Today's Topics:
1. Southern Africa, zabalaza.net: [Call for Solidarity] The
‘Boiketlong Four' and the Criminalisation of Poverty and
Protest (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
2. Ireland, derry anarchists: International Solidarity with
Anarchist Prisoners! (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
3. [Kurdistan] Creation of the "Queer Army of Insurrection and
Liberation" (TQILA) announced - IRPGF By ANA (pt) [machine
translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
4. [July 25] LATIN AMERICAN AND CARIBBEAN BLACK WOMAN'S
DAY by
Brazilian Anarchist Coordination (ca, fr, it, pt) [machine
translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
5. France, Alternative Libertaire AL spécial de juillet-aout
Pénélope Bagieu: Mainstream but feminist (fr, it, pt) [machine
translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
6. Anarchist group Baruti (Powder) - Berea: Anarchist appeal
against the onslaught of green capitalism (gr, ca) [machine
translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
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Message: 1
In February 2015, four community activists from Boiketlong in the Vaal, south of
Johannesburg, were sentenced to 16 years in prison each following a community protest.
This is a very severe sentence and the conviction was based on shaky evidence. The
‘Boiketlong Four' were arrested for allegedly attacking the local ANC ward councillor and
setting fire to her shack and two cars during a community protest. They were convicted of
assault with intent to cause grievous bodily harm, arson and malicious injury to property.
This is an example of a terrible injustice perpetrated against black working class
activists and could have dangerous repercussions for future struggles of the black working
class and poor in South Africa if it is not fought. People need to be aware of the facts
and take action to demand justice and to fight the criminalisation of poverty and protest.
Evidence presented by the prosecutor in court was shaky and state witnesses either
couldn't identify the four accused or place them at the scene at the time. To convict them
the state used the 1973 apartheid law of so-called ‘common purpose', meaning they were
found guilty simply because they were leaders of the community; even though no evidence
conclusively connecting the four with the burning of the councillor's house or cars was
presented. At least one of the four, Dinah Makhetha, was not even present at the time.
The key witness willing to testify that Dinah was not present at the councillor's home at
the time it was razed, Papi Tobias, disappeared under mysterious circumstances in February
2016 and has not been seen since. He is believed to be dead.
In June 2015, the Boiketlong Four applied for bail and for Leave to Appeal both the
conviction and the sentence. Leave to Appeal the conviction was granted, but not to appeal
the severity of the sentence - meaning that if their appeal of the conviction failed they
would have to serve the full 16 year term in prison. Bail was also denied.
To apply for bail and to petition for full Leave to Appeal were High Court processes which
placed a huge financial and emotional burden on the poor working class families of the
accused. A fundraising committee was established to raise money from within the community
in order to pay for legal and related expenses.
After 9 months in prison the four activists were released on bail in October 2015.
Then, on 19 June 2017, two of the four were arrested again and thrown back in prison -
where they currently remain. We urgently need to demand they be released on bail
immediately and to have the conviction overturned.
Neoliberalism, corruption and the criminalisation of poverty and protest
The Boiketlong Four were leading community activists in the struggle for housing,
development in the township and for what the ANC government has been promising them - and
the black working class and poor across South Africa - for over 20 years. That, being poor
and struggling to change their conditions and uplift themselves and their community were
their only ‘crimes'. It is believed that they were targeted in a politically motivated
move by the state, at the behest of the local ANC, to suppress and criminalise their
activities as activists because of their role in opposing the anti-poor policies of the
neoliberal ANC government and exposing and challenging the corruption of local political
elites. They are not criminals, they are political/class struggle prisoners.
They were unfairly charged due to their role in community protests that are caused by
unfair treatment, corruption and maladministration. The black working class in South
Africa has had enough of suffering the brunt of poverty and inequality but when we take to
the streets we suffer the repressive might of the state and police brutality. The
politicians supposedly put in power to serve the community quickly forget about doing so
because they are living the life of luxury.
Our brothers and sisters who take up the fight for justice should not be the ones punished
for these actions. The 1994 tripartite regime said it would not do what the National Party
did to the black working class in South Africa, but over twenty years later we are
experiencing almost the same treatment. The enemy has proven to be the ruling party and
the private capitalists.
Like so many townships, rural areas and poor communities across South Africa, the black
working class and poor community of Boiketlong has long suffered from the broken promises
of the ANC government. Since the first multiracial elections in 1994, the ANC has
repeatedly been re-elected on the backs of empty promises of service delivery, job
creation and to develop and upgrade townships and other underdeveloped areas that have
long suffered a lack of access to decent and affordable sanitation, water, electricity and
housing as well as education and health care etc. as part of the legacy of colonialism and
apartheid capitalism.
Faced with increased discontent and protest in response to its own lack of political will
and its inability, due to the anti-working class neoliberal policies it has adopted, to
even begin to fulfill its promises and implement wide-scale development, upgrading of
townships, land reform, service delivery and job creation across the country the ANC
government is increasingly responding with the criminalisation of protest - and the poor -
in order to suppress and contain social struggles and working class resistance.
This is because of two major processes the political elite is involved in: using the state
for private accumulation and enforcing neoliberal policies designed to redirect wealth
upwards, away from the black working class and poor to the ruling class - made up of
white, and now black, private capitalists as well as politicians and state managers. This
is in order to recover profitability and maintain profits by transferring the costs of the
economic crisis onto the working class, particularly the black section. It does this
through commercialisation and privatisation, the flexibilisation of labour, austerity
budgeting and cuts in social spending, outsourcing and aggressive cost recovery measures etc.
At local level outsourcing has led to contracts and tenders for housing, service delivery
and infrastructure development being handed out to politically connected individuals and
company owners, particularly the new BEE (Black Economic Empowerment) elite, resulting in
nepotism, corruption and patronage becoming widespread. In order to make as much profit as
possible through these contracts these BEE ‘tenderpreneurs' cut costs by exploiting
workers, using the cheapest available materials and cutting corners in terms of safety and
standards. This is why so many RDP houses are cracking and falling apart and why service
delivery in black working class townships is so terrible.
The political elite at local, provincial and national levels - both ANC and, in some
areas, the DA - uses its access to and control of state resources to accumulate private
wealth and entrench their power and control of the state and its resources. This is what
"corruption" means, and it is done at the expense of the black working class and poor -
who get nothing but shoddy housing, poor service delivery and state repression if they
rise up.
In the context of the global capitalist crisis and dwindling state resources there is an
increasing struggle between political elites to hold onto power and access to limited
resources. It is this competition for access to state power and resources for
self-enrichment that has led to the factional battles that we are currently witnessing
between the two main rival factions of the ANC - those around Jacob Zuma and those around
Cyril Ramaphosa.
However, under the smoke and mirrors, both of these factions and the two wings of the
ruling class - state managers/political elite/politicians, on the one hand, and private
capitalists/economic elite/bosses, on the other - both depend on exploiting the working
class and poor and on the model of cheap black labour, part of which involves massive
underspending on townships.
This can only be ended by consistent and independent class struggle and resistance and
that is exactly what the ruling class fears - and why the state and political elite that
controls it are increasingly resorting to the criminalisation of poverty and protest to
suppress working class resistance.
The ANC government wants to make an example of the Boitketlong Four in order to send a
strong message to the poor, the unemployed and the marginalised youth leading and
participating in struggles for land and housing, jobs and service delivery. The message is
that if you dare to organise or engage in social struggles in pursuit of your rights, to
expose or simply speak out against the rampant corruption of the political elite, you will
be dealt with swiftly and harshly. The heavy sentences handed down to the Boiketlong Four
and the denial of bail and Leave to Appeal are all intended to intimidate and deter others
from independent working class resistance and protest.
It is therefore of utmost importance that class struggle militants do everything within
our means to campaign to have the conviction and sentence overturned - because if we don't
the state will use this case as a precedent in order to further criminalise poverty and
protest and more and more people will be thrown in prison on so-called criminal charges
and slapped with harsh sentences for protesting their poverty and fighting for their rights.
Justice for Papi Tobias
On the evening of 6 February 2016, Papi Tobias left his home in Boiketlong to go watch
soccer at a local tavern. He was last seen leaving the tavern in the presence of Sebokeng
Police Station commander Brigadier Jan Scheepers.
Papi, a father of three, was also a leading community activist in the struggle for housing
and development in the township and was often at the forefront of service delivery protests.
He was also one of the people on the committee tasked with raising funds for the
Boiketlong Four's legal expenses. Six days before his disappearance Papi had attended a
heated community meeting, called by the local mayor, in which he criticised the
fundraising committee for misusing the money raised for the Boiketlong Four's defence. He
also reportedly said that the community was "threatened and lied to" by the committee,
that it had "in fact elected itself because it is not ours, the people's" and that "the
wrong people were arrested".
Papi had also said to Brigadier Scheepers, to the attorney then dealing with the
Boiketlong Four case, to a paralegal at the Orange Farm Human Rights Advice Centre and at
public meetings that he was willing to testify that Dinah was not in the vicinity of the
councillor's house when it was set on fire and that she and the other three were
wrongfully accused.
It is alleged that one of the fundraising committee members suspected of misusing the
funds, a local ANC leader and member of the ANC-dominated Boiketlong Concern Group, is
behind Papi's disappearance; and that he told the family that Brigadier Scheepers knew as
to Papi's whereabouts shortly after his disappearance. It is suspected that, in addition
to the committee member, Brigadier Scheepers and the Mayor of Emfuleni Local Municipality,
Simon Mofokeng, are also implicated in the kidnapping.
Shortly before his disappearance Papi's dog was killed and a member of the Boiketlong
Concern Group said they had heard rumors that Papi's life was in danger prior to his
disappearance.
Papi has been missing for well over a year now and is believed to be dead. His
disappearance and suspected murder are almost certainly politically motivated and linked
to his role in struggling for service delivery, housing and development in the township
and for exposing the mayor and fundraising committee members for alleged corruption or
misusing money raised for the Boiketlong Four's legal expenses.
The police investigators handling the case appear to have made little effort to establish
Papi's fate or whereabouts and no investigation seems to be underway. To date nobody has
been arrested or charged in relation to Papi's disappearance.
Freedom for Dinah and Sipho
Since being released on bail in October 2015 one of the accused, Pulane Mahlangu, has
skipped bail and disappeared. Another, Dan Sekuti Molefe, passed away in December 2016. He
had been ill prior to his arrest and it is sure that the stress of his conviction, the
violence and suffering of 9 months in prison and the prospect of spending another 16 years
there helped kill him.
On 6 June 2017, a Leave to Appeal hearing for the remaining two accused, Sipho Sydney
Manganye and Dinah Makhetha, took place at the North Gauteng High Court to appeal the 16
year sentence. The application was dismissed and they were ordered to hand themselves over
to the Sebokeng Regional Court on 19 June.
On 15 June, Dinah and Sipho met with their advocate from Legal Aid SA, who told them he
was going to apply for an extension of their bail at the Sebokeng Regional Court on 19
June. However, the Magistrate refused the extension of bail because the application should
have been brought at the North Gauteng High Court as that is where bail was initially
granted. Dinah and Sipho were re-arrested and thrown back into prison.
Dinah and Sipho's pro-bono legal representatives, Legal Aid SA, should have applied to the
High Court to extend bail pending the petition being heard at Sebokeng but this doesn't
seem to have been done and the accused have now been languishing in prison, for the second
time, for over a month.
While previously out on bail Sipho seems to have been co-opted by the local ANC elite, who
gave him employment in a development project in the township - a tactic regularly used by
local political elites to co-opt activists and draw them away from activism and struggle
in order to neutralise the threat they pose both to the dominance of the local political
elite and their opportunities for accumulating wealth through their access to state
resources and tenders. Sipho, perhaps out of desperation, reportedly began singing praises
for the mayor and saying that he cares for the people. He no longer seems to be interested
in social struggle and community activism.
That certainly doesn't mean he should be left to go to prison without support, though, but
it seems he was fooled into thinking that the ANC and local political elite would help him
if he stopped his involvement in community struggles.
Sipho's defence, unfortunately, is also not as strong as Dinah's and the advocate has not
been able to find grounds to challenge his conviction on two of the four counts against
him - assault with the intent to cause grievous bodily harm and arson. This means that,
even if the advocate is successful in appealing the other two counts against him he could
still face 10 years in prison.
Dinah, a long-standing community activist and former member of the now defunct
Anti-Privatisation Forum (APF), however, has remained unflinching in her commitment to
social justice and working class militancy and, despite what is effectively an
apartheid-era banning order preventing her from attending community or political meetings,
protests etc., she remained involved in community organisation and activism while out on bail.
Dinah's defence is also very strong and the advocate has found convincing grounds on which
to challenge all four of the counts she was convicted of.
It is vitally important that we do everything in our power to show immediate solidarity
and support for both Dinah and Sipho and to ensure that they are granted bail while
awaiting Leave to Appeal their conviction and that the charges against them are withdrawn
and they are declared innocent.
Dinah and Sipho are political prisoners of the capitalist state, which wants to make an
example of them. Their fate will help determine the fate of many more community activists
and poor township residents that engage in social struggles and protests to come. If their
conviction and sentences are not overturned more working class militants and people
arrested during protests could face equally harsh sentences.
Dinah and Sipho will be appearing at the Sebokeng District Court on Wednesday 26 July to
have their application for extension of bail heard. A demonstration at the court is being
planned for the day and we call on our comrades, allies and all freedom and justice loving
people worldwide to do whatever they can on, before and after Wednesday 26 July to show
solidarity with Sipho and Dinah and to demand justice both for them and Papi. We should
also demand that a date be set for their appeal of the conviction and sentence to be heard
by the Supreme Court of Appeal as soon as possible and appeal to you and your
organisations to organise solidarity actions and activities and show support for Dinah and
Sipho leading up to and on the day of their appeal. We will communicate the date for the
appeal once it has been set.
FREEDOM FOR DINAH AND SIPHO! JUSTICE FOR PAPI!
STOP THE CRIMINALISATION OF POVERTY AND PROTEST!
DEFEND OUR RIGHT TO FREEDOM OF EXPRESSION, ASSOCIATION AND PROTEST!
What you can do:
Picket and demonstrate outside South African Embassies abroad on and in the days and weeks
following Wednesday 26 July;
Email and fax the Department of Justice and Constitutional Development demanding Sipho and
Dinah be given an extension of bail on Wednesday 26 July;
Disseminate this call for solidarity on social media and in your organisations, networks
and movements;
Write letters and articles about the case and publish them in alternative and, where
possible, mainstream newspapers, magazines etc.;
Discuss the case and the call for solidarity on podcasts and community radio, at
student/worker/community meetings, at demonstrations etc.;
Take photographs of solidarity activities and actions, or of yourself or your organisation
holding placards with messages of support or demanding Sipho and Dinah be released on bail
and that their conviction be overturned and publish them on social media with the hashtags
and handles below;
Write letters of support to Dinah, Sipho and/or to Papi's family and email them to
zacf[at]riseup.net and orangefarmadvicecentre[at]gmail.com to have them given to the
recipients;
Put pressure on Legal Aid SA to prioritise the case by phoning them, sending them emails
and faxes to put pressure on them constantly to ensure that they are prioritising the case;
Make the South African government know that this case is in the international spotlight by
phoning, emailing and faxing the Presidency and the Department of Justice and
Constitutional Development to demand the conviction be overturned, the charges dropped and
a full scale investigation into the fate of Paps Tobias be launched.
On social media use the hashtags #Boiketlong4Solidarity #Boiketlong4
#FreedomforDinahandSipho #JusticeforPapiTobias and the Twitter handles @PresidencyZA
@GovernmentZA @EmfuleniLM @DOJCD_ZA @LegalAidSA1 @ZabalazaNews
CONTACT DETAILS:
The Presidency of the Republic of South Africa
Tel: +27 12 300 5200
Fax: +27 12 323 8246
Email: president@presidency.gov.za
Office of Deputy President Cyril Ramaphosa
Tel: +27 12 308 5316
E-mail: Deputypresident@presidency.gov.za
Minister of Justice and Correctional Services
Tel: +27 12 406 4669
Fax: +27 12 406 4680
E-mail: ministry@justice.gov.za
Deputy Minister for Justice and Constitutional Development
Tel: +27 12 406 4854
Fax: +27 12 406 4878
E-mail: deputyminister@justice.gov.za
Legal Aid South Africa Head Office
Tel: +27 11 877 2000
Legal Aid SA Pretoria Justice Centre
Tel: +27 12 401 9200
Fax: +27 12 324 1950
Legal Aid SA Vereeniging Justice Centre
Tel: +27 16 421 3527
Fax: +27 16 421 4287
https://zabalaza.net/2017/07/25/call-for-solidarity-the-boiketlong-four-and-the-criminalisation-of-poverty-and-protest/
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Message: 2
This year, the International solidarity week for anarchist prisoners will be spent for the
fifth time in 23rd to 30th August and we come stronger than ever! ---- Some political
prisoners are already supported, but far from all of them. Also, the supported are usually
involved in authoritarian politics and not grassroots activities. Anarchist prisoners are
not often well-known people, even though they might be long term activists. Their ways to
fight back oppressors and wrongdoings are not necessary following the current laws of
their location, which is judged by some authoritarian organizations. The vast amount and
diversity of cases of anarchist prisoners is surprising to many. ---- We wanted to choose
a week, so that it would be easy as possible to organize different kinds of expressions of
solidarity, which would be supported by one another. The beginning of the week was chosen
to be the execution date of Sacco and Vanzetti, two Italian-American anarchists, in 1927.
They were convicted with very little amount of evidence, and many still consider that they
were punished from their anarchist views.
Welcome to join!
Solidarity can express itself in many forms.
Please report us your done actions to the address tillallarefree@riseup.net. You can also
announce your event in advance in the same address, we list them on our page
http://solidarity.international/. From the pages you can also find examples and tips of
actions and support mail to anarchists, links to prisoner lists and more.
For more info: Derry Anarchist Black Cross
http://derryanarchists.blogspot.co.il/2017/07/international-solidarity-with-anarchist.html
------------------------------
Message: 3
Comunicated: ---- We, the International People's Revolutionary Guerrilla Forces (IRPGF)
formally announced the formation of the Queer Army of Uprising and Liberation, a subgroup
of the IRPGF formed by LGBT * QI + comrades and others who seek to crush gender binarism
and advance the women's revolution , As well as the broader gender and sexual revolution.
---- TQILA members watched horrified fascist and extremist forces around the world attack
the queer community and murder countless members of our community, claiming that we are
"sick," "sick," or "against nature." Images of gays being thrown from buildings or lynched
by the EI were something we could not see without doing anything. Nor is the EI the only
group whose hatred for queer, trans * and otherwise non-binary people leads to
religion-motivated attacks and hatred. Christian conservatives across the northwest of the
globe also attack LGBT * QI + people in an attempt to silence and erase their existence.
We want to emphasize that queerophobia, homophobia and trans * phobia are not inherent in
Islam or any other religions. On the contrary, we know several Muslims, Jews, Christians,
Hindus, Buddhists, etc. Who accept and welcome what makes us unique and out of conformity,
some of them also queer. We stand in solidarity with them against fascism, tyranny and
oppression. In addition, we criticize and fight against antiquarian, conservative and
feudal attitudes within the left-wing revolutionary movements here and abroad.
Our commitment to struggle against authority, patriarchy, oppressive heteronormativity,
queer / homophobia, and trans phobia is strengthened by revolutionary advances and
victories in Kurdish feminist struggles. The fact that the jineologi classes debate the
construction of gender and sexuality further highlights the advances of the revolution in
Rojava and throughout Kurdistan, with women pressing for the feminist revolution and
advancing with the queer struggle that motivated the queer IRPGF comrades to form Or TQILA.
QUEER RELEASE! DEATH TO CAPITALISM RAINBOW!
BUMPER STICKER BACK! THESE BICHAS KILL FASCISTS!
COMMUNITIES & COLLECTIVE HORIZONTAL MILITANTS SELF-ORGANIZED BY THE REVOLUTION AND ANARCHY
QUEER!
Forces of the People's Revolutionary International Guerrilla (IRPGF)
------------------------------
Message: 4
ALL BLACK WOMAN IS A QUILOMBO! ---- "[...]. It is necessary to understand which class
informs the race. But race, too, informs the class. And gender informs the class. Race is
the way the class is lived. In the same way that gender is the way the race is lived. One
needs to reflect enough to perceive the intersections between race, class, and gender in
order to perceive that between these categories there are relations that are mutual and
others that are crossed. No one can assume the primacy of one category over another. "
Angela Davis. ---- We Black and Black and the condition of slavery. ---- The estimate is
that, over 400 years, 12.5 million people have been removed from Africa in one of the
largest forced migrations in history. The Caribbean and South America received 95% of the
blacks who arrived in the Americas. Brazil received almost half of the 11 million people
enslaved landed in the Americas.
The slavery trade served as a mainstay for the creation of capitalism, either by the
accumulation of wealth in the metropolises - since the transatlantic trade was the one
that generated revenues for the creation of industries in Europe - either by the slavery
market itself, which was The most profitable business in the Americas, and made it
possible to factorize Amerindian colonies into the centuries of brutal and unbridled
exploitation of our "open veins": slave companies were highly sophisticated from a
business point of view, working at very high rates of profit - 20% net per trip*.
The colonization not only had a central economic sense, it also had other conditioning
factors, such as political and social. During the colonization, there was a violent
contact between black, indigenous and European cultures, involved in a racist project of
the Brazilian elite that invested in a gradual and silent whitening, masked of "racial
democracy". We live in a common place, near here, called Brazil, made up of three sad
races as Belchior said, but this myth of the three races that generate by the harmony of a
new ethnicity, the Brazilian, is nothing more than a lie, it hides the whole Violence
suffered by the races subjugated in this process of domination. It is from this same myth
that the pearls that say: "in Brazil there is no racism", "I am not racist" and that they
can not see that even though there was no differentiation policy, as was the aparthaid of
the USA and South Africa, Brazilian integration was as bloody as it was. The truth is that
the formation of the Brazilian people arose from a colonial, sacred and paternal rape:
white supremacy through state power led to genocide of black and indigenous people,
exploiting our people for the production of wealth. The word "rape" is fundamental in the
description: designed with the intention of intimidating and terrifying women, slave
owners encouraged their terrorist use to put black women in an inferior position.
Virtually all the narratives on slavery in the nineteenth century bring reports of sexual
violence suffered by women in the hands of masters and overseers, The conjugation of white
and masculine supremacy. The Portuguese were already a mestizo people before arriving in
Brazil, due to their historical contact with Saracens, Arabs and Africans. Therefore, they
did not have the fear of "being polluted" as they had the North American and South African
dominators. Soon, part of the whitening project of our elites came by the practice of
rape. Already the word "sacred" comes into question, for all this was done with the
blessings of a white and patriarchal (pope) church, in the image and likeness of its white
gods, in which it proliferated at four winds and in favor of the rich , That black and
black had no soul to be saved. They did not have the fear of "being polluted" as they had
the North American and South African dominators. Soon, part of the whitening project of
our elites came by the practice of rape. Already the word "sacred" comes into question,
for all this was done with the blessings of a white and patriarchal (pope) church, in the
image and likeness of its white gods, in which it proliferated at four winds and in favor
of the rich , That black and black had no soul to be saved. They did not have the fear of
"being polluted" as they had the North American and South African dominators. Soon, part
of the whitening project of our elites came by the practice of rape. Already the word
"sacred" comes into question, for all this was done with the blessings of a white and
patriarchal (pope) church, in the image and likeness of its white gods, in which it
proliferated at four winds and in favor of the rich , That black and black had no soul to
be saved.
With the formal abolition of slavery, there was no such dreamed integration of the Negro
into class society, which led to criminality and imprisonment. The option for immigrants
was not only a working option, but a laundering of the population, in a "second phase" of
the white elites' project. We live in a racist society that exploits and harasses our
black people from police violence in the urban peripheries and quilombola communities to
symbolic and institutional violence.
Violence of gender, class and race.
Brazilian racism finds in misogyny an efficient mechanism of oppression. Institutional
racism strikes black women frighteningly, given that they are most affected by the
socioeconomic inequalities of a country that is still a slave, and that lives a setback of
the rights won with a lot of struggle for the underdogs. All reforms, Proposed
Constitutional Amendments and Provisional Measures designed by the above come to reach all
of the lower, but that will have a differentiated impact on historically forgotten groups
such as the black women who least complete the Elementary School and Medium, nor Higher
Education. They are also the ones that work the most, but with minimal income and under
conditions of underemployment. They are the ones that receive least assistance from the
SUS (such as shorter care, Higher infant mortality and sickle-cell disease, etc.), basic
sanitation does not reach all our communities, making us the most affected by diseases.
According to the map of violence (2015) the murder of black women grew by 54.2%. Regarding
domestic violence, 58.86% are black women.
Black women's maternal mortality is also the highest at 53.6 percent, and they are the
ones who most need to give up some aspect of our lives to account for all the barriers
posed by white and patriarchal supremacy - whether it's the job we want, the Leisure that
one likes, the united family, among many others. According to the map of violence (2015)
the murder of black women grew by 54.2%. Regarding domestic violence, 58.86% are black
women. Black women's maternal mortality is also the highest at 53.6 percent, and they are
the ones who most need to give up some aspect of our lives to account for all the barriers
posed by white and patriarchal supremacy - whether it's the job we want, the Leisure that
one likes, the united family, among many others. According to the map of violence (2015)
the murder of black women grew by 54.2%. Regarding domestic violence, 58.86% are black
women. Black women's maternal mortality is also the highest at 53.6 percent, and they are
the ones who most need to give up some aspect of our lives to account for all the barriers
posed by white and patriarchal supremacy - whether it's the job we want, the Leisure that
one likes, the united family, among many others.
In female prisons, according to the National Survey of Penitentiary Information (Infopen)
in 2014, two out of three detainees were black (68%). Of the detainees, 57% were single,
50% had incomplete elementary school and 50% were between 18 and 29 years old. Brazil is
the 5th largest with female prison population. This is just a picture of the extermination
and criminalization of the poor, black and peripheral population who have their lives cut
through the armed wing of the state - the police. Still according to Infopen, drug
trafficking is the crime that most holds women in Brazil. This number reaches 68%,
followed by robbery (10%) and theft (9%).
The war on drugs justifies the death of black people in the favelas. And it is the black
women who suffer most from the extermination of their children, since parents abandon
their children even before they are born.
The media contributes to the sensitization of the black woman's body, which is decisive
for rape cases. As a typical example, it is the black and young woman (and why not say,
Northeastern in the case of Brazil?) That is the most objectified in Carnival. Not to
mention the advertisements of beer, car and other merchandise that, to be sold, have their
value adjectivado by the female body, mostly black women's body. The media reinforces and
naturalizes the concept that "the cheapest meat on the market is the black meat" and
serves for appreciation and use by man.
Black women also suffer when they can not manifest their spirituality, culture and
religiosity. Violence against umbanda and candomblé - religions of African origin - is
widespread, as well as criminalization. In 2015, cases such as that of the girl Kaylane
Campos, struck with a stone in the head, at the age of 11, in the Penha neighborhood, in
the Northern Zone of Rio, when she returned to a cult house and dressed in religious garb
and a terreiro Of Candomblé that was set on fire in Brasilia shows us how intolerance
allied with white and Christian supremacy produces racism and violence, spreading hatred.
Black Resistors
Every black woman who keeps walking and faces racism and machismo in her daily routine is
an icon of strength and celebration of blackness.
Since the beginning of enslavement in Brazil, black women have remained steadfast in
resistance. Whether by direct action, as our old black women did in the kitchens of
whites, or by organized resistance in the quilombos. In many cases black women's
resistance involved more subtle actions than riots, breakouts, and sabotages, including
learning to read and writing clandestinely, as well as passing on to the new knowledge
considered subversive by the masters.
At present, the organization in mixed social movements, however self-organized by gender
or racial identity, are our tools of struggle. Only the organization and self-defense of
black women against machismo, white supremacy, capitalism and the state can free us. We
are aware that the parliamentary struggle will not bring us the fruits of resistance; on
the contrary, it will strengthen the new chains of slavery.
The silencing of Tereza de Benguela - another black woman neglected by Brazilian history -
represents a way of making history for which we can not bow. A white, sexist and
Eurocentric story that sings a lot of feminisms, but that does not fit in our ranks. It
cries out the need to build our feminism, not Eurocentric, with our indigenous and
quilombola roots.
Viva Dandara!
Viva Tereza of Benguela!
Viva Negra Bonifácia!
________________________
[1] * http://cienciaecultura.bvs.br/scielo.php?pid=S0009-67252011000100021&script=sci_arttext
https://anarquismo.noblogs.org/?p=784
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Message: 5
In ten years, Pénélope Bagieu has become an inescapable first as a blogger and then as a
comic booker in its own right. View from afar, it's comics " girly ". And close up view,
too. ---- Penelope Bagieu is no longer present. Already, before the comic strip, her work
as an illustrator for the press and advertising or her animated films had seduced the
public, the critics and the sponsors. And since My Life is quite fascinating, the
autobiographical and humorous blog that made it known, it features female characters who
fall under the stereotypes of chick-litt (books written by women for the female market) .
---- Vein girly ---- She creates the character of Joséphine, brought to the cinema by
Agnes Obadia. At Bagieu, girls therefore claim certain gender assignments, and some
feminine folklore: to be coquettish, amorous, chipies or even a little badass - less than
in Margaux Motin (I would have liked to be ethnologist) or Deeglee (ForeverBitch) Is
allowed to find a more superficial hair. But this girly vein is accompanied by a more
serious questioning of the place of women in society, and of a real interest of the author
for the history of the women.
Involved project
Very attracted by the biographies, P. Bagieu published a fictionalized life of Cass Elliot
(CaliforniaDreamin), singer of Mamas And The Papas, and touching character of girl with
the difficult physics, which surpasses him by his generosity and his passions. More
recently in 2016, the author designed the project to put a biography weekly for months,
and this sum of thirty portraits is called Culottes, women who do only what they want.
There are women who are already famous, others not at all, who have distinguished
themselves by their political and feminist commitment, or by their conquest of milieux who
did not want them: sport, science, the arts, Journalism, politics ... Women against the
current, pioneers, obstinate, these exemplary lives have a liberating effect,
Life of illustrious women
This credibility is what the author claims through the girly genre: to get readers
accustomed to identifying with stories of girls, genious but intelligent, interesting
heroines. A feminist project and committed in its own way. In real life, without making
the draftsman a radical activist, let us recall a few cases that have benefited from her
talent and her relatively large mouth: in 2013 she denounces racism in advertising and her
environment ; In 2014, the pedagogical comic that it is carrying out for a campaign
against deep-sea trawling explodes the petition of the Bloom Association for protection of
the seabed. In 2016, she participates with others in the Family Planning campaign to
defend the right to abortion. A healthy reading for the middle classes who make the
readership of Penelope Bagieu.
Mouchette (AL Paris-Nord-Est)
To read:
- Jean-Claude Gawsewitch Ed., 2008.
- Joséphine, Jean-Claude Gawsewitch Ed. (Several volumes).
- CaliforniaDreamin, Gallimard, 2015.
- Culotted, women who do what they want, Lesculottees.blog.lemonde.fr and Gallimard, 2
volumes.
http://www.alternativelibertaire.org/?Penelope-Bagieu-Mainstream-mais-feministe
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Message: 6
It follows the text of the anarchist group of Berea Baruti (Powder) on the imminent
installation of 155 gigantic aerogenerators in the mountain Vermio. The concentration
called the anarchists of the city was held on June 24 at the Libertarian Place of Berea.
A combative appeal against the onslaught of green capitalism and the looting of nature and
our lives ---- The looting has already begun. At a very fast pace. At least ten bases are
already built to receive the monstrous wind turbines, around the summit of Monte Vermio
and then the group of 19 wind turbines that are already installed in two wind farms.
Vermio SOS: Companies, State and apparatuses that have "the above" to collect, wearing the
green tunic of development, are trying to plunder nature once again. This is a pharaonic
work of installation of 155 wind turbines on Mount Vermio. The useless and disastrous work
of the company Eolikí Vermíu EE (a subsidiary of the company Acciona Energeiaki SA)
foresees the installation of seven wind farms in Monte Vermio, with total power of 465MW,
more than the power of all wind turbines in the country.
So many wind turbines are useless, especially in an area where the winds blowing are not
strong and the electricity produced will not be enough to cover the needs of three homes.
The state and companies are trying to tempt people with false promises about nonexistent
jobs and equally non-existent energy benefits.
Using false dilemmas and supposed ecological sensibilities, they will proceed to a
monstrous destructive work, turning an entire mountain instead of works and wastebasket,
with thousands of tons of inert materials polluting the environment. They have bought an
entire mountain, rich flora and fauna, people and consciences, establishing a regime of
massive control of our lives, through the control of energy resources, in order to profit
and consolidate their sovereignty. They are the same ones that destroy and pollute the
environment, those who grab natural resources, land, water and air, to blackmail and sell
cat for hare.
Their culture is barbarism and exploitation. Our culture is the struggle for dignity,
justice and freedom. We seek harmonious coexistence with nature and our escape from a
system in which the law of demand and supply reigns, and which wants to enslave us, bound
up with the chains of consumerism and increasing artificial needs.
To create small alternative energy production plants, to meet our needs. We are the ones
who must determine what our needs are, and seek our collective solutions, respecting
nature and life, in a society of self-sufficiency and solidarity: From each according to
their abilities, to each according to their needs
We propose revolt against the plunder of the land and our lives, against the barbarism of
Power and the Power of barbarism.
No wind turbine, neither in Vermio nor anywhere . Against the plunder of nature, fight for
land and freedom.
Anarchist group Baruti (Powder)
http://verba-volant.info/es/berea-llamamiento-anarquista-contra-la-embestida-del-capitalismo-verde/
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