Today's Topics:
1. Britain, freedom news: Interview: The Antifascist Assembly
of Piraeus (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
2. US, black rose fed: THE "MADURIZATION" OF CHAVISMO - FACC
ANARCHIST STATEMENT ON VENEZUELA (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
3. France, Alternative Libertaire AL - Policy, Faced with the
law of Macron and the bosses: What alternative ? In Nîmes on
July 6 by AL Gard (fr, it, pt) [machine translation]
(a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
4. WSM.ie: Working Class Queeroes "Fucking Dregs" Bloc on Pride
Dublin 2017 (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
5. Spain, Catalunia, embat: The strength of the
neighborhoods.By equipembat (ca) [machine translation]
(a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
6. anarkismo.net: Solidarity march for T. Theophilus by
Libertarian Thessaloniki Initiative (gr) [machine translation]
(a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
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Message: 1
Having struggled to find a foothold since the end of 1967-74 military junta, Greek fascism
saw a turning point with the spectacular rise of Aube Dorée (Golden Dawn) during the late
2000s financial crisis. The murder of Pavlos Fyssas by a Golden Dawn (GD) assault squad in
2013 saw the organisation lose momentum and support, but it has recently been growing in
confidence again as it seeks to exploit the Syrian refugee crisis. Self-defence groups,
such as the Antifascist Assembly of Piraeus, have formed to push back. ---- Comrades good
evening, to start can you introduce us your collective, the Antifascist Assembly of
Piraeus? When was it created, in what context and with what goals? ---- The Antifascist
Assembly of Piraeus was created in November 2013, after the Pavlos Fyssas assassination.
Our objective was to open up the issue of anti-fascism in Piraeus, a rather sensitive
place at that time because of the existence of an organised nucleus of Golden Dawn which
has been active for years there and because of the racism of middle-class Piraeans.
Despite the fact that we were organising ourselves on the specific subject of the
anti-fascist struggle, we are doing it around anti-authoritarian principles and practices.
Our meetings are open (but not public) and are based on self-organisation. Beyond
anti-fascism, our GA is also involved in struggles and activities concerning work,
solidarity with migrants and self-organised expression and cultural creation.
Because we consider that the issue of anti-fascism is not limited to physical opposition
to fascist groups, but also includes the limitation of their ideologies and ideas about
society (racism, homophobia, misogyny, militarism), our intervention in the Piraeus region
is also based on a propaganda activity with posters, leaflets and street papers.
At the same time, we have organised a series of cultural events (sports and music) in the
neighbourhood, aimed at developing the local counterculture.
P. Fyssas was assassinated by GD fascists in a district of Piraeus on September 18th 2013.
Following this, the state sued GD, accusing it of being a criminal organisation, and many
of its leaders were jailed, but now they have been freed and there is an ongoing legal
trial. How does the anti-fascist movement see this process?
First, we would like to say that, in our view, there is no single "anti-fascist" movement.
On the one hand, there is the republican anti-fascism which simply defends democracy and
the constitution; It gathers the whole of the left (governmental or not) for which the
trial is a primary anti-fascist interest and concentrates its forces on it.
On the other hand, from an anti-authoritarian point of view, our daily confrontation with
the fascists and social fascism, and the ideas they propagate, is the main concern.
Although the anti-authoritarian milieu is not homogeneous and there are divergent or even
conflicting points of view, it is the only political and social space that has opposed the
fascists in the streets and in the neighbourhoods, in the face of the much more severe and
intense state repression than the one that struck the fascists. As an assembly, we are
part of this environment, and therefore we have publicly expressed our opposition to the
distraction represented by the GD trial and bourgeois democracy.
A part of the anti-authoritarian milieu was involved in the trial at an immediate level as
witnesses, such as for the GD attacks against anti-authoritarian local "Antipnia" in 2008
and against the "Synergio" in 2012, indicating however that anti-fascism is a subject of
social confrontation and not judicial.
March to defend the squatting movement, particularly Papoutsadiko (the Shoe Factory)
GD has restructured recently, although it is not as strong as four years ago, how do you
explain it?
Although the trial seems to have "put pressure on" the fascists, in fact they have
benefited from all the time they needed to restructure. After a certain time, first the
leaders, then those who are lower in the hierarchy, were released. Then their local nuclei
remained almost intact, with the notable exception of the local organisation of Piraeus,
which was directly targeted over the assassination of Fyssas. Their parliamentary groups
regularly participate in parliamentary meetings, and their representation at the local
level (municipalities, regions) continues normally.
Beyond the city of Piraeus, what about fascist presence in the streets?
Fascist attacks in the streets are limited compared to the (pre-2013) period, but they did
not stop. Recently there have been numerous attacks on migrants in Aspropyrgos, an
industrial town in the west of Attica, where the fascists maintain their premises and an
active local nucleus. During the year, there were fascist attacks on the refugee "host"
State centres, as for example on the island of Chios. The fascists also "took an interest"
in refugee children going to schools around detention centres, creating conflicts against
their presence, such as in Ikonio de Perama (Piraeus) and Oreokastro ( Thessaloniki).
We believe that the fascists will retain their forces until the end of the trial, in order
to rebuild the assault sections and continue to attack migrants and militants.
In August 2016, the migratory squat Notary 26 was the target of an incendiary attack, can
you tell us a few words about the attacks on squats and militant premises in recent times?
In recent times, fascist attacks against self-organised places have been limited. However,
some time ago, a fascist group linked to GD had launched a series of incendiary attacks
(more or less failed each time) against places of movement (but also from the left). It
was in that context that the squat Notara 26 was attacked. In general, we see fascist
attacks on squats as the other side of State repression. So where a prosecutor or judge
warrant is not enough, there is a fascist incendiary bomb to do the job.
Given that the people who supported or supported Syriza participated in anti-fascist
initiatives and actions, how has the anti-fascist movement been influenced by Syriza's
rise to power in January 2015?
The logic of delegation is part of the dominant ideology in Western societies. In Greece,
the movement in a broad sense has failed to break this logic. Before 2012, everyone
thought that fascism was only about 30 neo-nazis with shaved heads. Those who have only
paid attention to electoral lists over the last five years have believed that the left's
rise to power would limit the fascist presence.
More generally, Syriza's electoral victories have considerably reduced the presence of
people in the streets; Beyond disappointment and indifference, this is explained by the
"hope" that things would be made better. Thus, capital and the State have found their best
ally: the renewal of social democracy, which makes movements flow.
By the beginning of 2016, thousands of migrants arrived in Piraeus from the Aegean
islands, many remained in port for months, what was the State's reaction? How has
solidarity developed?
Solidarity, though massive at first, did not escape the reflexes of bourgeois charity.
Thousands of people cared about the empty stomachs of migrants. But hardly anyone seemed
to see the issue in a more holistic way, no-one cared about refugee rights, their
political regularisation and their grassroots social integration. While many people
physically supported the migrants, in the end, political support remained a matter for the
few politicised anti-authoritarians who could not even agree among themselves.
The left-wing government succeeded in integrating ordinary citizens who looked kindly on
migrants into its own projects. While ordinary people were in port to offer their services
to refugees, the rulers had already decided to transfer refugees en masse to transit
centers. At the same time, there was an enterprise promoting a logic of distinction
between "political" and "migrant" refugees - a logic society was only too ready to accept.
Many migrants have since been deported and others detained in detention centres.
The involvement of NGOs was central. The NGOs that took care of refugees in Piraeus port
are the same who later colluded with the Greek army and transferred the migrants to the
"reception centers"[grassroots solidarity groups like Musaferat have described these as
concentration camps]Also, many non-politicised people began to work for the interests of NGOs.
The situation concerning migrants and refugees, the port of Piraeus, NGOs and the
involvement of the army are obviously issues that we can not address satisfactorily in
this interview because these are deep subjects that have occupied the public debate for a
long time ...
We have seen that one of your leaflets concerns the history of Sana'a Taleb (a migrant
woman who was detained at Elleniko camp). What actions do you take as part of the
solidarity movement for migrants? What can you tell us about the situation in detention
centres?
In common with other groups, we have participated in mobilisations against detention
centers such as Amygdaleza and Elliniko. In December 2015, together with other groups in
the western districts of Athens and Piraeus, we co-organised a demonstration of solidarity
with the migrants, ending at the port of Piraeus .
The situation in detention centers has been the same for years: people are crammed in,
without receiving basic care, and they are at the mercy of the detainees, waiting for
their deportation. While, before the elections, the left had undertaken to close them, not
only did Syriza not close any but it created new ones.
https://freedomnews.org.uk/interview-the-antifascist-assembly-of-piraeus/
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Message: 2
Anarchists of the Caribbean and Central America on the Neo-Liberal and Militaristic
"Madurization" of Chavismo ---- From Where and Whom We Support ---- For us, as anarchists
who live in lands adjacent to Venezuela, what is going on in that country doesn't seem
distant or is indifferent to us. Our dependent economies have received for almost two
decades the generous fuel subsidies from PetroCaribe agreements with Venezuela. That is
why almost all States and a large portion of the civil society actors of the Caribbean
region now offer a complicit silence regarding the neo-liberal, authoritarian, repressive,
and militaristic apotheosis resulting from the government of Nicolás Maduro. ---- We will
not deny the value of such agreements for our societies, but we will not turn a blind eye
to the large contradictions on which these are founded. The international projection of
the Bolivarian Revolution has favored sensitive sectors of our countries and we don't
ignore the benefits of the services developed under agreements like ALBA-TCP. But we are
not only clients of governmental assistance, supporters of the unity of the region, or
anti-imperialists; we also feel we are anti-authoritarians, anti-capitalists, anarchists,
proletarian, and part of the people. Thus, we do not want to be accomplices of a silence
paid in petroleum.
Our similarities and empathy are directed to the anonymous Venezuelan people who didn't
wait for "favorable objective conditions" and didn't take seriously the so-called "end of
the story", and who carried out El Caracazo in 1989, the first big popular uprising in the
world against the consummation of the neo-liberal policies that would be later implemented
everywhere else.
In the beginning of the 1990's the Fifth Republic Movement[the political party forming to
support Hugo Chavez's run for president in 1998]appeared in the market of political
representation, its spokespersons spared no praise and compliments for the rebellious and
self-organized masses. But today, when Chavismo has reached its optimal maturation as a
neo-liberal, militaristic, and repressive system, those same masses are discredited with
epithets such as "terrorist," "criminal," and "extreme rightists" - accusations that seek
to hide the hideous mutation undertaken by all of the professionals of revolutionary
politics in power.
We are with those who play a main role in the protests in popular neighborhoods such as El
Valle, Coche, 23 de Enero, Baruta, and 5 de Julio in Petare, Caracas; with the general
uprising carried out in the southern area of popular and working-class Valencia. Our
hearts are in the occupations and recovery attempts in supermarkets, in the violent
confrontations with the police in La Isabelica, San Blas, Los Cedros, los Guayos,
Tocuyito, Estado Carabobo, which have been replicated in the States of Táchira, Mérida,
Maracaibo, Barquisimeto, Falcón, testified by Venezuelan comrades related to our
perspective of struggle.
We stand against the Bolivarian National Police, the Bolivarian National Guard, and the
Bolivarian Service of Military Intelligence, which, even though they add the adjective
"Bolivarian" to their names, remain an essential support for the authoritarian and
murderous state. We stand against the paramilitary "collectives," created through the
Zamora Plan, fed by the degradation of the authentic popular movements of the 90's through
the hand of bureaucracy and Chavista militarism. We stand against the violence of the
media belonging to the opposition politicians, which only seek to agitate the polarization
among the political machines in order to force a simple replacement of oppressors as an
alleged way out of the current crisis.
We stand with the thousand of prisoners with no legal protection who are sent as
terrorists to military courts and overcrowded jails. The Bolivarian Constitution of 1999
stipulates that military justice is confined to crimes of military nature, but as we can
see, it's just words on paper, just like all legal regulations if we talk about sustaining
dominant interests.
We stand with the families of the dozens of deceased, most of them young people and more
than a thousand injured. We stand with the student youth and the popular neighborhoods who
have developed their own self-defense groups in the avenues and streets of the different
barrios. We stand with those young people who, in Maracay, raised a sign which read
"Neither MUD nor PSUV - we are the ones from below who come for the ones above," because
the situation cannot be solved with a change of government.
Chavismo's Anti-Imperialist Fig Leaf
The anti-imperialism used by the Chavista media machine is a clumsy fig leaf that pretends
to hide very concrete facts: Big vultures of the energetic and mega mining sectors
(Chevron, Schlumberger, Halliburton, and Barrick Gold) already received juicy concessions
for 40 years in Venezuela, which will grant them a crucial leading role in the design of
the new Constitution. President Nicolás Maduro gave instructions to his mass media to
avoid criticism of US president-elect Donald Trump, who he said was a "friend" and a
"comrade." Through the state corporation Citgo, Maduro granted half a million dollars to
build a bridge for dialog with the new Yankee administration. The Venezuelan government
has been paying, as a priority, the huge external debt of the country to international
finance capital, and it remains a loyal member of the so-called National Council of
Economic Productivity, whose ultimate expression is the intimate relation with the media
oligopoly of the Cisneros Group, which in turn represents a warranty of support by most of
the private mass media. This is a government that fits the Wall Street interests better
every day, but does not want to stop being labeled as "Bolivarian," "left wing," and
"anti-imperialist."
This is, once again, about the frustrating limits of revolutions considered to be
"national liberation", "socialist", "participatory", "anti-imperialist", etc., based on
the fluctuations of the international prices of raw materials. This is again the crisis of
"Saudi Venezuela," now with a Bolivarian face, around which a sinister trail of hunger,
community disintegration, the inability to develop autonomous livelihoods, existential
chaos for millions of people, and violence among the ones below emerge again. And all of
this is fostered by a combination of an oil-related nationalist obsession ("Venezuela as a
power"), political clientelism, messianic warlordism, and a chauvinist cult of strong
males, capable of doing magic from the top of the power pyramid and which has always
inhibited popular solidarity, coexistence, fraternal work, and the celebration among those
from below.
Peace Among Those From Below, Social Struggle Against Those Above
A Constituent Assembly will not be a solution to such serious and deep social, cultural,
and psychological issues affecting our peoples. Among the toxic smoke, the terrifying fire
of the weapons, the actions for destruction and people's violent replenishment, the
neighborhood self defense initiatives to confront the repressive forces, the thousand of
injured, the death and sorrow for their loved ones, something emerges, and it's much more
subtle and liberating than a new Constitution of the Venezuelan State. Something that
ideologues of non-violence and votaries of pacifism don't want to see: The practical
possibility of an experience-based, intellectual comprehension about whom are our enemies
and whom our allies in the struggle for a life free from oppression, which allows peace
among those from below and continuing social struggle against those above and their
accomplices.
Whoever is in power in Venezuela in the immediate future, Chavista or Anti-Chavista, will
have no other choice than reforming the way of the "economic package" established during
the government of Carlos Andrés Pérez in 1989 and instructed by the IMF, which is the
proven formula to save expenses in domination and keep afloat what's essential for the
State: It's intimate side of pyramidal corruption, authoritarianism, militarism, and
repression for those from below. Behind Venezuela, the governments of our region will
follow the same path with slightly different rhythms and dynamics. If we showed support
now for whichever Venezuelan government is in office, it would be an announced act of
betrayal against our comrades and ourselves.
Neither PSUV nor MUD: Neighborhood, working-class, and popular organization.
The struggle continues!
June 13, 2017
-Federación Anarquista de Centro américa y el Caribe, Communications Committee
Originally published
For a deeper examination of Venezuela's process of social transformation, popular
struggles and contradictions under Chavismo, PSUV and Maduro we recommend the piece,
"Political Situation in Venezuela: Crisis, Trends, and the Challenge of Class Independance."
http://blackrosefed.org/venezuela-madurization/
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Message: 3
Débat-Apéro on Thursday, July 6 at 7 pm at the café Chez Mémé in Nîmes ---- What
alternative ? ---- The media have repeatedly told us: " Do whatever you want but vote for
Macron " (Liberation of May 06, 2017 , the eve of the second round of the presidential
poll) because it was the only bulwark against the National Front and Navy. Pen, they said.
---- Macron, elected neither from the left nor from the right, but from the party of the
oppressors and the rulers, it is indeed the bosses who welcome the first announced
measures concerning the reduction of the rights of the workers, Quickly, during the summer
months. ---- Alternative Libertaire said before the elections and will say again: " Act
rather than elect ! ". Do not expect anything from this Macron government, as we expected
nothing from precedents."
DEBATE - APÉRO
Thursday, July 6, 2017
7 pm - 10 pm in the café Chez Mémé (5 rue Fléchier, Quartier Gambetta in Nîmes)
http://www.alternativelibertaire.org/?Face-a-loi-de-Macron-et-des-patrons-Quelle-alternative-A-Nimes-le-6-juillet
------------------------------
Message: 4
Footage of the Working Class Queeroes bloc on Dublin Pride 2017 including the banner drop
before Pride and the bloc smoking up the rainbow flag prior to crossing the river Liffey.
---- https://youtu.be/GUQUlAMJDSM ---- A lot of the rest of Pride this year was blocs from
various big corporations, with some of those blocs comprising almost entirely of people
wearing the same t-shirt with the corporate pride branding of their employers. That sort
of misses the point of pride, this bloc restored some of the old spirit of rebellion and
resistance to corporate rule. ---- Participants included Sex Workers' Alliance Ireland,
Irish Housing Network, Refugee and Migrant Solidarity Ireland, Movement of Asylum Seekers
Ireland, SAIA, Action Against Secret Internment Camps for Gay Men in Chechnya, Ireland
Palestine Solidarity Campaign, US Warplanes out of Shannon, Afri, Need Abortion Ireland,
Identity, and the Workers Solidarity Movement.
The Working Class Queeroes distributed a leaflet, text below
"Pride is more than a parade; it's a protest. Until we can truly be ourselves without a
hint of fear, until there is true liberation for all people, we have a bone to pick and if
we are going to be liberated, we can't allow the corporate sponsors call the shots.
Remember that Pride began because of the five-day Stonewall Riots in 1969, involving
volleys of bricks, bottles, and cobblestones launched at police. Pride is a gasp for
freedom by the gutter people, a fist raised in defiance of a social order which has forced
pink triangles on our bodies and inside our own minds.
That's why we, the Working Class Queeroes bloc, are marching today with our banner "You
Only Gave Us Rights ‘Cos We Gave You Riots" and why we've marched here for several years.
We care about Pride and want to bring it back to what it was about all along. Sadly Pride
has been commercialised. Instead of promoting queer liberation, LGB(T)'s are marching to
promote corporations. But real progress means no corporations, and not being used by them
for profit because we're convenient now.
LinkedIn - Google - Bank of Ireland - Twitter. No group should be at the centre of both
Pride and the financial crisis of 2008. These companies screw us into the ground for the
profit of their owners, while we struggle to afford our rent, mortgage, healthcare, or to
spend our short lives the way we want. Apart from the spying, tax evasion, exploitation
and anti-unionised work environments.
Not to mention the dull-as-dishwater political parties trying to chase enough pink
credibility to get in power and keep things the same. All of this is called pinkwashing:
using supposed concern for LGBT+ people to cover up for harm to others. And in 2017,
Dublin Pride is washed out.
We want a queer movement which is set on freedom, not fitting in. A movement which
includes all queers, not just those who can best adapt to straight cis society, have lots
of money, and have citizenship. We are beautiful people as we are, it is society that must
change.
Our trans friends are at the centre of this struggle, our sex worker friends are real
workers, our bi friends exist, and our movement must also include our intersex, asexual,
and non-binary friends.
We are the working class: the vast majority of people who produce the wealth in society.
We create society every day with our brains, hands, and hearts. That's where our unity and
power lies; not in a right-wing piranha Taoiseach who happens to be gay. A working class
queero is something to be.
We celebrated the victory for Marriage Equality and the Gender Recognition Act, but we
have so far yet to go in a society where we can still face bullying, physical attack,
workplace and state discrimination, for our gender or sexuality. Queer people are very
much oppressed in Ireland today.
Being queer is an opportunity to break the mould. Why rebel against only one thing? ‘There
is no such thing as single-issue struggle because we do not live single-issue lives'.
Queer liberation demands abortion rights, women's liberation, a co-operative economy,
direct democracy, and a borderless planet.
We must understand the need for building solidarity among struggles of all the oppressed;
and we're going to have to reclaim pride as part of our push back against all these forces
that hurt us."
Text of leaflet distributed at Pride Dublin 2017 obtained from
workingclassqueeroes.wordpress.com (if you live in Ireland and would like to be involved
with the Working Class Queeroes or stay up to date, visit and leave your contact details).
https://www.wsm.ie/c/working-class-queeroes-fucking-dregs-pride-dublin2017
------------------------------
Message: 5
Article of fellow Iru Moner Embat militant and member of the Neighborhood Association
Vallcarca Assembly, published in the journal Street , no. 144 June 2017, the FAVB,
Federation of Neighborhood Barcelona . ---- There are many struggles that our grandparents
and parents to be gained where we are now. Since Franco transition until after the local
organizations were to spearhead improvements such as paving or drainage of some
neighborhoods to the necessary facilities such as schools, hospitals and primary care
centers. And today there are many struggles that we must win to maintain a dignified life
in our neighborhoods. ---- The local movement in Barcelona is a common good often do not
know to appreciate . Thanks to him many of us have grown up happy and healthy
neighborhoods in a city and fairly cohesive. Many countries do not even know what is the
local movement simply do not have, does not exist. Here you can enjoy this tool neighbors
defense tool that balances the balance of economic interests of the inhabitants of the city.
Given the economic and social changes that are suffering from the European capitals and
the general world metropolises in Barcelona we have the duty and ability to be an example
of the decline in global policies and processes that antisocial globalized economy
requires. They are grabbing and privatization processes of public space for commercial
uses, to the detriment of social cohesion and quality of life. Are gentrification
gentrification and many neighborhoods that are suffering because of the massive use of the
housing stock from the tourism and real estate investment, which has led the Catalan
capital to be benchmark seven investors profit. And on the other hand have job insecurity
suffered by most people young and not so young, because of an economy based on unskilled
and often seasonal linked to services and hospitality sector. The problem is jobs,
divided, and terciaritzats subcontractors are no longer the epicenter of socializing and
organizing struggles. Today districts are those who fulfill this function.
Cover Street in June 2017
Many young people do not feel identified with neighborhood associations , perhaps because
of language or perhaps the generation gap that we have not break, or perhaps because they
do not deal directly with the problems that affect the job security, the cost of housing
and the lack of community roots.
These are issues that we should take as priorities if we want that in a not too distant
future to Barcelona live only rich tourists and privileged few who could keep his home in
the jungle of the capital. Try these issues is what we can do every day we get a younger
neighborhood associations.
That's why we provide knowledge, tools and infrastructure the local movement, share them
and adapt them to the needs and timing.
Who better than we know the environment that we can better identify the needs and
shortcomings of the people in our neighborhood. Who better than we can find and propose
solutions .
We have spent almost a decade of cuts and reduction of basic services, loss of purchasing
power and labor rights, and what is worse, decades of social isolation and individualism
that have undermined the associations that enjoyed Barcelona. It's time again to weave
ties between the neighbors to confront the draft social and economic elites are imposing
in Barcelona. Again we need all the push to retake the city and transform it into a
popular project, where the needs and welfare of the people is the backbone.
In the district of Vallcarca we are realizing that if most of the residents are united and
organized, we are capable of much. Imagine an entire city.
Street Version digital http://www.favb.cat/carrer
article in the online version of Street: http://www.favb.cat/articlescarrer/...
Street 144, June 2017, in pdf: http://www.favb.cat/carrer/.......
Web Assembly Vallcarca: https://assembleadevallcarca.wordpress.com/
http://embat.info/la-forca-dels-barris/
------------------------------
Message: 6
This terrorism is primarily aimed companions who make the political choice of armed
struggle, who face not only the risk, but the fact that there will be only those that are
found in the cells of democracy, but also the nearby people. It does, however, aim and all
the rest of the movement: the anarchists -a and everyone can get together tomorrow accused
without any evidence whatsoever, with rigged asteiotites that stink sloppy from the
assholes of antitromokratikis- and the wider movement, over the heads of which a threat no
longer exists only for themselves but also for their family, their friends, those close to
them. ---- On 08/10/2012, in Naoussa Paros, carried armed robbery in ALPHA bank. During
the robbery, in an attempt to prevent the escape of robbers, 53, a taxi driver injured and
eventually dies.
Assigned to the case very quickly counter-terrorism. Quite "accidentally" with which
assumes the case counterterrorism receives two "anonymous" phone calls, which indicate
that culprit "is" the anarchikos- communist Tasos Theofilou and the point at which it is
located.
The "incriminating evidence" about the robbery is perhaps the most decayed we have seen
staged by counter-terrorism trials:
- The two "anonymous" phone calls, which all random have been recorded
- the cowboy hat, supposedly fell by one bandits, which does not appear in any of the
photos of the marking of the crime scene, and sent from the aT Paros to police
headquarters to a different date and following a different path from other findings. The
hat is not recognized by any of the witnesses who even stressed that it was transferred to
the crime scene in a plastic bag.
- The genetic material supposedly identified (thus assures us that counterterrorism!) In
the hat, which "found" in the place of the robbery. Even if one believed that his hat
actually got there, there is no guarantee whatsoever that found in this genetic material
Tassos Theophilus, or that the material was sufficient in quantity, or that the type was
reliable (... is unlikely to s blood or sperm instead sweat or cells can not give reliable
results) or not transfected (in Greece all analyzes made in a single laboratory), or even
that the results were actually the ones presented by the Counter-Terrorism . Here it also
noted that the identification process lasted only three hours, instead of the required
duration must be greater than 24 hours.
- The DVD of robbery by the security cameras of the bank, which had originally not
submitted as evidence by the legal counsel ALPHA bank, which does not show anything
incriminating for the partner.
S statements of all witnesses, all of whom, without exception, do not recognize the face
T. Theophilos one of the perpetrators.
For participation in CCF -for which also katigorithike- data is "irrefutable":
- In November 2010 the T. Theofilou ate kebabs along with anarchist Kostas Sakka, while
according to "witness" of this anti-terrorist (!), it is assumed that this same and
provided antiparakolouthisis measures Karagiannidis also accused in the same case, in the
area of Agrinio.
The trial began in November 2013 and resulted in the conviction of Tasou Theofilou to 25
years in prison for involvement in robbery and simple complicity in murder (even this
office was forced to acquit him of the charge of involvement in the organization S.P.F .,
and the charge of the murder of co).
With absolutely no evidence, therefore, the companion was facing a sentence of 25 years.
Despite all this, the resulting exercised 'appeal in favor of the law "cur
counterterrorism is not satisfied. The -synithis ypoptos- prosecutor Dragon did again what
he had been assigned by his superiors exercising this appeal and turning essentially a
repeat of the first instance, namely, the review even categories for which the T.
Theofilou was first instance acquitted. The appeals that began on November 21, 2016. For
six months the strenuous efforts of the prosecution to damnation Tassos Theophilus devoid
of purpose, because of the friability of categories. It is obvious that the whole trial
this is a conspiracy, orchestrated by the anti-terrorism and the deep state with the
objective of creating an internal enemy and more particularly the demonization of the
anarchist space and here killing his partner. Already from the moment of conception Tassos
Theophilus, started a few years, as it turned out, the experiences of media hysteria
showed him publicly as guilty. Since then investing in condemnation of Theophilus was
great and because the obsolete elements recruited to condemn him were many,
counter-terrorism could not be left exposed. So in the 15/5 prosecutor Anna Kalouta
suggests guilt Tassos Theophilus for all categories of accused, even for those from which
was discharged at first instance. The decision of the seat will be issued on 6/7.
Our hypothesis Tassos Theophilus concerning all and everyone. First, because one partner
is for four years-and for many even if they pass the intention antitromokratikis- in
prison without absolutely no evidence to prove its participation in that robbery.
Secondly, because through the case unfolds around the tangle of repressive legal
instruments of the state, the manipulation of anti-terrorism, and the role that this
agency has become as a state within a state.
In recent years, faced with cuts in wages and pensions, smashing to pieces all public
benefits, incredible increase in the cost of living, with the increasingly growing
devaluation of the working class. At the same time our class receives the most violent
attack, the state and its repressive mechanisms hit increasingly hard and those who dare
to resist.
The anti-terrorism law, koukoulonomos, the type C cells, special wards, bracelets, police
militarization, the detentions very top of the "permissibility" 18-month, convictions
without any evidence, the use of wholly unreliable DNA comparison method or fingerprint
very easily reproducible laboratory of counterterrorism, more and more extensive
observations, the criminalization of friendly and neighboring relations: all media will be
used by the Sovereign to crush them and those who continue to resist the misery from below.
The most despicable act in the class war is clearly the use of nearby persons of prisoners
as a pressure medium for the same defendants. No one could, perhaps, have imagined a few
years ago that someone or some would risk found in prison because "fostered" (what does
this mean?) Her son, her partner, or a friend. This is the real terrorism: do not talk to
them that the state calls-or may in future be called tromokrates- not get near them, not
helping them. This terrorism is primarily aimed companions who make the political choice
of armed struggle, who face not only the risk, but the fact that there will be only those
that are found in the cells of democracy, but also the nearby people. It does, however,
aim and all the rest of the movement: the anarchists -a and everyone can get together
tomorrow accused without any evidence whatsoever, with rigged asteiotites that stink
sloppy from the assholes of antitromokratikis- and the wider movement, over the heads of
which a threat no longer exists only for themselves but also for their family, their
friends, those close to them.
The counterterrorism undertakes to "unravel" the case -and is increasingly widened through
to do (terror law, fingerprints, DNA identification, etc.).
The "democracy" seeks to keep the cells of dangerous to public order. For this purpose,
the "independent" justice seeks to get at any price one guilty verdict. Here, let us
mention only that the partner's trial the seat a) passed with ease the fact that witnesses
had been called in the security management of the bank, where they presented the DVD
robbery while they made ready (illegally) their previous deposits so as not to fall into
contradictions, b) accept as evidence the DVD of the robbery, which was not originally
included in the file, which violates grossly and openly each a "fair trial", c) not fail
to stress that the accused has from Alteration of the army, that publishes short stories
by "suspicious" publishing house Asymmetric Threat, and other such absolutely on the case
(!), d) does not hesitate to imply that the accused went to clean shaven trial in order to
alter the characteristics of.
Across the thousand faces of "democracy" them, NO PARTNER ONLY
THURSDAY JUNE 29
MARCH
19:00 CHAMBER
NO AICHMALOTOS IN STATE HANDS
FREE ANARCHIST-Communist TASSOS THEOFILOU
Libertarian Thessaloniki Initiative - a member of the Anarchist Federation
lib_thess@hotmail.com
libertasalonica.wordpress .com
https://www.anarkismo.net/article/30360
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