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zondag 14 mei 2017
Anarchic update news all over the world - 14 May 2017
Today's Topics:
1. France, Alternative Libertaire AL #271 - Interview, Claudine
Cornil (trade unionist)[2/2]: "It is up to the trade unionists to
carry out a work of deconstruction of managerial practices" (fr,
it, pt) [machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
2. France, Alternative Libertaire AL #271 - Right of reply:
"The Muslim Factory", a free but false advertisement (fr, it, pt)
[machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
3. wsm.ie: Good Protester, Bad Protester - Don't Fall for
Divide & Conquer (Text & Audio) (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
4. Greece, "Black & Red" (APO): ANOUNCEMENTS & CALLS ON THE
VOTE OF THE MEMORANDUM 4th (gr) [machine translation]
(a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
5. Czech, afed: First of May on the mountain Cow
(a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
6. iwa-ait: May Day and the Libertarian Workers' Movement
(a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
----------------------------------------------------------------------
Message: 1
In the March issue of Alternative Libertarian, Claudine Cornil was returning to her union
history at the CGT and on the evolutions of the labor issue within her. She explains in
this second part of the interview the steps and perspectives to put the report back at
work at the center of union strategies. ---- Alternative libertarian: What kind of
struggle should be implemented in trade unions ? At the level of the militant practices,
of the ratio to the employees ? ---- Claudine Cornil: For me, the first of the struggles
is the one that aims to open spaces of speech and understanding on the work ... We will
not make the economy of this resumption of power which, to be carried out, must Enroll in
the long time. The psychoanalyst Roland Gori says that with the alleged culture of the
result, the narrative on labor has completely disappeared. It is up to trade unionism to
give it a place and a function of socialization.
Similarly, the strike must be questioned as a means of stopping production or service. It
is clear that it is increasingly problematic for employees to strike. Making a moral
judgment on it will lead to nothing. We must try to understand what is happening. Reasons
such as household debt or media intoxication are often advanced. It is probable that the
new labor organizations also weigh heavily because their common feature is that they make
the wage earner the sole performer of his work. In pedant terms, this is called " the
internalization of coercion " and this explains, in part, the suicides of some and
certain wage earners. To end the work, they see no other way out but to finish with
themselves. It is up to trade unionists to carry out a task of deconstruction of these
managerial practices which make every worker or worker his own tyrant. I know a union in
health, the first objective of which is to demonstrate that if agents can not do the job,
it is not their fault. The union of agents of the departmental council of Morbihan also
posed as fundamental the collective work of decoding managerial practices as much in their
ends as in their functioning and their effects. It is not their fault. The union of agents
of the departmental council of Morbihan also posed as fundamental the collective work of
decoding managerial practices as much in their ends as in their functioning and their
effects. It is not their fault. The union of agents of the departmental council of
Morbihan also posed as fundamental the collective work of decoding managerial practices as
much in their ends as in their functioning and their effects.
It does not matter how you fight and the means if, in the background, we have built a
strategy that starts from the objectives we set ourselves and that is re-evaluated
according to what is happening. I liked the fight against the labor law because I had the
very reassuring feeling that, from top to bottom, things were thought and organized.
What is perhaps the " well done " work (CGT claim), that is to say, the mastery of one's
work and the pride one has, in sectors such as industry Arms or the agri-food industry for
example ?
Claudine Cornil: That's a very good question. The issue of well-done work can be limited
to procedures and quality. And it is conceivable that workers will flourish to fine-tune
nuclear warheads or treat chickens with antibiotics in the best way. Eichmann was very
pleased to meet the targets of Jewish conveyance to the extermination camps. However, we
quickly realize that opening the reflection on how we do, also poses that of why we do it
and the sense of work, the role of production or service for the society that surrounds
us, the production process And international trade, raw material, investment, employment,
capital, articulation with privacy, transport,
To open up the reflection on work, to open oneself to the world and to question it, is to
situate oneself in History and to appropriate a culture, that of its profession, that of
the world of work, its class. It is potentially, starting from its singular history, open
on the universality of the human.
In this, starting from work is terribly offensive. It creates dignity, social demands and
fraternity. This is potentially a radical rethinking of our capitalist mode of production.
Let's take the case of someone who is injured and goes to the emergency room, for example.
If he poses as a consumer and as a consumer, he will fulminate against the staff because
of the length of the wait. If he poses as a worker, he will be able to decode what is
happening, and in spite of his condition, let hospital staff know that he understands
them, supports them and denounces the budgetary policies that affect the hospital.
What have been and are the obstacles or obstacles to the CGT and more generally in the
trade union movement to a labor-oriented demanding strategy ? Can you cite examples in
professional sectors and advances in others ?
Claudine Cornil: There are sectors such as health where, in fact, the question of the
meaning of work and the resources allocated to it are crucial. Because the work prevented
is dangerous for patients and patients. Trade unions in the establishments naturally start
from the exercise of real work. In some sectors, such as the naval sector, there are also
steps to develop industrial counter-projects based on meeting social needs, respecting the
environment and not just job creation. We see many experiences like these. It is often the
announcement of a PES (" employment safeguard plan ") that allows us to start thinking
about what we produce, why we produce and how.
There are areas where the very idea that professionals work " work " is problematic.
This is the case for sectors of the public service or certain trades. I would cite, for
example, teachers or doctors. For them, work is mostly experienced as a " mission ". But
this notion, which is marked by a sacrificial dimension, by self-sacrifice and
self-denial, is incompatible with a syndicalism of conquest of rights. Asking for the
application of existing rights is virtually professional misconduct since asking this is
thinking of oneself before the students, before the patients and the patients ...
What is astonishing in the teaching profession, for example, is that suffering at work is
exhibited as evidence of professional commitment, that it should not be stopped because
this suffering is inscribed in The culture of the trade ... It is very complex and it
resembles the " voluntary blinders " of building workers ; A very powerful defensive
construction that allows workers in this sector to continue working in dangerous
conditions by denying the danger, playing with it, not putting their PPE (personal
protective equipment) for example. An ergonomist like Damien Cru, who is involved in
Ferc's work / health training, shows how trade unionism, rather than going against it,
The comrades of the departmental council CGT Morbihan organize a symposium in the near
future, one of the stakes is to open the floor on what agents have invented to protect
themselves, protect their health and protect their work from management ... The idea Is to
highlight clandestine practices and to socialize them in order to make these acts of
creation a force likely to call into question the management in question. It's a sort of
trade union aikido !
To restore to the center of trade union and political activity the work, is not it to
accommodate capitalism as it can be heard in certain alternative left-wing circles ?
Because labor would be an intrinsic value of capitalism and productivism, of wage slavery ?
Claudine Cornil: Work is at the center of all human life. It is impossible to conceive of
a society in which there is no work. If we look around us, everything is the fruit of the
work of men and women: roads, houses, schools, means of transport, food, education, care
... Afterwards, the way in which this work is organized and its purpose are Of social
constructions evolving in history. Slavery is a mode of production in which a few people
work for others and at the same time are deprived of all rights. The capitalist mode of
production is different: those who have the capital and those who are forced to sell their
labor power are opposed to their interests: this is called class struggle. This class
struggle opposes capital and labor. This means that we can only understand it if we ask
not only the question of capital, the Stock Exchange, shareholders, etc., but also that of
wage labor, which is not far from the " Slavery sometimes elsewhere ...
Concentrating on trade union issues such as wages, retirement and employment does not
raise the basic questions: who works ? Why do we work ? For whom ? For what needs ? In
what context ? Moreover, the question of dignity, which is the starting point for all the
struggles in history, is no longer carried in unions and even less politically while it is
in the heart of "discourse spontaneous " of workers and Unemployed or private workers.
As shown in employment law specialist Alain Supiot, the historic compromise that founded
the wage system in the XIX th century is disappearing. This compromise was based on: there
are those who have capital and who exploit and there are those who are obliged to sell
their labor power and who, in return for their exploitation and their alienation, benefit,
Security and certain rights. With uberisation and digitization, accompanied by laws such
as the labor law, we arrive at a new organization of work called " work at the tap ":
capital intends to put an end to wage labor that is too restrictive and establishes
Organizations where work must be " accessible " when it is needed only.
The concept of security disappears completely. We go, if we do nothing, towards a
post-wage capitalism. We see that capital is quite capable of adapting, of renewing
itself, of overcoming its contradictions, and that in the face of it our reading grids are
sometimes a little rigid and archaic. We must release speech, imagination and thought on
these labor-related issues, which are not only trade union but also fundamentally
political. In order to do this, we will not be spared the great work of appropriating the
contributions of intellectuals and researchers. We must therefore reconstruct the idea
that culture is emancipatory ... I find that The CGT has allowed this fundamental
dimension to emerge and, until recently, it is indissociable from the history of the
workers' movement.
In the forthcoming presidential elections, most candidates claim " work value ". Does
this mean that the current struggles and reflections at the CGT are solvable in the
current political spectrum ? In other words, how is the approach of the work of the CGT
and its components that bear the brunt of this central issue to the contrary of the
dominant political discourse ?
Claudine Cornil: I hate the term " work value " which is a way to return to the currency
Petain " work, family home " or even the sinister " Arbeit macht frei " [1]... Another
thing is to bring the issue of The value of labor, a value which arises not only in terms
of trade value but also of use value of course.
For decades, work has been unimaginable. We have seen it, at least on the side of the "
Left ." Also, I was surprised to see the word work come back on the social scene through
the law strangely christened by its detractors and detractors " law work ." I believe
that it is the return of the repressed and the sign that the social body wants to put an
end to silence on this issue, putting it back in the heart of the democratic debate. It is
distressing that some politicians, who call themselves left-wingers, intend to reduce it
to that of universal income or income from existence.
It is up to us, as trade unionists as citizens, to prove that this is much more than we
want to debate.
Interview by Rémi Ermon (AL Lorient)
[1] " Work makes free ", marked at the entrance of the Nazi concentration camps,
Editor's note
http://www.alternativelibertaire.org/?Entretien-avec-Claudine-Cornil-2-2-C-est-au-syndicalisme-de-mener-un-travail-de
------------------------------
Message: 2
In his March 2017 edition, Alternative Libertarian - which I buy every month - devoted a
full page to my political essay published a few weeks earlier by Libertalia. First of all,
I would like to thank this newspaper and the organization of the same name for their
reactivity and to have thus offered my book such an advertisement. On the other hand, the
critic of the author of the article, Jean-Yves Lesage, is simply false and seeks to
mislead the members and friends of Alternative libertarian (AL) who have not yet read La
Fabrique du Muslim. ---- This text - which is titled in the paper version " Against
racism, remain materialistic ! ", To which I adhere - is reduced to" a lack of design
"in the version posted on March 18, the eve of the March for Justice and Dignity that AL
has joined with many other organizations Such as the Party of the Natives of the Republic
(PIR) or the Union of Muslim Democrats of France (UDMF). The review of the book was even
posted " on the spot" of the AL site on March 19, thus providing greater visibility.
According to Jean-Yves Lesage, La Fabrique Muslim attack " violently " G, would target
the all equal Mom association would take the concept of " Islamo-leftists " would
engage in " all sorts of fillings ," employ a " very Police method " and would use a "
very Stalinist concept ". If such remarks had been relayed by another medium, I would
not have bothered to answer them, but out of regard for AL activists and sympathizers
concerned with preserving the credibility of their organization and journal, Development
was required.
The Factory of the Muslim mentions some texts signed by militants of AL. One understands
that I distance myself from some or that I emphasize the interest of others. For example,
I disagree with the call " Libertaires and without concession against Islamophobia ",
but I approve the response of the collective AL of Montpellier. In addition, I question
the advisability of promoting " decolonial " or " Islamic " feminism ( Alternative
libertarian, November 2016). Is this the way I would attack " violently " AL ?
The Factory of the Muslim does not mention Mother all equal. It would therefore be
difficult to " target " this association since it is only mentioned in the imagination
of Jean-Yves Lesage. It was therefore impossible to present Houria Bouteldja as the "
spokesman " of this group to try his " execution ". On the other hand, on page 48-49 of
my book is an excerpt from an article quoting " Houria Bouteldja, animator of the
collective" A school for all " ( Libération, 14 July 2004). It is therefore neither the
same function nor the same grouping and even less of the same period.
The Muslim Factory uses the term " islamo-leftist " three or four times , in the
singular or plural, but always in quotes. We will not teach a worker of the book [1]the
intricacies of typography: it is a distancing or a summons. In the latter case, I used
particular page 12, citing Alain Gresh, who in an interview said to define themselves as "
Islamic-leftist " ( Ballast, 1 st November 2016). Jean-Yves Lesage will always be able
to tell the interlocutor of Tariq Ramadan that this is a " confusing concept ".
I leave it to AL activists and sympathizers - beginning with those who have read or read
The Muslim Factory - the question of whether it is appropriate to speak of " amalgams "
of all kinds, of " highly policed " Or " very Stalinist " concept . Jean-Yves Lesage
has the right to express his inevitable divergences, but he does so in terms much less
respectful than when he speaks of the PIR, thanks to whom, according to him, " subjects
of indispensable reflections were introduced into the debate Public in France ". Therein
lies our disagreement ... but to criticize does not mean calumniating.
The Mussulman Factory was written without ignoring the tensions that go through the
different trends of the revolutionary movement. The essay defends a point of view which
one is entitled to appreciate or not. Every critic is welcome on the condition of relying
on his actual reading and not deliberately misrepresenting the meaning. For the article by
Jean-Yves Lesage proves that he did not read carefully the book which he authorizes
himself to speak with so much authority and condescension. It is especially a pity for
him, his organization and his journal, which I greet readers.
Nedjib Sidi Moussa, March 19, 2017
Answer from Jean-Yves Lesage
There are two kinds of " rights of reply ". Those who ask for the correction of specific
errors, those that relaunch a substantive debate. We publish the entire right of reply of
the author. It points to an error, I recognize it. Carried away by my annoyance, I did not
do a second reading of the book and my memory confused " Mamans all equal " with " A
school for all ". Whereof.
Once the error has been corrected, we would have liked the author to take advantage of his
freedom of expression to give us an opinion on the exclusion of veiled mums from
accompanying school outings. But no. This is a right of reply as hollow as the book.
If we thought it useful to produce a critique of the book, it is only because we like the
Libertalia editions and because AL was several times questioned, which imposed a form of
response. As for the background, those who want to read a fire against the PIR, (who burns
more accounts with Eric Hazan, La Fabrique and the Invisible Committee) will rather read
The race as if you were there . A spring evening for racialists. This book also draws up
an outrageously unilateral process, but at least it is precise and seriously constructed.
The workers' movement is deeply divided by the debates around Islamophobia. Each
organization knows its extremists on each side, whose excesses generally prevent a serene
debate and a reasonable position. Yes, AL participated in the March 19 march. Nedjib
evokes it without even saying whether or not to boycott because of the presence of the PIR
... Yes, AL is for the self-organization of struggles. As we understand the value of
meetings and non-mixed actions when women wish, we understand the gays, the blacks, the
Muslims, and so on. Meet with each other to reflect and organize themselves against the
discrimination they suffer. Nedjib wonders ... He would probably have done better to have
certainties before publishing a book.
[1] profession of Jean-Yves Lesage, Editor's note
http://www.alternativelibertaire.org/?Droit-de-reponse-La-Fabrique-du-musulman-une-publicite-gratuite-mais-mensongere
------------------------------
Message: 3
I'm not a bad protester, I promise. I'm a good protester. I'll be a good protester! ----
The farce that is the Jobstown[1] trial has mostly been a back and forth about what kind
of protest is acceptable and right. Did the people of Jobstown keep Joan Burton and her
assistant waiting for too long? Were they too foul mouthed? Too angry? Did they bang on
the car too much? What about kids throwing water balloons? The infamous Jobstown brick?
Maybe we should put them in prison then. At the heart of this argument is a very important
notion: splitting people into 'Good Protesters' and 'Bad Protesters'. This article lays
out exactly how that works, and how we should counter this divide and conquer tactic. ----
Good Protester, Bad Protester - Don't Fall for
https://www.mixcloud.com/workerssolidarity/good-protester-bad-protester-dont-fall-for-divide-and-conquer/
The way the 'Good Protester' vs. 'Bad Protester' narrative works is that one group of
people are put on a pedestal as an example of how protesting or political campaigning
should be done. Then they are put in sharp contrast with another group of wojus people who
are most definitely going about things the wrong way for all sorts of reasons. This is the
very basis of the Jobstown trial. The Jobstown protesters were very naughty Bad
Protesters. Burton and her assistant O'Connell's testimony is packed with statements along
the lines of 'people have the right to protest, and I've no problem with that, but at
Jobstown they went too far'. Sit-down protests are legitimate, but this one was totally
different. Protesting is fine, but 'bad language' renders the protest unacceptable. People
were just too angry, the atmosphere was bitter and tense, which surely can't be condoned.
Of course the Good Protester / Bad Protester narrative did not begin with Jobstown. It's
one of the old favourites. Pick any progressive and challenging campaign and you're sure
to find it in use, and not just in Ireland. We all had a pain in the neck from this
throughout the anti-water charges struggle from the beginning. It reached comical
proportions with the advent of the 'Sinister Fringe'.
The Formula - Good Divided by Bad
Here is the formula. It generally hinges on a notion of 'peaceful protest', which we will
examine in more detail later:
'While most people are reasonable and express their democratic right to protest in a
peaceful way, a small group of people have crossed the line and far from protesting
peacefully have acted disorderly, rudely, aggressively, unlawfully, even - Lord save us -
violently. This shameful minority are to be condemned by all sensible-minded people, as
you and I surely are. Their actions are not only illegitimate but threaten the very
foundation of our free, democratic, and law-abiding society. If people want to make their
voices heard they should write to their local TD or councilor, or participate in a
demonstration holding a placard.'
We wrote about this in relation to the water charges way back in 2014:
'The issue which defined and dominated the program is captured in a framing question the
RTE narrator posed at the beginning: 'Will it remain a broad based campaign, or will the
hardline elements[the sinister fringe]come to the fore?' ... As the narrator noted about
the December 10th rally, 'the vast majority ... were polite and engaged in legitimate
protest. But a small concentrated group of people are targeting water meter installations,
but they are a very small element, of what is for the most part a group of people
genuinely frustrated at the charges, and the way the government and Irish Water have
handled things' ... As if it weren't parodical enough already, the program aired Kevin
McSherry, the Irish Water executive who leads the water installation program ... this
regular working class hero added 'I can't understand why anyone would protest against the
working man. If someone wants to protest then you're welcome to walk to the Dáil or walk
on O'Connell street' ... Again the subtext here is that we should walk around with
placards, but should not take direct action, especially not prevent the installation of
meters.'
Here is one more excerpt, from a 2015 article:
'For anyone who wants to make a similar statement, here is a template:
THERE ARE A LARGE NUMBER OF <genuine/legitimate/orderly protesters> BUT THERE IS A <tiny
minority/dark element/small, small band/sinister fringe> WHO ARE <intimidating meter
installers/violent/attacking our democracy/dissidents/hard leftists/utopian/anarchy
fantasists/thugs/bent on chaos/dole scroungers/loony left manipulators/taking it too
far/tax evaders/terrorists/threatening law and order>.'
Playing Their Game - Respectability Politics
What, then, is the effect of this haranguing? Essentially the effect is the same as
scolding a child for having bad dinner table manners. 'I wish you could be more like your
brother and sister' the mainstream media and politicians preach to us, 'they're so
well-behaved. Look, they licked the rat poison clean off the plate, and didn't let out a
peep as they fell to the floor!'. So we try to be good chidren to appease the papers.
However, we find that they won't be appeased. Not until what are doing can safely be
stamped tame and ineffective. And what's the point then? Keeping the powerful and their
press happy is a very, very long road, and at the end is an insufferably luke warm cup of
weak tea with a quarter of a soggy biscuit disintegrating at the bottom, sitting in a
grave where the tombstone reads 'We'll Beat Them At Their Own Game'. Unfortunately this is
precisely the road many of us try to stride down, including those leading or at the
forefront of campaigns - sadly the rest of us have to drink the rubbish tea too.
We try to fend off the criticisms of our newly appointed parents but are lead into a
situation where those at the top of society set the agenda, the rules of engagement, the
topic of discussion. Instead of talking about something important, such as the actual
issue (heaven forfend), we are debating whether or not it is OK to curse at a protest or
something equally trivial and distracting. From our point of view as people who want to
make the world a better place, this is a tactical failure. Conceding ground to your
opponents like this is not smart or 'playing their own game against them'. It's only
playing their own game against them like 'Aha! We'll play the suicide bombers' game
against them. Strap me up ...' Yes, but blowing ourselves up wasn't exactly the original
goal. We have to set our own agenda and let the chips fall.
One very insidious fact about the Good Protester / Bad Protester narrative is that it
isn't just wheeled out by those at the top. It soaks into all of our brains. It exploits
and draws out any conservatism or spite knocking around our heads. Next thing you know
your co-worker is moaning about how greedy the Bus Éireann workers are for striking and
denouncing them for violating the sanctity of Convenience, rather than cheering them on
for putting upward pressure on our class's wages and conditions. Or a friend who read the
Irish Times will tell you that although Ireland's abortion laws are wrong, Strike4Repeal
went too far by blocking O'Connell bridge.
Of course the Shell to Sea campaign in Erris, Co. Mayo, was a textbook example of Good
versus Bad protesters. There residents and other campaigners worked long and hard to stop
an experimental gas pipeline by which Royal Dutch Shell plc could basically extract
billions of euro worth of natural gas without paying us anything. Their private security
and the Garda - what's the difference really? - were extremely dirty in suppressing the
resistance. Yet this resistance was condemned for all the standard reasons, layabouts
without jobs, property destroying hooligans, violent thugs, being 'protest tourists' from
abroad. Soon people who had listened to the radio and watched the news on TV were
repeating the same soundbites, rather than questioning why a rural community were being
put in danger by a murderous corporation so that they could steal our resources.
This whole business is known as 'respectability politics' - being overly preoccupied with
appearing 'respectable' or 'sensible' to someone or other. Once you become aware of it you
can see it everywhere. Pride parades become commercial and sterile in order to fit in.
Women can't openly express their frustration at sexism.
This Jobstown fiasco particularly taps into middle class pearl-clutching sensibilities
(and any wannabe member of the establishment). 'Those awful scumbags from Jobstown,
they're rabid creatures, imagine if they sat in front of my Beemer! What's next? They
haven't worked a day in their life, I can tell by their tracksuits. I'm discerning like
that you know. These scroungers need to be taught a lesson.'
Making Our Own Rules - Be Effective
What should we do instead of compromising to appease our masters and having the same
useless etiquette debates? The answer is very simple, we should do whatever we need to do
to achieve what we want. It sounds idiotically straightforward but it's true. Being
effective is the primary concern. We don't need the approval of the powerful, our own
power as the risen people is enough. Compromise leads to compromise leads to compromise.
There's no way to politely squeeze by the elite to freedom saying 'excuse me, pardon,
sorry, excuse me'. As Martin Luther King Jr. said 'freedom is never voluntarily given by
the oppressor; it must be demanded by the oppressed', or as Malcolm X famously said 'by
any means necessary'.
The limits of respectability politics are strict, and can be tightened at any time by
whoever is using them. No cursing, no anger, no property destruction, no rowdiness, no
self-defence, nothing shocking, nothing surprising, nothing illegal, nothing rude. It's
practically a way to castigate any form of protest that isn't a funeral march. In the
course of the water charges campaign much effort has been spent trying to prove that we
are peaceful protesters. Apart from issues of publicity it's quite an irrelevant question.
One person's peaceful is another person's disgraceful. 'Peaceful protest' is commonly used
as a euphemism for the funeral march described above. We're supposed to be peaceful like a
still lakeside rather than peaceful as in not harming someone. Or damaging some property
is not considered 'peaceful', as if bits of metal, glass, or plastic, had feelings.
We live in a profoundly violent and unjust global society, rife with police brutality,
climate disaster, constant threat of nuclear war, growing wealth inequality, repression of
women and non-binary people, thousands of migrants drowning in the sea, and spreading
fascism. Table manners are not a priority. It all has to be put in that perspective. If
you're part of the elite and base everything on the assumption that nothing should or will
change, then it makes sense to expect everyone else to tow the line like schoolchildren.
But if you want to actually create a free world for ourselves and the coming generations,
it does not. What makes sense is to work towards freedom 'by any means necessary'.
People in Ireland are fond of saying 'ah, the French know how to protest'. But we must ask
ourselves, how do we ever expect to get to that level if we are worried about being good
little protesters? Do Good, 'peaceful', protesters flip cars upside down, light fires in
the street, and throw rocks and petrol bombs at riot police? Of course not. We have to
come to terms with the fact that there will always be some establishment hack shouting at
us for misbehaving.
Infamously the Irish Independent published a picture of a protester at Jobstown throwing a
brick[2], which then bounced off the back of a garda car like an apple. Many incorrectly
declared that the photo was false. Paul Murphy TD publicly condemned the brick throwing,
endorsing this division between Good Protesters and Bad Protesters. While he should be
commended for participating in the sit-down protest, his condemnation should be condemned.
This is what respectability politics leads to, selling others with lower respectability
rank down the river. It's not because Paul Murphy is an awful person, he's not. It's
because he's a politician competing for votes within an electoral system. Politicians have
to be respectable to be elected, even the unrespectable leftist ones.
You don't have to agree that throwing a brick was the best thing to do in the moment, but
you do have to refrain from throwing that person under the bus in order to look reasonable
to the uptight media and so-called 'middle Ireland'. Frankly it's being a rat. That's an
issue for us to discuss amongst ourselves, internally, in private, as friends and comrades.
Why should the person who threw the brick be condemned? Do we know their story? What kind
of frustrations were they carrying? What kind of memories did seeing the gardaí swarming
the estate bring back? Surely we don't expect people marginalised and exploited by an
unfair system to be without bitterness or rage. That would be inhuman. Grossly
unrealistic. Frankly the gardaí should be lucky they aren't buried under brick walls
whenever they enter Jobstown, or any other neighbourhood left to rot. After all the gardaí
as enforcers of the law get paid to keep things the same, that is to keep the children of
Jobstown hungry, bored, and away from education. What if the Jobstown protest turned into
a riot, should we have condemned it then for 'overstepping' the boundaries? Well if we
were actually on the side of the working class, rather than on the side of our masters, we
would support them. Again, as Martin Luther King said 'riot is the language of the
unheard'. However, it's worth noting that Jobstown was far from a riot.
This gets to the crux of the matter. Respectability politics is about keeping a lid on
oppressed people. Because if oppressed people, if the working class, women, queers,
migrants, people of colour, the disabled, one day decided to say 'I can't take this
anymore. Fuck this absolute bollox' the system would be torn down in a righteous fury. And
make no mistake, those at the top know this. However, even now some people will be
thinking 'oh, you shouldn't have said 'fuck' or 'bollox''.
We should set ambitious aims and resolutely work towards achieving them, without fear of
ruffling feathers. Be the 'sinister fringe', or 'thugs', or werewolf assassins. Right and
wrong are paramount, and you can never please them all anyway. This doesn't mean we can't
be tactful, but conceding to the elite at the first turn is not tact. The sooner we throw
off the shackles of respectability, the sooner we throw off the shackles of oppression and
exploitation. A free world of solidarity and hope will be rude, shocking, and highly illegal.
Footnotes
[1]To briefly give context for international readers, in 2014 the deputy prime minister of
the Republic of Ireland and Labour Party leader Joan Burton visited an award ceremony in a
community centre in Jobstown for a photo opportunity. Jobstown is a working class and
largely poor area. Labour and Fine Gael had been imposing harsh austerity and especially
ramming the hated water charges, a water privatisation plan met by widespread direct
action, down our throats.
Historically Jobstown would have mostly voted for Labour, so the sense of betrayal was
even more intense. When residents heard Burton was coming, they organised a protest. They
sat down in front of her BMW and eventually slow-marched her out of the area, delaying her
for 2 hours. Later two dozen people involved were arrested by gardaí at the crack of dawn.
A 17-year-old - who was 15 at the time of the protest - was convicted of false
imprisonment. As of time of publication, adult protesters are on trial, with 7 facing
charges of false imprisonment which carries a maximum sentence of life in jail, and many
more facing other charges.
[2]WSM Statement on the Jobstown Brick, Nov '14
Subject: Water charge, Organising, Media, JobstownNotGuilty
Topics: Community, Repression, The Left
Geography: National
Multimedia: Audio
Source: Opinion
Type: Analysis
Author: Ferdia O'Brien
http://www.wsm.ie/c/good-protester-bad-protester-divide-conquer-jobstown
------------------------------
Message: 4
The enactment of the 4th Memorandum is to strengthen the state and capitalist barbarity
over the oppressed. Starting from this assumption we observe that the coalition
SYRIZA-ANEL, in full consistency with the hitherto course and not surprising anyone,
enhances the deepening of the crisis, the impact of which on even hit once the inclusion
classes, making it unbearable to everyday life their. The attack this course has so many
aspects and readings are the aspirations of the ruling. On the one new economic measures
leading to more and more intense misery, and the other state repression makes sure not to
create cracks through social struggles and resistances, as the government is well aware
that the hallucinations on one mediated popular mobilization that represented by one party
serving that aspires to manage a power restorative veneer, collapsed completely after the
stripping of SYRIZA from the (hypocritical) racing housing. It is now clear that whatever
springs of resistance can not be driven, but arise as spontaneous reaction against the
degradation and misery of our lives and turned against the very roots of state policy,
governments and our lives management of power, ie to aim at the essence of the power
system itself.
Validation of the stores open at least 30 Sundays a year - and already talk of opening and
52- demonstrates in the most eloquent manner what the 4th Memorandum for employees,
pensioners and the unemployed. The SYRIZA-ANEL government from driver's position serves
more apochalinomena exploitation plans of big business, the "red lines" are longer comic
stories with tragic results but for the world of work. Pensioners and unemployed come
again under attack, as pensions are reduced, main and auxiliary, while the tax-free limit
is emblematic indicator of progressive impoverishment. In particular the adoption of the
4th Memorandum includes reduction of untaxed EUR 5,681, reducing unemployment allowance,
heating allowance reduction, child benefit, disaster aids, poverty allowance, new layoffs
in the public sector, open shops on Sundays, importing drugs in supermarkets, release
collective redundancies and removing collective bargaining, abolition of the tax credit
for medical expenses, non-transfer of the widow's pension and essentially bulk deletions
from the OAED m through bureaucratic tricks, designed, among other things, in an unreal
impression reduction in unemployment and growth, demonstrating the ease with which made
the numbers and their true value.
Still, the "left" government, preaching the victory of "democratic legitimacy" and
denounced the unconstitutionality of previous understandings, coming this time, in line
with their right-wing predecessors not only to impose one way of exploitation and
oppression, but legislate measures beyond the four years is elected, which eventually
cumulatively added to the list of measures imposed to the oppressed, putting even worse
conditions to the survival of down slavishly serving the interests of the capitalist
system, which constitute an integral part. The new middle ages baptized again
"development" and "modernization" in the "new language" of modern totalitarianism. We are
entering a new period of liquidity at multiple levels and this should start with the
compass massification and strengthening social and class resistances in order to reverse
the economic and repressive state and capital projects. Therefore, although we know very
well, the significant cost to the workers the loss of even one PayDay, we think it's time
the exploited and oppressed go again dynamically streets. The wages of May 17 will not
only be lost if we all work together to rebuild the class resistance, to put a barrier to
government plans, state and capital and to organize social & self-defense counterattack.
Within this condition the enforcement of misery, we are confronted with what has been
created by the dominance management policies. Policies that privilege the bosses of all
kinds and their vanguards, policies have targeted areas and militants trying to create the
conditions from the inside and the image out of an area - ghetto. Policies, no accident,
they put forth every kind of business and other interests be it at all costs replenishment
of the assembly (after the failure revision of television licenses) alliances with
megalomafiozous and consistency with Melissanidis and social apartheid which tries to
establish at Philadelphia, whether the targeting of Exarchia and the anarchist movement
and struggle of a neighborhood, that has succeeded in re-appropriation of the area by its
natural inhabitants, through a coherent and consistent struggle against the Mafia, whether
the reduction of the fascist political teammate through joint public appearances and
politics followed, which, by intensifying the misery in the social fabric, gives food to
the fascist bastards to emerge. It is difficult, of course, realize that the time has run
out "anti-memorandum" rhetoric SYRIZA tries to keep power, aimed at the supporters
'legitimacy', while turning with new momentum against the internal enemy, which remains
always the same: anarchist, the squatter, the person standing next to equally downtrodden
and anyone who is fighting against the plans of domination.
So while trying to disorient the public area of the impoverishment policies implemented
and to suppress social resistance. The unleashing of state repression under the thrust of
political leadership seeks the one to create a new audience and political alliances that
are rallying around the doctrine of social peace and security and the other tries to
prevent the creation of social movements capable of upsetting this Treaty, creating cracks
in the edifice of the modern totalitarian state and capital. Hits occupations and the
movement structures, captures antifascists leads immigrants to invisibility and the
absence, have targeted struggling workers, such as in public transportation which give a
dynamic and social struggle, while simultaneously seals the only way misery and the
plebeian layers poverty the adoption of new measures. And because the future in store for
us is bleak and gloomy, we, as anarchists, but also as part of the most degraded part of
the working class, we have no other option beyond the unyielding, unmediated and down
struggle against new measures against the bosses, the fascists, the targeting of the media
against any kind of mafia that contributes to the exacerbation of social cannibalism,
against the state and capital. Against all this we must prepare for all-out conflict with
either the Left government or the right, we need to set up resistance, to cultivate the
notion of class solidarity and social self-organization of antierarchikis policy
establishment that is not mediated by any institution, but and any political formation,
even if it is the organizations and the extra-parliamentary Left parties simply have a
different mix of policy of SYRIZA.
In this new period of liquidity should move the compass to massification and strengthening
social and class resistances in order to reverse the economic and repressive state and
capital projects. It's time to give back battles one by one in a single but social
self-organization plan, which -must be understandable concern that extensive portions of
the bottom. Young workers, unemployed, students, students, pensioners should give
uncompromising and akidemoneftes battles to cancel in practice faces old and new mortgage
instruments both the present and the future. The organized anarchist movement, as the only
force that can, want and also knows how to establish resistances and movements without
guardians and mediators, the only work of which is to sell them at the first opportunity,
should actively give these battles from the first line, consistently targeting to generate
confidence among the exploited to cultivate further the understanding of social
self-organization of antierarchikis policy formation, grow aversion to institutional and
parliamentary yleftikes proposals.
As the crisis progresses and forms new impasses for the oppressed so we forth in state
and capitalist barbarism, the ekfasismo and war will be prefixed will we fight for social
revolution to anarchy and libertarian communism.
PROGRESS OF SOLIDARITY AND SUPPORT THE STRUGGLE OF THE WORKERS indu 11/5 ON THURSDAY 18.00
CHAMBER
Strike PROGRESS AGAINST VOTE ON THE 4th MEMORANDUM ON WEDNESDAY 17/5 10.00 CHAMBER
Collegiality for social anarchism "Black and Red",
a member of the Anarchist Political Organization | Federation collectives
https://maurokokkino1936.wordpress.com/2017/05/08
------------------------------
Message: 5
First of May in Brno was not only a huge mockery of the Nazis, but also solidarity with
the struggle for tenants and alternative spaces. ---- On May Brno was alive. Not only are
hundreds of different people in different ways successfully marching Nazis and mocked them
greatly abstained and shorten their march, some of them continued in addition to other
actions other topics. ---- So dozens of participants creative antifascist counter-issued
to support the residents in the house Margaret Kuncové who refuse to submit to
exploitative practices homeowner Robert heroes, who are happily trading with poverty. He
just held a celebration to place their own people. Activists countered with banners
reading "Not every hero is really a hero," or "We want to live - a solidarity network" and
listened to a speech Jana Miloty initiative we want to live.
Another event we want to highlight the evening events in the former military canteens
Zizkov street below the Cow Mountain. It is owned by the city and deteriorating for years.
While the state of preservation of the building is not as sad as it may seem from the
outside. So Brno squatter collective Š.P.Í.NA (Skilled practitioners intellectually
inadequate anarchism) decided to open the building to the public. It was not his first
event recently drew attention to the long-decaying Worker's House on Federal.
The event, which was aimed at building symbolically breathe life into a series of musical
performances, preceded by several hours of cleaning to excel elegant dining room on the
ground floor of the building. Clutter was also removed from the basements. Location of the
building, which is remote from residential areas and yet is located near the center of
Brno, yet would be perfect for the establishment of a social and cultural center hosting
concerts, lectures, screenings, exhibitions and other programs.
The "Canteen" and spent the May Day evening, dozens of people for which there waiting for
vegan food and a concert of hip-hop and acoustic artists. The space was decorated in part
with the arrival of people and filled with a very pleasant atmosphere.
At the event, among others, came a speech by the organizing team, where he joined the
tradition of militant workers' first maypoles: "It's a reminder that what nevybojujeme,
will never give, as well as over centuries, workers have fought against exploitation and
for shorter working hours, and we now have to fight for their values and ideas. "He drew
attention to the situation of the city controlled by the capitalist logic, which is
located adjacent empty homes and homeless people. If you do not want to just watch, comes
the squating that "for us is an expression of the right to housing and to independent
culture." That it is illegal and are facing repression does not mean that it is
illegitimate. "It is the power of the state, which through laws and sometimes even their
own laws despite enforces the status quo that the current situation allows. One such
blunders of state power, moreover recall today because May Day is a reminder among other
judicial murder of five anarchists falsely accused and sentenced to death after protests
on the Chicago Haymarket. If you are already in the past, we know that the law is not
always infallible, why should an infallible should consider the current one, which builds
ownership rights of the individual over the community as a whole? "There is no reason" to
wait until the right to housing, cultural space, just right the city's residents
officially donated to the state power. " Finally came the challenge to organize and offer
'DIY space Dining "free spirits as open space for their activities.
https://www.afed.cz/text/6665/prvni-maj-na-kravi-hore
------------------------------
Message: 6
Each May Day we remember the history of workers in struggle for the 8-hour day, which is
behind the holiday. This struggle is still relevant. The material conditions of the
working class in many places is abysmal and the 8-hour day is still a goal to be achieved,
not only because of its absence but because many people simply cannot afford to live on
what they could earn in 8 hours. In many places where decent conditions were won due to
historic struggles, these gains have been eroded by the advance of the capitalist
offensive. Hundreds of millions of working people live in stress and anxiety due to their
precarious situation, often not able to afford the basic necessities of life - nevermind
fully enjoying the fruits of their labour.
At the same time that this is happening, another, much more dangerous thing is spreading
around the world. Anxiety and frustration has driven parts of the working class, always
with the manipulation of elites, into worldviews that are both extremely divisive for the
working class, as well as highly authoritarian and anti-libertarian in their nature.
Scores of working people have turned to nationalist rhetoric and different forms of social
conservatism, wrongly thinking that measures such as building walls or stepping up the
police state will somehow save them.
At this time in history, we, members of the International Workers' Association, face a
number of extremely hard tasks, in light of a mass shift in the ideas which dominate in
some of the places we operate and in light of urgency to counter these trends. The IWA has
never been just a union federation. It has never only been about just organizing workers
in their economic struggles. The IWA is the workers' federation which stands for the new
world in our hearts, where all of humanity is equal and the ideologies which divide us,
drive us to war, hatred, discrimination etc., are replaced by the libertarian ideal of
freedom, respect and dignity for all.
Our history is more than worthy of a mention at this point. Formed in 1922, the IWA,
rejected the direction of Bolshevism, having seen its authoritarian nature. Members of IWA
Sections around the world fought against the rise of fascism and other authoritarian
regimes, presenting the working class with a radically different vision of how society
could be organized. One that millions of people actually fought for, with hundreds of
thousands losing their lives or their freedom. Taking all this into account, we can say
that the internationalist IWA was one of the most significant mass anti-fascist movements,
if not the most significant one of the time.
Now is the time for revival. We must never forget that we offer an attractive ideal for
the working class - not only a tool for economic improvement. Yet our relevance as a class
organization also depends on our ability to reach those who come from outside political
and libertarian movements - especially to reach those who may otherwise fall into the
manipulative ideological grip of the elites behind the authoritarian, nationalist right
wing movements.
We have no time to waste. The future depends on it. This May Day, let our voices be heard,
in opposition to the growing nationalist and fascist trends. And every day after, we must
build our resistance, on the streets, in the factories and in our fighting organizations.
Death to fascism!
Long live the IWA!
http://www.iwa-ait.org/content/may-day-and-libertarian-workers-movement
------------------------------
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