to the relevant
authorities that the permit had been cancelled, then I had to appoint an Israeli lawyer
and after long months of waiting and Signing on several legal papers in Hebrew which I do
not speak, I found out that the lawyer had made a deal with the employer and got paid
money on my account ". Israeli law also gives the Israeli employer the right to contract
workers on prior agreements often have the form of "waiver your rights, and get the job"
it contain workers commitment not to prosecute the operator in case the employer infringed
the labor law such as exceeding disciplinary discounts limit . Minimum Wage law provides
that “ Any employee of 18 years of age or over employed in a full-time position is
entitled to receive a wage which is not less than a minimum per month, day or hour “ This
law becomes effective if and only if the worker completed the so-called minimum number of
weekly working hours, which amounts to (186) hours, and here can be observed another gap
in the labor law, as the form of wage voucher for Palestinian workers. a document that
shows the Duration and density. differs from wage voucher for Israelis. as it Contain a
column for the number for weekly working days and hours for the Israelis and only weekly
working days for Palestinians and herein comes the role of the Palestinians and the
Israelis operators in counterfeiting, forgery and theft of workers in broad daylight
The Israeli work accidents law distinguishes clearly between the Israeli and Palestinian
counterpart. Since the risks faced by Palestinians in the way of going to work and
returning from it goes beyond the limits of what's bearable as the accidents caused by the
Violations of the Israeli army are often ignored and lawsuits against it are dropped
usually, besides the law defines the worker roundtrip path. and If it was changed even for
an Emergency. or if the worker had to stop in the path for a specific need like going to
the bank or getting food and had an accident. it will not be considered as a work accident .
As stated previously, the labor law creates the right conditions for the employers to
usurp the rights of workers, moreover, the employers don’t care about labor law in the
case of Palestinian workers since if they cancelled the worker’s permit it’s halfway to
waste and ignore their rights. anyhow.the lack of awareness of rights and lack of
proficiency in the Hebrew is considered one of the most important factors to reinforce
digesting their rights since sometimes they sign a labor contract obliging themselves to
receive daily wage. That means releasing the employer from commitment to the maximum daily
working hours (8 hours) to exceed the duration of the work to 10 hours and thus the worker
does not get paid for overtime. The salary voucher is the first defense line of the worker
and therefore the first goal to be attacked by the Israeli employer, where some falsify
salary voucher by reducing The number of weekly working days to get discounts from income
tax, the Department of payments, national insurance at the expense of the worker, as well
as taking advantage of Palestinians voucher’s form to reduce the number of weekly hours
worked below the minimum of (186) and therefore the employer does not have to commit to
the minimum wage, Furthermore, The Palestinian employer (for example : the contractor in
construction works) becomes a partner in crime since profits earned by the Israeli
employer are often shared with the Palestinian counterpart as a far for pressuring them
and forcing them to sign the pre agreements and stay silent in case of violations of the
labor law under the coverage of the tribal law which is utilized in some parts of the west
bank and hence. the worker is Obliged to stay silent and show acquiescence if he’s not a
member of a powerful Hamula .
As for non-legal Palestinian workers Despite the recognition of their rights, the absence
of labor contracts and vouchers wages lead to their inability to claim their rights and
consequently the workers cannot to even mention the issues of minimum wage. health and
social Insurance. or Work accidents which leads to giving this category of workers very
low wages and very bad work conditions .
Violations by the IOF:
A Picture of Palestinian workers on Bethlehem densely crowded checkpoint has spread
recently on Social media. many activists compared the conditions of Palestinians at
checkpoints to the Situations in the Ghettos in Nazi Germany. after a direct look at the
circumstances at Bethlehem checkpoint and the treatment of Palestinians by the Israeli
soldiers Including Physical torture. Daily flouts. racist Comments and discrimination we
can say it’s a fair comparison. workers have to leave their homes to work at very early
time in order to get to the checkpoint before congestion time. Palestinian worker (M.M)
said "I finish my work in Kfar Saba at four o'clock pm and get to my house in Hebron at
about seven o'clock pm. the next day I’m forced to leave the house at four o’clock in the
morning to avoid the congestion, so it leaves me only two hours of a free time ". some
consider the Intentionally failure of the soldiers to do their Job properly the main cause
behind checkpoint’s overcrowding. where some soldiers deliberately
disable the movement at the checkpoint to do provocative activity such as chatting with
another soldier and pretending to be engaged in another Job. Some soldiers confess “We
received orders to tighten the procedures and disturb the movement", Others considered
that the checkpoints are designed in a way does not fit thousands of Palestinians move
through it daily, whether structural design or distribution of inspection soldiers in an
unregulated manner. where it is rare to find all the soldiers in the filling all
inspection booths ; one or two soldiers often are in charge of duty. not to mention that
Soldiers sometimes pick Palestinians randomly for Scrutiny ; where they detain "Suspects "
in a closed room for a duration of 30-40 minutes and force them to take off all their
clothes and get double checked .
As for the soldiers themselves you can notice cases of obvious daily violations. some
soldiers comments are racist and insulting. others scream in the face of Palestinians and
it might reach physical assault. besides. a lot of workers get their permits Confiscated
upon their appearance. The Palestinian worker “M.H” in Jabal Abu Ghniem settlement (Har
Huma) said “ I witnessed a lot of mockery by the soldiers on Checkpoints. some called me
Osama. Others accused me with being an ISIS member. On another day, when I was doing my
job, I was attacked by a force of the Israeli border guards and they handcuffed me and
threw me on the ground and pulled out their guns at me. an hour later they said that it
was just a training and that they were sorry for the inconvenience ". However. the dilemma
is worse in case of Illegal workers. there is recorded cases of broken bones. torture and
Bullet Injury almost everytime Border Guards beaten catch Illegal Palestinian workers .
Settlements and industrial zones workers:
Settlement workers suffer from the lack of recognition of their rights and thus their
inability to Demand the rights from all sides that might be relevant, the Palestinian
Authority considers the settlements illegal and therefore it dismissed the legitimacy of
Settlements workers. Sarcastically. The Jordanian labor law is still applied on them
despite the decision made by the Israeli High Court of Justice (2007) to apply the Israeli
labor on this division thence are the law of the minimum wage, maximum hours of daily
work, health and social insurance, etc.... are not applied in this case, You can imagine
the quantity of abuse exercised on them for this reason.
Related Link: http://unityispa.wordpress.com/
http://www.anarkismo.net/article/29324
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Message: 4
The historical information available for Anarchist Black Cross is relatively incomplete. -
Generally speaking, however, the year of origin of the Anarchist Black Cross, also known
as the Anarchist Red Cross (ARC), according to Rudolph Rocker (treasurer of the Anarchist
Red Cross in London), is somewhere in the period 1900-1905 . - Hopefully these dates are
not very accurate. - According to Harry Weinstein, one of the two men who started the
organization, began after his arrest in July or August 1906. ---- Once allowed, the
Weinstein and others provided clothing to anarchists sentenced to exile in Siberia. These
were the early stages of the ARC. Other sources put the year of origin in 1907. ----
However, the reason for the creation of the Anarchist Red Cross is not disputed. Formed by
cleavage of the Political Red Cross (PRC). The PRC was controlled by the Social Democrats
and refused to provide support to anarchists and social revolutionaries political
prisoners, despite constant donations from various anarchists and social revolutionaries.
Over the next seven decades, the group will continue with various names, but always
considered himself part of the general formation of the Anarchist Red Cross / Anarchist
Black Cross. The support of ABC (Anarchist Black Cross) for political prisoners spread to
the "four corners of the world" and has become an international organizational structure,
with groups in almost every state in the world.
Somewhere here, in 2016, and we come to announce the founding of the Anarchist Black Cross
- core practical anarchist solidarity (Anarchist Black Cross - anarchist solidarity cell).
As anarchist / that we understand the need for a diverse anarchist struggle that will
raise the issue of the attack against the state and subordination imposed by all means, in
the here and now.
In this context, we do not believe that the action of our anarchist comrade / s terminated
after captivity or repression. Rather, we believe that the anarchists / s prisoners / s
are part of the anarchist struggle in political theory and practice. The attitude after
the arrest, the assumption of political responsibility or defense of their political
identity and diversity anarchist action when they deny the charges, the refusal to
recognize any power of judicial institutions, the stubborn non-alienation of the
totalitarian and nightmarish environment of prison the tenacious struggle against the
material substance of their inclusion in escape attempts, these are all deposits equal
value of their action before conception and irritate the minds of outside, resisting or
under resisting.
The immediate and practical solidarity, then, is to come as a support and recognition
practice of the struggle of our comrades / s, of all political subjects, regardless of
their activity.
We, in principle, that the illegality, constitute non-compliance of individuality with the
rules of the state, it may be in itself a political act, even when the subject is not
anarchist origins, it has shown, however, one decent route in her / his life, in or out of
prison. The identity of the / th criminal / prisoner ordination / th is therefore not a
homogeneous thing and an absolute criminal / political prisoners separation as political
subjects (or resistance subjects) and recipients of our solidarity is not possible for us
nor fair. The fact, then, that organizational, like structure, chose to aim specifically
at supporting anarchist political prisoners, it has to do with strategic targets and
priorities policy kinship and does not negate our solidarity and penal / s prisoners / s
or political / s prisoners / s that do not define themselves as anarchists / s.
Solidarity means recognizing the fight, but not necessarily matching. The choices of
prisoners anarchists are for us conscious rational choices, the only consistent result of
their analyzes, which will complement the wider puzzle the anarchist struggle. Like this,
we feel each other along the endless road of anarchy.
We support the diverse anarchist and act, but as an anarchist black cross core practical
anarchist solidarity, solidarity will be transformed into public solidarity and support
actions.
In our blog abcsolidaritycell.espivblogs.net will climb updates on the / s anarchist / s
captives and updates from their trials.
The anarchist struggle for the end of the state and the power does not fit
mikropolitikantikes reasonable and confrontations. Our goal is the destruction of the
existing and not our self-referentiality.
Anarchist Black Cross
core practical anarchist solidarity
http://abcsolidaritycell.espivblogs.net
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Message: 5
On March 22 the appeal "is blocking everything! "Was launched by 100 trade union CGT,
Sud-Solidaires, FSU, CNT, CNT-SW LAB ... A little less than a month later, in mid-April,
he collected nearly 1300 signatories over 70 union structures and as such participated in
the mobilization dynamics. ---- In the context of the fight against labor law brings over
a union call? Initiated by activists of Solidarity and CGT mostly already invested es in
2010 calls for a general strike[1] "It blocks all! "[2] seems to have achieved its goal:
to be a kind of" public contribution to the debate "of anti-union, regardless of their
organization. ---- A blow to the profits of the bosses ---- The social movement that began
March 9 is the time accompanied by the National Inter-CGT-FO-FSU-Solidaires which notably
called the strike days on 31 March and 28 April. However, there is a blind spot in the
national inter (mainly related to cautiousness and procrastination of FO and FSU): the
generalization and the continuation of the strike. It is precisely these issues that are
central to the call "It blocks all! "... Since these are the conditions without which
there can be no real blocking the economy.
Or block the economy is a blow to the profits of the bosses, the very ones that dictate
the laws that the government Hollande-Valls-El Khomri is quick to implement. So to get the
full withdrawal of labor law, it is this goal that must be set. Knowing that it is not
within the evidence for wage earners and previous losses (2003 and 2010 in particular)
weigh on trade union strategies that often struggle to articulate anchorage ground and
radicalism.
In that, far from being an incantatory call for a general strike, the approach of the
appeal is precisely to build this economy the blocking objective by the debate in
collective work in teams activists in professional union structures (section federations)
and inter (local unions, state ...). Generalize and extend the strike, it can not be
symbolic: it must be brought and shared by wage earners, and massively.
And this is also local claims from sectoral need to link with the fight against labor law:
whatever our bosses make us suffer, the project El Khomri worsens and promises new threats
to the rights of working people.
And to make stronger this approach, the Inter-context, at base, is undoubtedly the most
relevant. This is not to build a kind of "super-oppositional trend-Inter" which would
contradict the federal conception of unionism where debate is built democratically in
organizations (even if it is sometimes difficult ). Provided why the debate could it not
be public and inter-union? This is what is wanted by the call "It blocks all! "Which,
suddenly, makes visible and credible union power to the struggle. Among the signatories,
there are activists from many organizations and professional sectors. If the signatures
emanating mainly activists and structures Solidaires (a good half) and CGT (more than a
quarter of the total), then finds the FSU signatures, CNT, CNT-SO, LAB, and, more
symbolically, the CNT-AIT, the peasant Confederation, the STC, the UTG ... and even the
CFDT and CFTC! The participation of students and student union Solidaires, CGT, but also
of the UNEF or Fidl, is also worth mentioning.
All that to say that from a clear, public and assumed to intersyndical debate also helps
dispel sectarianism. By opening up to the signing of union structures (which was not
necessarily the case calls from 2010), the call "It blocks all! "Is somehow based on" pact
"strategic to the base. It is well reproduced and relayed on several sites and pages
unions of various organizations, magazines and newsletters ...
He has also been the basis of meeting as was the case in Nantes on April 14 where 85
Solidaires union, CGT, CNT, FSU exchanged on mobilization, pointing obstacles, seeking to
draw the best tracks of convergences , reflecting the relationship to maintain with the
local Night standing, the fight against repression and they have ... They also agreed to
meet again to take concrete and useful initiatives in motion. This is also what is sought
with the national meeting of signatories scheduled Saturday, April 23 at the labor
exchange in Paris (which has not yet taken place at the time of this writing) during which
moreover speaking time should be reserved for the General strike Committee of Night standing.
Strike up!
"It blocks all! "And takes its place in the social movement in progress. Finally calling
to "strike up" to raise their heads and break with the everyday to start the offensive.
The call features eg to register the claim of 32 hours a week "without reducing salaries
or flexibility without scam the key as were in many sectors the" 35 hours-Aubry. ' "
Because fighting "qualitatively" on time and working conditions, it is also ... and do it
for this a victory against the bill El Khomri is necessary to revitalize the struggle
unionism, restore full confidence in the camp work in its collective strength. Because the
heart of the call "It blocks all! "There is still affirmed this reality: Workers are
everything, without them and them, nothing gets done.
Théo Rival (AL Orléans)
[1] See the contribution "The will of a field unit" in the Party collection discount, the
social movement in the fall of 2010 to Alternative Libertaire editions.
[2] www.onbloque tout.org and Pageon Block All Facebook.
http://www.alternativelibertaire.org/?Pour-gagner-tout-bloquer
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