Today's Topics:
1. France, Alternative Libertaire AL - Travelogue, A
libertarian communist in YPG # 03: the echo of Turkish bombs (fr,
it, pt) [machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
2. anarkismo.net: Cajamarca: environmental and territorial
dispute in "post-conflict" Colombia by José Antonio Gutiérrez
D. (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
3. fau deliverunion: Striking the Startups In Italy, striking
food couriers showed "gig economy" capitalists they're serious
about their rights as workers. (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
4. anarkismo.net: Hellhole! - Korydallos Prison Hospital "Agios
Pavlos" by Anarchist Assembly from East Eleftheria
(a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
5. fau deliverunion: Exploitation in one click? Grassroots
unions start international delivery service-campaign (de)
(a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
6. anarkismo.net: Who's Rafael Braga Vieira? by Campaña por la
Libertard de Rafael Braga (ca) (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
7. wsm.ie: Science day / March4Science in Dublin April 22nd -
video of march by Andrew N Flood (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
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Message: 1
"The atmosphere is a bit heavy at the academy. In addition to air strikes, there is fear
of a ground attack by the Turkish army." ---- Alternative libertarian reproduces the blog
posts Kurdistan-Autogestion-Revolution , a travel diary of a fellow committed to the YPG.
---- Over the course of the weeks, he will testify to the life of the fighting militias,
the debates that take place there and the experience of democratic confederalism in the
liberated zones. ---- Academy of YPG Training for Foreign Volunteers, Canton of Cizérre,
April 25, 2017 ---- The news of the Turkish bombardments in Sinjar and on a YPG base in
Rojava (not ours) will oblige me to cut the communications a little. ---- All militiamen
must cut their mobile phones for security reasons. ---- We were flown over this afternoon
by the Navy Seals apparently. Were they going to dissuade the Turkish air force from
repeating this dirty blow ? Americans must be on the teeth.
Soon more news !
A small photo of us in passing. At the top of the pylon: the YPG flag.
Academy of YPG Training for Foreign Volunteers, Canton of Cizérre, April 26, 2017
The bombing is a bit like bad luck somewhere, we do not know on who it will fall. We can
do what we want, but we can guard against it. That's what one of the comrades told me last
night before we spent the night scattered in the fields for fear of taking a bomb on the
Corner of the figure ...
It is at this moment, when one is lying down, watching in the sky, watching for the
slightest light, the slightest sound in the starry night, magnificent but suddenly
hostile, that one thinks of those peoples who are bombarded For decades: Palestinians,
Afghans, Iraqis ...
And I wonder how they do to sleep serenely one night a year ...
The atmosphere is a little heavy at the academy. In addition to air strikes, there is fear
of a ground attack by the Turkish army. During the preparation of the class we were
several to claim weapons ... but there is not enough for everyone, and I am one of the
unfortunate ones who have not received.
Shortly after class, a comrade, seeing my disappointment, handed me something: a grenade.
He quickly explained to me how to use it and concluded: " It is to defend yourself, in
case ... or if, as a last resort, you do not want to get yourself taken. You will have at
least the choice. "
Arthur Aberlin
http://www.alternativelibertaire.org/?Un-communiste-libertaire-dans-les-YPG-03-l-echo-des-bombes-turques
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Message: 2
On March 26th there was a popular referendum in the heart of Colombia, in the town of
Cajamarca, in the department of Tolima, to decide whether the citizens agreed with gold
mining in their territory or not. In this municipality the transnational corporation
AngloGold Ashanti has been for years pushing for the exploitation of a gold mine they call
La Colosa (Colossus), which is reputedly the largest gold mine in the Western Hemisphere:
60% of the municipal territory -30,440 hectares- has been granted to AngloGold Ashanti for
mining purposes. 98% of voters rejected mining in Cajamarca, mostly because of the fact
that gold has no use other than producing profits and it is a most destructive activity
against the environment. You cannot eat gold, and this is well known in Cajamarca, a
traditional agrarian region that produces some 10% of the food which is consumed in the
capital of the country, Bogotá.
This result, however, didn't come out of the blue: it was the result of years of struggle
and popular education on the effects and impacts that mining would have on the region,
through door to door campaigns, leaflets, pamphlets, demonstrations in support of the
right to water, life and territory. Year after year, thousands of people have concentrated
in the capital of the Tolima department, Ibagué, to protest in the so-called
carnival-demonstrations against mega-mining. The Peasant and Environmental Committee of
Cajamarca, students' organisations, youth collectives, agrarian trade unions such as
ASTRACATOL, and the Committee for a Popular Referendum on Mining in Cajamarca, they all
played a role and worked side by side on this particular issue, in spite of differences on
others, to guarantee the success of the campaign.
This was not the first referendum of this type in Tolima, either. On 2013, the community
of Piedras, a nearby municipality, which was to be affected by the debris of the
operations of AngloGold Ashanti, rejected with 99% of the total votes the proposal to
carry mining related activities in their locality. These are but the visible expressions
of a patient work of organising that has been going on quietly for years; a good reminder
that radical change doesn't mean ‘sudden' change, and that the most valuable attribute of
radicals is precisely patience and perseverance in the quiet and gentle work of
regenerating our communities.
Although the work of these network has been quiet and gentle, it has not been free from
forceful repression. The price paid in the course of this resistance has been quite high
in some rural communities, indeed. In the south of the department, where a number of
hydro-electrical projects were planned to divert the water sources from the peasantry in
order to feed the gigantic demand of energy of the Colossus, is where the impact of this
repression was made felt the strongest. These areas have been territories of agrarian
resistance since the 1930s, and strongholds of insurgents for decades. Counterinsurgency
came hand in hand with the mega-projects: today, 30% of the Colombian armed forces (some
100,000 men in uniform) are directly deployed to protect mining and energy projects from
community protest. The full militarisation of southern Tolima was complete in the
mid-2000s, when the infamous Infantry Battalion XVII "José Domingo Caicedo" made its
appearance. The ASTRACATOL union organisers Gildardo Díaz and Héctor Orozco were among the
first victims (2011) in the municipality of Chaparral, where a hydro-electrical project
was devised for the river Ambeima. Many agrarian organisers in Chaparral, Planadas and
Rioblanco, were arrested and harassed on trumped-up charges that after extensive
campaigning were dismissed, in a veritable war of attrition against the organised
communities. This situation is not unique to Tolima: according to a PBI report of 2011,
80% of the human rights violations and 87% of the cases of forced displacement in Colombia
took place in mining areas -as well, 78% of attacks against trade unionists in the country
happened in the mining-energy industry, which is appalling in a country with an undisputed
world record on murders of trade unionists. According to a 2015 report of Global Witness,
Colombia, together with Brazil, is at the top of the countries where it's most dangerous
being an environmental activist judging by the numbers of activists killed.
Although the people of Tolima have been using the constitutional mechanism of the Popular
Referendum to voice their opposition to the activities of AngloGold Ashanti in the region,
the government is bent on making sure that the project goes ahead and has insisted they
will not listen to the people's verdict. The minister of Mines, Germán Arce Zapata, came
out shortly after the results were known, to say that the results were not binding. This,
in spite of the fact that the participation was well above the quorum and that in May 2016
the Constitutional Court had ruled against a 2001 legal decree (tailor-made for the mining
companies), which stated that mining was a supreme good of the nation and no local
community or authority could therefore oppose a project. Although the referendum quite
clearly showed the opinion of the people of Cajamarca, it also showed the huge democratic
deficit of the State, which will ignore even constitutional mechanisms whenever the
results don't fit the agenda of the elites and their transnational buddies. This is why
the popular organisations of Tolima, with the same perseverance with which they carried
the long work leading to this referendum, will start organising a broad popular resistance
that translates the will of the people into the realm of facts. The next referendum will
be on the streets of Tolima to actively oppose this rapacious environmentally damaging
model of mining.
Although we are entering a period of so-called post-conflict, after the peace agreement
between the government and FARC-EP former insurgents, it is clear that the State is not
willing to abandon brute force when it has to deal with bothersome communities that
actually don't want to be trampled on in the name of progress. The government wanted peace
in order to allow investment projects to go deeper into Colombian territories with as
little inconvenience as possible, not to solve the structural problems of the
disenfranchised majorities. The battle of these local communities in defence of their
territory, in Tolima and elsewhere, will define the patterns of conflicts ahead in this
supposedly "post-conflict" period. So far, it is not looking nice. But Cajamarca has shown
a way of unity from below, of learning how to work together on specific goals in spite of
broader differences, and most importantly, it has shown that those below cannot rely on
anyone but their own strength.
José Antonio Gutiérrez D.
12th April, 2017
http://www.anarkismo.net/article/30191
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Message: 3
In early October, Italian media outlets ran extensive coverage of protests in Turin, where
couriers working for the German food delivery company Foodora mobilized. For a country
where industrial action is relatively common, why has a strike consisting of just fifty
workers attracted so much attention? The answer is simple: this represents the first-known
case of worker self-organization in the Italian gig economy ---- Foodora, like Deliveroo
or UberEats, owns an online platform that uses a "crowd-fleet" of cyclists to deliver food
from local restaurants. Like other delivery apps, Foodora owns neither restaurants nor
bikes and employs no couriers: its profits come from acting as the intermediary between
consumers and workers. ---- Restaurants pay Foodora a commission (roughly 30 percent of
the value of the food sold) to appear on their platform and cover the delivery costs. The
riders log onto a smartphone app to receive delivery jobs, which an algorithm
automatically allocates.
Foodora has invested a lot in self-promotion, and its distinctive pink ads can be seen
everywhere on Turin's public transport network. But its smooth expansion into the Italian
market hit a snag on October 8, when a group of roughly fifty workers staged their first
public protest in Turin, calling for a boycott and seeking the support of the restaurants
that use Foodora.
Their mobilization closely resembles the courier strike in London this summer. Taken
together, these industrial actions reveal how technology has revitalized old forms of
exploitation and call for new forms of resistance. If gig-economy workers can connect
their struggles to workers in other sectors, we could see an exciting leap forward in the
international labor movement.
The Strike
https://deliverunion.fau.org/2017/04/19/striking-the-startups-in-italy-striking-food-couriers-showed-gig-economy-capitalists-theyre-serious-about-their-rights-as-workers/
------------------------------
Message: 4
Solidarity with the struggle of patient-inmates of the punishing and prisoners in the
women's wing of Korydallos for access to care, as well as solidarity in every struggle
requires humane living conditions in prisons, licenses for prisoners or enforcement of
legislation, which often circumvented (especially when it comes to political prisoners)
are an integral part of the class struggle. ---- Hospital Prison Korydallos "Agios
Paflos": hellhole ---- The conditions in the hospital Prisoners Korydallos - "Agios
Paflos" became known on February 15, 2014, when 180 patients - prisoners decided to
refrain from soup and medication in protest against the miserable conditions. ---- The
"hospital" is housed in a shabby, old building with outdated infrastructure for 50 years.
In the chambers, able to "accommodate" 06/05 patients, stacked 18 to 20 atoms, resulting
in infectious diseases, including tuberculosis, can be transmitted from one patient to
another. Overall, the facilities serving the "needs" of the 2,500 inmates of Korydallos
and welcoming and all prisoners from other prisons before they transferred to NHS
hospitals, if necessary. The equipment is poorly prepared (only radiological and
biochemical laboratory) resulting in patients requiring secondary and tertiary care to
have no access to necessary health services. Ambulance, despite the commitments of
individual ministers, still does not exist. Doctors and nurses are insufficient in number,
and call there. By drugs, patients may receive only the bare essentials, while the flu,
for example, are considered luxury. It is characteristic, moreover, that the hospital of
Korydallos prison has until now included in the NHS - which is a long-standing demand of
the prisoners.
Inside the hellhole detained patients with disability of over 67% or even 80%, and elders
who have to serve long sentences and are essentially condemned. The first mobilization
cycle, in 2014, was victorious outcome with the adoption of n.4322 / 2015. This law
extended the law 110A, which applied for critically ill patients in all previous
sentences. While the law clearly stipulated the release of people certified by the CEFR
disability over 67%, which had served the prescribed time-based law regarding enforcement,
the judicial authorities of Piraeus insisted not to recognize the credentials of CEFR
misinterpreting essentially law asking either re-valuations or new advice from the CPC on
various details of certifications, just not to allow the release. In practice, therefore,
Experiment judges became law inactive, leaving patients with certified disabilities over
67% will die within the chambers of the punishing-cells without the appropriate medical
personnel, drug and equipment.
In fact the judges and prosecutors were implementing the law not simply because ... they
did not want to do, and in-evaluation characterize the law "backdoor against Public
Order". Article 23 of Law 4356/2015 followed now legislated formally judicial
arbitrariness and canceled in practice the beneficial provisions of the previous law. So
with the Act; -in annul all the patients detainees themselves had won with their
struggles, the hellhole sees on average a dead month (13 in 2016).
However, this does not prevent the judiciary to apply these laws "VIP" prisoners, old
colleagues who happened to fall into the net of "corruption hunters". So any kind
Tsochatzopoulos and PAPAGEORGOPOULOU receive the favor of these regulatory provisions,
demonstrating the class nature of justice.
Meanwhile, inmates in the women's wing of Korydallos prison struggling with locking denial
of cells from Monday 27/03/17, calling these the obvious access to health. Their demands
include the release of seriously ill prisoners, being a doctor in prison, where as now
some medical staff comes only days and hours, and the acquisition of necessary equipment.
The reason for the fight was the case of a prisoner with a serious health problem, which
although only a few months of life remains in prison.
Prisons, beyond all other functions performed for the sake of perpetuating the capitalist
system, are a place where stacked chunk of the working class for one reason or another
could not be smoothly integrated into the production process. The management of this
social piece done in various ways, different in each timing, focusing on what is what
serves the specific needs that chapter. So sometimes given more weight to the "reform" of
prisoners to join in the production process or constitute the labor reserve, waiting,
sometimes their compulsion to unpaid work. Finally, in situations like this, where this
piece is in fact part of the surplus labor without special value for capital, prisons
operate mainly as a "warehouse of souls" left to their fate, or even driven to extermination.
For some years we are in a period where the restructuring of capital imposed by radical
changes in the dominant state policy. Acquired in the lower earned with blood-soaked
struggles of the past are removed one after the other, after the rule was sure to present
them as "benefits" that give "than the good of the heart" to aponoimatodotisei these
struggles and to ensure social peace. Today, then, that a large part of the workforce left
over, that the collective resistance of the exploited have languished, our class is
experiencing a massive attack of the bosses. Reductions in wages, pensions and benefits,
more flexible work, increasing cost of living.
Within this condition, the most underrated part of our class s uninsured immigrants,
anergoi- almost unable to even cover its purely subsistence needs. And within this
generalized devaluation condition of our class, the most impoverished part of the surplus
labor sees the true face of power, without almost no makeup. Within the Greek prison -ekei
that yperpollaplasioi prisoners stacked in small cells, without heating, in poor living
conditions, with frequent beatings by their jailers, there generally life counts "else"
for the member-in the closed rooms of the punishing, through women's prison of Korydallos,
in every prison, tortured or driven people to death. What power do covertly outside the
walls, and can do it openly in them.
The problems faced by detainees and prisoners regarding their access to care, or rather
their exclusion from it are similar and are directly related to those facing all who
belong to the lower social strata outside the walls. The health system increasingly tore
up, huge chunks of care spend longer in purely private initiative so the cost to access
this growing, with even essential for the drugs survival not prescribed or prescribed
part, while attempted until the imposition the fee paid 5 € for each visit to the
hospital. For immigrants who are they, as prisoners, one of the lower social strata, the
situation is even worse as well, although this is expressly provided by law, the JMC
refuse their SSN denying them any access to health.
Solidarity with the struggle of patient-inmates of the punishing and prisoners in the
women's wing of Korydallos for access to care, as well as solidarity in every struggle
requires humane living conditions in prisons, licenses for prisoners or enforcement of
legislation, which often circumvented (especially when it comes to political prisoners)
are an integral part of the class struggle.
The struggles of the exploited and oppressed resisting the onslaught and the state capital
or claiming better living conditions, either taking place within the walls or outside, are
necessary. It is necessary for us to live, to breathe, to realize the power we have when
we stand united, to find ways to fight effectively. We know, however, that by themselves
are not enough. Why the exploitation and oppression we experience in every aspect of our
lives, the expansionist wars, killings and forced displacement of thousands of people, the
destruction of nature, labor sweatshops, mental hospitals, prisons are components of a
system based on getting and the accumulation of profit by the few at the expense of the
majority. So if we want to live in a world without all the above, then you need our
assertive individual struggles to be connected to a common revolutionary perspective which
aims at achieving and state disaster capitalism.
INSTANT SATISFACTION OF CLAIM OF PATIENTS OF DETAINEES AND PRISONERS hellish WOMEN ON
WINGS OF KORYDALLOU
FOR A SOCIETY WITHOUT PRISONS AND POWER
Assembly Anarchists from East
Libertarian Thessaloniki Initiative
http://www.anarkismo.net/article/30192
------------------------------
Message: 5
Deliveroo and Foodora are two very young start-ups that are rapidly expanding on a global
level through their high amount of start-up funds. They spark doubts whether digital
capitalism brings an end to work - as some have been claiming. But in fact, the ones who
bike the streets for the new internet delivery services have to go many miles through the
traffic each day and are regularly put into dangerous situations. Through the
#deliverunion campaign, the cyclists are now raising their voices. ---- Social security?
No chance! ---- As most cyclists are (pseudo-)freelancers, they are not included into the
social care system, despite their highly risky job. Only receiving a small wage plus
bonuses for each delivery, the cyclists are expected to be fully flexible. They cycle on
their own bikes and are strictly controlled as their paths and times are constantly under
surveillance.
However, the networking via internet also bears some advantages for the mostly young
workers: It provides a platform on which they can discuss and decide to take action.
Consequently, this year in Berlin the Deliveroo-cyclists turned around their
kangaroo-backpacks to protest against the low wages - eventually, they were granted extra
payments for rainy days.
Now, workers are also organising on an international level
In London, Deliveroo-cyclists organised a wildcat strike and successfully fought an
implementation of a pay-per-delivery wage system. They were an inspiration for a
self-organised struggle against precarious working conditions on an international level:
In Milan and Turin, Foodora-cyclists also successfully fought for higher wages by
self-organised strikes and protests.
For better working conditions everywhere: the campaign #deliverunion
The international connection of workers has just started. Recently in November, a
conference of several grassroots unions took place in Bilbao to re-coordinate the
international cooperation. It also created the delivery-service campaign #deliverunion.
The Deliveroo-cyclists who are organised in the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW) in
Bristol are the campaign's initiators: In a video that's been on the internet already for
days, Deliveroo-cyclists describe with confidence how they took first steps to improve
their working conditions.
Eight grassroots unions which deliverers can contact participate in the #deliverunion
campaign. Its goal is to promote the exchange of ideas about collective and union-based
actions and to provide an international platform for the workers to organise and learn
about their rights.
Where can I find support from unions?
Whoever wants to improve their working situation in Germany can contact the Wobblies (IWW)
and the Freie ArbeiterInnen Union (FAU). For deliverers, the FAU has set up the email
address lieferdienst@fau.org; you can also contact the FAU for help and support in those
cities in which they are present.
https://deliverunion.fau.org/2017/04/21/exploitation-in-one-click-grassroots-unions-start-international-delivery-service-campaign-deliverunion/
------------------------------
Message: 6
Rafael Braga Vieira is a black and poor young man, who, until June of 2013, worked
collecting material for recycling in downtown streets of Rio de Janeiro. He lived on the
streets in order to save money on his way back home - he didn't return home everyday in
Vila Cruzeiro (North zone), where he lived with his parents, brothers and sisters.
However, on June 20, Rafael Braga's routine changed. ---- On that day, in Rio de Janeiro,
was happening the largest of the demonstrations that occurred in 2013 against the increase
of bus tickets. During the dispersion of the crowd, in Lavradio Street, Lapa, Rafael
Braga, 25 years old, was arrested when he arrived at an abandoned mansion, where he used
to sleep. Rafael did not participate the demonstration, and carried with him two different
cleaning products, both on plastic bottles. At the police station, the policemen who
seized him presented both bottles already open, with cloths. He was accused of carrying
explosive material - Molotov cocktails.
Rafael spent 5 months in Japeri Penitentiary Complex awaiting trial, being defended by a
public defender. On September 23, an application for revocation of Rafael's preventive
custody was made by his lawyer and dismissed by the Judge of the 32nd Criminal Court after
4 days, only.
On December 2, 2013, he was sentenced to a 5 years and 10 months imprisonment and was
transferred to Bangu 5 a few days later, even after the Civil Police bomb squad report
stated that Rafael was carrying cleaning products that had low chances to function as a
molotov cocktail.
Rafael Braga's condemnation had an impact, even if small, on newspaper articles, and, from
then on, activists, militants and collectives became aware that he was still imprisoned.
Thus, Rafael's defense was assumed by the Institute of Human Rights Defenders (Instituto
dos Defensores de Direitos Humanos - DDH). At the same time, some groups and activists of
social movements began to articulate to help and publicize Rafael's case in the
independent media.
After assuming the case, DDH Office filed an appeal against the sentence. On August 26
2014, the Third Criminal Chamber of the Court of Justice of Rio de Janeiro (TJRJ) decided
to keep Rafael in jail, reducing his sentence in only four months. On that day, a "walking
hours" demonstration occurred in front of TJRJ, from the 25th until the time that the
decision came out on the 26th.
In October 2014, there was a progression of Rafael's regime from closed to semi-open, when
he could leave the prison to work. After several efforts, DDH got a job for him at a law
firm. In November 2014, Rafael was punished after one of his lawyers posted online a photo
of him in front of a "pixação" on a wall that read: "You only look from the left to the
right, while the State crushes you from top to bottom". The lawyer took Rafael's picture
on the way back to the prison after a day's work. Because of this, he spent about 1 month
in SOLITARY. After suffering some penalties and losing the right to the semi-open regime,
he gained progression to an open regime on December 1 2015, and left prison, being
monitored by an electronic anklet.
So he returned home, to Cascatinha, Vila Cruzeiro, with his family. On January 12 2016,
Rafael, by his mother's, request left by morning to go to the bakery, when some UPP
(Peacemaker Police Unity) military police officers (PMs) approached him on his way. The
PMs said he was involved with drug trafficking and asked him to give them information and
that he admitted he was involved. He was beaten on the way to the police station and
threatened with rape in case he did not take part in the dealing association. The PMs
accused Rafael with a fake blatant kit containing 0.6g of marijuana, 9.3g of cocaine and
one firework. Since then, Rafael answers for: drug dealing; association with the illegal
drug trade; and collaboration with drug traffick.
During April, May and June 2016, occurred a evidentiary and judgment hearing, divided in
three days. On those days, the policemen that approached Rafael, defense witnesses, and
Rafael himself were heard. During the oral testimony, the police officers repeatedly
contradicted each other AND the testimony they had given at the police station at the time
of Rafael's arrest. The DDH requested, during these hearings, 5 diligences: GPS of the
electronic anklet; The name of the engineer and the engineering company whom, according to
the policemen, they were escorting in the favela on that day; Images from the vehicle's
internal and external camera; and images from the UPP camera. The responsible judge denied
every request and sent the case to the Public Prosecutor's Office (Ministério Público -
MP), where it was waiting for the final allegations of accusation and of defense.
On April 20th, 2017, after the allegations were published, the judge condemned Rafael to
11 years in prison for traffcking and traffic association. The defense lawyers will appeal
the sentence.
Translate: Rede de Informações Anarquistas (RIA)
http://www.anarkismo.net/article/30204
------------------------------
Message: 7
About 1000 people marched through Dublin this afternoon as part of the international day
of action in defence of science. The March For Science is an international initiative to
stand up for science and evidence in the face of an alarming trend toward discrediting
scientific consensus and restricting scientific discovery. ----
https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=gyGFpmLQ9Oo ---- In the immediate sense the most obvious
attack is the climate denials of the Trump regime in the US that has seen research being
suppressed and date being destroyed. All in the interests of the big oil corporations,
like the Tobacco corporations of the 1970s they knew they science is correct but they hope
by funding denialism to extend the period they can harvest profits by a decade or more.
The cost to the rest of us will be enormous.
The attack on science isn't just driven by the irrationality of the right and far right
but also by the quest for profits. In that context its important to also be critical of
the corporate take over of science in recent decades. This means research is funded if it
is in line with corporate interests but is much less likely to be funded if it goes
against these interests.
All of this is very much connected to the process by which universities have become
factories for producing workers and the downgrading of subjects that are not seen as
producing people ready for the workforce, in particular humanites subjects. All too often
science departments have allowed themselves to be enrolled in this process in the short
term quest for a larger slice of available funding. They have also been very implicated in
taking in industry funding and that always comes with strings.
It's precisely these problems that have enabled the far right war on science as they seek
to return to a situation where anything is belived in. But while we need to be critical of
these aspects it was fantastic to see such a good turn out today. And whatever criticisms
we have we need to recognise the extreme urgency created by the climate change denialism
of the Trump administration, something that is bringing us to the brink of destruction.
Words:Andrew Flood
http://www.wsm.ie/c/science-day-march4science-dublin-april2017
------------------------------
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