Today's Topics:
1. US, black rose fed BRRN - STRENGTHENING OUR POLITICS,
COMMITMENT AND GROWTH: BRRN 4TH NATIONAL CONVENTION
By Romina,
Lisette and Ollie (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
2. London Anarchist Federation - Leith Hill Anti-Fracking
Phone-In (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
3. Libertarian Initiative of Thessaloniki - Solidarity
gatherings for persecuted anti-gold miners (gr) [machine
translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
4. Greece, anarkismo.net: Catch fascism and the system that
gave birth to him by Anarchist Federation (gr) [machine
translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
5. France, Alternative Libertaire AL - Dossier 1917: October
red (and black): The assault in the unknown (fr, it, pt) [machine
translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
6. US, black rose fed: THE PROBLEMS POSED BY THE CONCRETE CLASS
STRUGGLE AND POPULAR ORGANIZATION (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
7. Britain, glasgowa narchists: Glasgow Events September 2017
by fleabite (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
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Message: 1
A Report on the Black Rose/Rosa Negra 4th National Convention ---- On a Saturday afternoon
in Rochester, NY, fifty members of the Black Rose Anarchist Federation gathered outside
The Flying Squirrel Community Space to take a group photo. Members from 14 locals, as well
as many at-large members, travelled from across the country to participate in the
organization’s fourth convention. As the group walked back inside, one member was quoted
saying “the convention so far was one of the best conversations we’ve had in the
federation on strategy, the current moment and our next steps.” ---- Turning Point ----
This convention represented a turning point for Black Rose/Rosa Negra (BRRN), the largest
anarchist-communist political organization in the US. Founded in November of 2013 in
Chicago, BRRN was born following a series of conferences known as the Class Struggle
Anarchist (CSA) conferences. Four conferences took place from 2008 to 2012 and
participating organizations included Amanecer based in California, Collective Action based
in the Pacific Northwest, Four Star Collective based in Chicago, Miami Autonomy and
Solidarity (MAS), Wild Rose Collective based in Iowa, Worker Solidarity Alliance (WSA) and
what became the the First of May Anarchist Alliance (M1). The CSA meetings represented a
sector of class conscious anarchists who believed in the need to create a specific
anarchist organization to better coordinate their struggles politically and strategically.
Some of the organizations were inspired by the writings of South American
anarchist-communist organizations such as the Federação Anarquista do Rio de Janeiro
(FARJ) in Brazil and Congreso de Unificación Anarco Comunista (CUAC) in Chile. While not
all participating organizations and individuals in CSA went on to form BRRN, since the
federation’s first convention in 2013 it has grown in terms of its political development
and in locals and individual militants – with twice the number of locals since founding
and a 50% increase in members since the previous year. This year’s convention was a step
forward in solidifying those advancements.
Early Challenges
The group recalled many of the challenges that the federation had experienced in its early
years. The first of those challenges was that there existed a political gap in which a
large percentage of members have had little experience working within a political
organization or in mass social movement spaces or assemblies. US radicalism in the last
several decades has been plagued by short-lived activism, with many militants dropping out
of politics by their late 20s, so there has existed a tendency towards reactionary
activism instead of long-term movement building. Second, after its founding, BRRN
militants had to undergo the challenge of organizing with a group of people who were
brought together by ideological agreement with minimal experience in common political work
outside of their cities and regions. Third, the majority of those who founded BRRN were
politically trained in spaces that were either networks or locally based collectives that
often functioned in large part by individual initiative. Thus began the sometimes
difficult journey of adjusting the political work of our militants to a more fully
developed political organization based on collective discussion and accountability.
Lastly, over the course of the last three conventions, BRRN has struggled with
constructing a national analysis of the current political moment, while understanding the
complexity of social movements and worker struggles whose character vary geographically.
In other words, BRRN has battled with coalescing local politics to national developments
and moving away from activism and towards reflective and intentional militancy based on a
shared strategic framework.
Steps Forward – Strategy and Sectors
Despite growing pains and bumps along the way, BRRN conventions are a place to reconvene,
reflect, and strategize as well as learn from these challenges. The overarching goal of
this year’s convention was to agree on a national strategy, as well as for committees –
BRRN’s social movement base – to create multi-year plans with intermediate goals. BRRN
committees include labor organizing, territorial/community organizing,
anti-criminalization committee, and international relations, as well as several others. By
focusing on achievable committee goals and strengthening the relationships between locals,
Black Rose/Rosa Negra has taken a substantial step in coalescing its political strengths,
exchanging experiences, and providing much needed support in on-the-ground organizing
work. It also reflects a move to set priorities in the organization’s political work that
is foundational to maintaining and building a revolutionary libertarian socialist movement.
Throughout the weekend, many conversations quickly centered on topics such as
accountability and racial analysis, making it apparent that there was a need for increased
attention on these subjects. This motivated some BRRN members to meet and discuss how to
move forward on those issues in the coming year. The convention drew many positive
takeaways, including the broad discussion on the current political moment, also called
conjunctural analysis or análisis de coyuntura, based on a document titled “Below and
Beyond Trump: Power and Counter-Power in 2017.” It highlighted the agreement between
delegates and other participants on the overall analysis and BRRN’s role as political and
social movement actors. The discussion also illuminated the organization’s internal
challenges, areas for development and focus in the coming year. We asked one member from
Boston, a long time organizer, to give their thoughts: “The discussion following the
presentation was one I’d never seen before in the federation and I believe showed the
maturity of the organization. We were discussing an analysis by our own members, written
about the current context of the US but rooted in cross-border traditions. It was a very
uplifting and hopeful moment.”
Feeling inspired from the day’s discussion on federation history, accomplishments, and
strategy, members began to break out into various committees based on the strategic
sectors and social insertion work they were engaged. These sectors reflect broad social
movements that unite popular subjects across the multitude of causes that affect them.
They also allow BRRN to gauge where the organization can begin to build popular power.
During this time, members began to work towards drafting short, mid, and long term goals
for each sector. Amid this workshop, news came flooding in from the Charlottesville that a
fascist had driven a car into crowd of counter-protesters.
Don’t Mourn, Organize And Struggle
The room became somber as it was announced that one person was confirmed dead and that
several others had been injured. We heard reports at the time that the person killed was
marching with and might have been a member of the Industrial Workers of the World (IWW),
an organization with close ties to BRRN and that many members are also involved in. Local
Rochester members began planning with other left organizations for a vigil later that
night and a committee of members from various locals quickly drafted a solidarity
statement, “Mourn the Dead, Fight Like Hell for the Living.”
It was imperative that as comrades everyone come together in solidarity – not only as
members of BRRN from different parts of the country – but as a community in mourning. As
members later gathered at Washington Square Park in Rochester, they took turns speaking
along with dozens of others who were mourning the loss of a comrade in the struggle
against white supremacy and fascism. The noticeable effect of the tragic incident carried
throughout the rest of the weekend – not in mourning but through a sense of solidarity and
seriousness to our work.
On Sunday, the last day of convention, delegates voted on proposals that would either
become official documents or changes made to BRRN’s constitution before everyone headed
back to their respective communities. The impressive persistence and debates to the topics
at hand granted the opportunity to deal with most of the organization’s critical
propositions. As the weekend came to an end, all attendees had a list of projects and
tasks to follow through and bring back to their locals and committees. The overall
feedback from BRRN militants, as well as integrating members (those in the process of
joining), was that the convention had fulfilled or exceeded their expectations in terms of
productivity and strategy with aspirations to continue the growth of their organization
and its commitment to libertarian socialism.
http://blackrosefed.org/strengthening-politics-commitment-growth/
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Message: 2
A two day mass phone-in to PJ Brown Construction will start on the morning of Wednesday
27th of September and finish on the evening of Thursday 28th of September. ---- PJ Brown
Construction are one of the companies involved in the fracking operations at Leith Hill in
Surrey. ---- We are appealing to international anti-fracking activists to spread the word
about this mass phone-in. ---- We encourage people to politely express their disapproval
of PJ Brown Construction's involvement in the fracking operations at Leith Hill so that
the company will change their mind. ---- On Wednesday 27th and Thursday 28th of September
people can telephone, email and fax the company to politely voice their concerns about the
potential environmental damage caused by fracking at Leith Hill.
Dialling (141) before the PJ Brown Construction's number will withhold a caller's personal
landline number. To withhold a mobile phone's number, a Google search for "hide or
withhold number" and the make of phone will show how to change the settings.
Main Office: +44 (0) 1293 544856
Fax: +44 (0) 1293 571164
Email: mail@pjbrown.co.uk
https://www.pjbrown.co.uk/
https://aflondon.wordpress.com/2017/09/18/leith-hill-anti-fracking-phone-in/
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Message: 3
For some years, residents of Halkidiki and solidarity have been fighting together to
prevent gold mining in Halkidiki and the subsequent destruction of the ecosystem of the
wider region. So far, work on the construction of a site in Skouries and the opening of
road networks have transformed the area around which construction works are being carried
out to a skull site. Huge forest areas have been deforested, the mountain has eroded, and
water springs have been infected. All this, without the mining being started yet. The
mining itself is a lethal process that will release toxic substances and heavy metals,
contaminating air, soil and subsoil, having devastating consequences for flora, fauna and,
of course, for residents as well. Its devastating consequences will not be confined to
Halkidiki. It is estimated that they will reach Thessaloniki and Central Macedonia.
The repressive forces of the state are openly committed to defending the interests of "El
Dorado Gold" and its subsidiary "Ellinikos Xrysos" - as it is, of course, given the role
of the state: they have suppressed paths, telecommunication, have invaded homes, have
harvested DNA samples, and have filed papers against fighters with charges up to the
establishment of a criminal organization under Law 187. By the bosses of El Dorado and E
linikos Gold "are plethora mainstream media slandering of the movement struggles against
gold mining, and the workers" Hellas Gold ", together with the employers association,
which following the road of individualism and social cannibalism, chose to become the
dignified organs of the bosses, playing a role that brings them to an entire local - and
not only - society, while putting their health at imminent risk. About a month ago, a
logger who worked for a contractor who collaborated with "Hellenic Gold" lost his life
during work.
Right now, El Dorado Gold says he will leave (3rd time in 3 years), stopping work on
Squires and canceling the inauguration of mines in the Olympiad. It warns (threatening)
the government that it will suspend its investment and gold-medal project in Halkidiki and
Thrace. The Canadian company wants in this way to push the government towards satisfying
all the lucrative conditions it has set itself. At the same time, of course, the drilling
rig begins at new locations. One is located near "Vryssi Galatsanou" and the other two in
the area of Tsikaras. The government, on the other hand, is a consensual observer who,
through the issue of extraction permits,
The struggle for the emancipation of man from all forms of power and exploitation is
integral to the cessation of the exploitation of nature by man. Capital, in order to be
reproduced by the subduction of surplus value from human labor, undermines not only the
world of production and the social base in general but also plunder the natural
environment whose exploitation generates profits for the capitalists. The rampant and
horizontal struggles aimed at ending the tyranny of the state and the capital, which aim
to create self-directed free-productive communities, are those that will depend on the
satisfaction of human needs with harmonious co-existence with nature. On the contrary, the
assignment of hopes to the government (see SY.RIZ.A.
Concentrations in the Courts of Thessaloniki:
- Wednesday 20/9, 09:00, 31 people are tried by class to intervene in the town hall of
Ierissos. - Thursday 21/9, 09:00, 26 people are being tried for the race in Lakkos Karatzas.
AGAINST NATURE OF LIFE, FIGHT AGAINST LAND AND FREEDOM. SOLIDARITY IN DIFFERENT RACES.
Eleftherial Initiative of Thessaloniki - member of the Anarchist Federation
lib_thess@hotmail.com
http://www.libertasalonica.wordpress.com
https://libertasalonica.wordpress.com/2017/09/19/
------------------------------
Message: 4
We, as anarchist-anti-authoritarians, do not expect any judicial decision. We are and we
will always face the ASE. and all fascist constructions. Fascism is an integral part of
the exploitation system we are fighting. The contestants will be the ones who will go like
a roller over the fascist threat, spoiling our cities, villages, neighborhoods and
thoughts from the fascist poison. Blooming antifa-assemblies everywhere, and finally
defeating fascist danger. ---- To crush fascism and the system that gave birth to it ----
On the evening of 17, at dawn on September 18, 2013, antifascist musician Pavlos Fissas is
murdered in Keratsini by the knife of G. Roupakia, an active member of the Golden Dawn.
Paul, defending his friends, has faced up to 60 down-to-date Fascists, in the presence of
DIAS clubs. This murder is added to that of Shahzat Lukman a few months ago, which in turn
was the culmination of hundreds of attacks, beatings and beatings that fascists have been
doing in recent years. They found defenseless immigrants, trade unionists, anti-fascists,
communists and anarchists. Their inflammatory action is also known in immigrant homes,
places of worship, but also hangouts, occupations and social spaces, known for their
subversive reason.
In the wake of the economic crisis, growing social disapproval towards the political
system and the intensified anti-immigration policies implemented by the state, a
multidimensional movement of controversy was born, reinforced by the December 2008
uprising, as well as by the swiftly democratic movements of the indignant plaza . The
fascists of the Athens Stock Exchange, the organized partisan who has always been on the
sidelines of political developments, alongside the MATs, have come to exploit the system
as another obstacle to popular struggles and demands. As of 2011, with the help of regime
media, the "small" neo-Nazi gang of the AS began to turn into a new "alternative"
political party to enter parliament a few months after. The thugs cutlery of yesterday,
"transformed"
They were heroic with staged reportages, supposedly helping defenseless grandmothers,
organizing hatreds and donations only for Greeks.
At the same time that the well-timed journalistic propaganda produced constantly
xenophobic reports, constantly highlighting the fascists, they themselves in Parliament
have been zealous in proving to their bosses how useful they are. The "anti-system" ATHEX,
in exchange for promises, voted in favor of shipowners' tax cuts, the debts of the FCA,
supported a number of privatizations (eg Agricultural bank), public enterprises and public
real estate beaches, islands, etc.), supported layoffs in the public and private sector,
and created atypical labor offices "only for Greeks" with a salary of € 15! All these
striking examples have proven beyond all the role of the ATHEX, which, of course, did not
collide with big capital but supported it and supported it,
With the fascists of the Athens Stock Exchange. to act provocatively undisturbed for a
long time, the tragic event of the assassination of Paul Fissa caused the world's anger to
overflow and the anti-fascist movement to shake. The political system, afraid of the
massive reaction and with the tacit acceptance of the journalists who fascinated the
fascist beast, imprisoned the fascists to calm the spirits. Shortly afterwards, through
parody riots, the Nazi gang is massively released and charges are "overwhelmed." Courts
that exhaust their righteousness by exterminating militants with years of imprisonment,
exhaust 18-month prison sentences, and invent indictments against our comrades, are the
same courts that release fascists and slowly and steadily create the "new clean" Golden Dawn.
We, as anarchist-anti-authoritarians, do not expect any judicial decision. We are and we
will always face the ASE. and all fascist constructions. Fascism is an integral part of
the exploitation system we are fighting. The contestants will be the ones who will go like
a roller over the fascist threat, spoiling our cities, villages, neighborhoods and
thoughts from the fascist poison. Blooming antifa-assemblies everywhere, and finally
defeating fascist danger.
NOR inch EARTH IN FASCISTS
GOOD FOR CONCENTRATION-PROCEDURES
Thessaloniki: MONDAY 18:00 18.9 CHAMBER (engage in joint antifascist block)
IRAKLIO: MONDAY 19:00 9.18 SQUARE SAINT NICHOLAS (engage in joint antifascist block)
LAMIA: MONDAY 18/9 19:00 SITE OF FREEDOM
Anarchist Federation
twitter: twitter.com/anarchistfedGr
https://www.anarkismo.net/article/30514
------------------------------
Message: 5
Bolsheviks, anarchists and SR left their arms. The coup is programmed during the II th
All-Russian Congress of Soviets, in order that it validates the operation and gives it
legitimacy. But then ? Will the Bolshevik Party, the spearhead of the insurrection,
retain power, or will it really put it in the hands of the Congress? ---- Red Guards
protect the Smolny Institute, both the seat of the Petrograd Soviet and the headquarters
of the revolutionary forces in October 1917. ---- Photo of Piotr Otsoup. ---- The
Bolshevik Central Committee decided after a few weeks of delay in the timing of the
insurrection, that the Provisional Government would be overthrown before the Soviet
Congress was opened to put it on the record. This timing is so necessary that the party,
lagging behind in the preparations for the putsch, maneuvered to delay the opening of the
congress for a few days.
On the night of October 24 to 25, 1917, the operation of dismissal of the provisional
government, entrenched in the Winter Palace, was launched. The fortress Pierre-et-Paul is
occupied ; the cruiser Aurore, who had come from Kronstadt with a whole flotilla of
insurgents, pointed his guns at the palace ; the red troops encircle the building.
We are very far from the insurrection of July, popular and muddled ; this time the
preparation was meticulous - even if the confusion, at the hour H, will be numerous - and
the working-class districts were not solicited. According to Trotsky, only about 25,000
soldiers, sailors and red guards participate in the operations, led by a Military
Revolutionary Committee (RMC) mounted for the occasion.
Anatoli Jelezniakov (1896-1919)
This sailor is a figure of anarchism at Kronstadt. He will enter history by evacuating the
Constituent Assembly in January 1918 on the grounds that the guard was " tired ."
Defeated in battle against the white army of Denikin, he was promoted to a " Soviet hero
" (passing his anarchism in silence). He will have several streets in his name, statues,
and a film will be dedicated to him in 1985.
This theoretical group, originally created in the Petrograd Soviet, theoretically created
to dissuade a reactionary coup from the provisional government, this RMC groups some 60
mostly Bolshevik militants, but also left SRs and four anarchists: Bleikhman (FAC), Bill
Chatov , Yartchouk (Kronstadt Soviet) and Bogatsky (Union of Independent Anarchists) [1].
Bleikhman later estimated that some 500 anarchists had participated in the operations.
Justin Jouk is head of a detachment of 200 Red Guards ; Anatoli Jelezniakov from that of a
unit of sailors [2]; Bleikhman and Yartchouk participate in the command of the flotilla
part of Kronstadt [3].
Soviet Congress approves putsch
The Winter Palace was surrounded by insurgents opens when the II th All-Russian Congress
of Soviets, the afternoon of 25 October. A sign of the radicalization of the revolution,
there is now a majority of Bolsheviks, left SRs and anarchists among the 670 delegates
from all over Russia. The moderates, already minority, are weakened even more when part of
them leave the room to protest against the putsch in progress.
At 2 o'clock in the morning, the Winter Palace was announced and the Provisional
Government was arrested. At 5 o'clock, a large majority of the delegates approved of this
dismissal and the transfer of power to the soviets.
The following meeting was not opened until the following day, 26 October, at 8.40 pm,
after a day spent in meetings. The audience was enriched by a certain number of delegates
absent the day before, for the simple reason that they were taking part in the capture of
the Winter Palace. Among them were three anarchist delegates: Jouk, Jelezniakov and Yartchouk.
Efim Yartchouk (1886-1937)
This revolutionary of 1905, deported to Siberia, took refuge in the United States where he
became a revolutionary syndicalist. After his return from exile, he animated the anarchist
group of Kronstadt. Actor of October, it will then defend the communist dictatorship in
Volnyi Golos Trouda, between two incarcerations.
The debates concentrate on three solemn decrees satisfying the most fundamental popular
aspirations: the first announces the opening of peace negotiations ; the second confirms
the division of land by the peasants ; the third announcement ... the constitution of a
new government !
On the benches of anarchists and SRs of the left, it is the stupefaction. During the day,
the Bolshevik Party concocted a cabinet, which it now submits to the Congress for
approval. By a fine semantic trick, the words " government " and " minister " are
absent: it will be a " Soviet of the People's Commissars " (Sovnarkom), presided over by
Lenin, and exclusively composed of Bolsheviks . This is exactly what the
anarcho-syndicalists were afraid of. " What Soviet of Commissioners ?" What is this
invention ? exclaims the Archangel, causing some uproar. All power to the Soviets ! "
[4]. But the majority of the Congress approved without barguigner.
The next day, cars criss-cross the capital, launching leaflets announcing the composition
of the new government. Voline, who passes by, takes notice of it. In his Memoirs he
recounts that he was seized with a " complicated feeling of sadness, anger, disgust, but
also a kind of ironic satisfaction ."
" Demagogues impostors ," he thinks, they must " imagine that they will do so the
social revolution ! Well, they will see ... and the masses will take a good lesson ! " [5]
Three weeks of fighting in Moscow
In Moscow, things do not happen as easily as in Petrograd, and the insurrection takes a
more popular turn. Here, too, the anarchists are fighting side by side with the
Bolsheviks, and one of the FAC leaders, Nikitin, will leave their lives behind. His
comrade Gratchov, commander of the very anarchist regiment of Dvinsk, will distribute arms
and ammunition to the workers of the city. But in the end it will take three weeks for the
insurgents, with heavy casualties, to defeat the troops loyal to Kerensky, entrenched in
the Kremlin and the Hotel Metropole.
At the end of the battle, the anarchists are part of the " camp of the victors" of
October. As a result of this, they are again on the street. The FAC seizes a new
headquarters - the Ginzburg mansion in central Petrograd - and a printing house, the
conservative newspaper Jivoe Slovo, which is now banned. This allows the organization to
launch its own newspaper: Burevestnik ( " L'Oiseau-storm "). The anarcho-syndicalist
Golos Trouda will also take advantage of these requisitions [6].
A new phase of the revolution begins. For the anarchists, it will consist in deepening the
social revolution, while contesting the growing governmental control over the soviets and
factory committees.
The " third revolution " quickly became the watchword of the movement.
Guillaume Davranche (AL Montreuil)
In the folder:
February-March 1917: After the Tsarists, drive the capitalists
Minority but galvanized, anarchists advocate expropriation all the way
A tract of the Communist Anarchist Federation of Petrograd (March 1917)
The first libertarian wave (1905-1908)
April-May: The irrepressible rise to the social explosion
Anarcho-syndicalists in factory committees
June-July: Creating insurrection is not enough
The fiasco of the Journées de juillet
August-September: The counter-revolution digs its own tomb
The Other Components of Russian Socialism in 1917
October red (and black): The assault in the unknown
A Ukrainian revolutionary: Maroussia emerges from oblivion
November 1917-April 1918: From pluralism to the confiscated revolution . Four cleavage points:
People's Power vs. State Power
Socialization against nationalization
Popular militia against hierarchical army
On requisitions and expropriations
Epilogue 1918-1921: Resistance and eradication
[1] Nothing is known about this grouping. Has he only existed ?
[2] P. Gooderham, " The anarchist movement in Russia, 1905-1917 ", Bristol University,
1981, page 279.
[3] Ivan Flerovski, " Kronstadt in the October Revolution ", in Petrograd, October 1917.
Reminiscences, Moscow, 1957.
[4] Ivan Flerovski, " Kronstadt in the October Revolution ", in Petrograd, October 1917.
Reminiscences, Moscow, 1957.
[5] Voline, The Unknown Revolution t. 2, Entremonde, 2010, page 57.
[6] Senya Fleshin Archives, IISG (on Katesharpleylibrary.net).
http://www.alternativelibertaire.org/?Dossier-1917-Octobre-rouge-et-noir-L-assaut-dans-l-inconnu
------------------------------
Message: 6
We present this now classic piece written in July 2005 by Chilean anarchist José Antonio
Gutiérrez Danton that is an early contribution to discussions of concepts around what are
called the mass, intermediate and political levels that develop within social and
political movements. Here Danton uses the terms social, social-political and revolutionary
political whereas in the US these are commonly discussed as the mass, intermediate and
political. These concepts have been influential for helping revolutionaries think in more
concrete and deeper way around organizations and movements. ---- By José Antonio Gutiérrez
D. ---- As anarchists start discussing the prospects for anarchist activity in the medium
term, the link becomes clearer between strategy and tactics: that is to say, what we see
as our goal, the libertarian society, and the means through which we are going to reach
it. Considering the strong rejection of traditional anarchism of the artificial
distinction between "means" and "ends", it is very surprising how often they are divorced
in anarchist practice.
This is caused mainly due to the lack of strategic planning, what should create the bridge
to link the "distant future", and the day to day issues we deal with. There is little
chance of disagreement in any of the two, both the daily issues and the distant future
(though nothing can be discarded in the mad zoo of Anarchy), but clearly, it is in the
medium term prospects when most of the disagreement emerges, as it is in that point when
we start talking about the revolutionary path to achieve the overthrowing of the old
society and the birth of the new one. It is only when we have decided our medium term
prospects when the struggles turn to be "revolutionary", as they start serving a goal, as
we can take the political initiative and as it is only then when the distant future stops
being a utopian dream to become a revolutionary programme.
We acknowledge the need of achieving something more than media coverage or a bunch of new
militants with each struggle. We acknowledge as well, the need to create some mechanism so
that we can test if we are actually going somewhere. That is supposed to be the creation
of permanent (organic) links that, in one way or another, will survive the passing sparks
of rebellion, linking those rebellions in time. And at the same time, we need to have a
set of objectives to aim for that will serve as the guide to our activity and the
evaluation tool with which to measure effectiveness.
With regard to the organic links between struggles, we need to look into the nature of the
actors in struggle, to know how to address, from a libertarian point of view, the problem
of organizations in society.
Actors of Struggle
First of all, and there is not much need to argue this in length with class struggle
anarchists, the basis of the struggle is the contradiction between two fundamental
classes; working class and bourgeoisie. As comrade Mac Giollamóir stated in Workers
Solidarity (86), "The working class is one side of the social relationship that defines
capitalism. This relationship is the relationship of the employer and the employed. It is
the relationship between the capitalist who buys the worker's ability to labour and live
freely and the worker who gives up that ability in order to live at all" It is part of a
dynamic, dialectical, relationship; not a set of fixed characters. The main
characteristics of the working class are its dependence on the wage system; its lower rank
in the hierarchical organization of labour (you always end up having someone above); its
nature as a creator of profit that is appropriated by the capitalist; and thus, the fact
that it lives exploited and oppressed.
This is the underlying reality that shapes the life of modern -capitalist- society. It is
real, but we are talking about a relationship, about a description of a process, about
theoretical models to understand a reality that is far more complex than these two
antagonistic poles (otherwise, revolution wouldn't pose no problem, as if only by numbers
the ruling class would have been long been expelled from power). Between this two poles, a
wide range of grey areas do exist. And the class conflict assumes a concrete expression in
concrete characters. Who are those characters? That is a matter of paramount importance to
any revolutionary, and the definition of those actors of struggle will determine to a
great extent the tactics chosen.
We can tell these actors of struggles in groups or categories by many
indicators:
1. Problems that affect them immediately and their immediate interests;
2. Traditions of struggle and organization sprouting out from these set of problems and
interests;
3. A common place or activity in society;
No matter that the actors can be in quiet, the potential for them to become a factor of
explosion of the class struggle can be there in slumber.
As well, it is worth mentioning that the actors of struggle (or popular subjects, as they
are also called), do not necessarily represent a clear cut class; take for example the
traditional examples of actors of struggle - students, workers, neighbours and peasants.
Only workers can be considered a "pure" class, while all the others contain members of
different classes and all sorts of grey areas (petit bourgeoisie, bourgeoisie, the
nebulous middle class, marginal elements and the working class). The class nature of the
social actors, in general, gives an important need to a working class tendency expressed
as a political force, able to win other segments of society to a revolutionary cause and
programme.
These, as well, are categories that don't exist in isolation from one another: the kids of
the worker can be students, and they are all residents of a certain community. But their
identity as part of a certain actor of struggle becomes clear when the struggle emerges,
and around certain organizational traditions. To give an example, in the year 1983 in
Chile there erupted huge mass rallies against the dictatorship of Pinochet; although the
calls to struggle came from the Miners' unions, the relative weakness of the unions in a
semi-clandestine context, caused that the main space for protest were the slums - where
the workers lived - and other layers of society as well, including small shop owners, and
so on, took part on the struggle right beside workers. But the identity of these struggles
was created around certain organizations and struggles that were located in that concrete
space - the slums in this case. And many of them were the same people that ten years
before, articulated their identity around the industrial networks, during the Unidad
Popular period (1970-1973). This reflects the dynamic nature of the social actors, and of
their identity. But the creation of such an identity, and the creation of those actual
demands, are the ground over which struggle can flourish; not over a theoretical statement
about the social conflict in abstract, or over lofty demands of social change.
Once we decide which ones are the popular subjects in a concrete place and time, we can
start thinking in the medium term about concrete demands for struggle, in the frame of a
program, and we can take the political initiative. But we can also start thinking of ways
to organize those sectors in accordance to our political views, or at least, how to
influence in a healthy and libertarian way, their own organizations. But here we need to
be very careful not to confuse the different spaces and types of organizations, if we want
to create unity and not discord. The best example of how not to do it is the classic
Trotskyst approach that completely mixes up the domains of a party, with the ones of a
social movement. This political short sightedness leads to the shrinking and splitting of
every single group in which they take part, until it is impossible to distinguish them
from their "fronts". Sectarianism is the only logical result of this practice, and
weakening of the social forces. Historically, anarchists have suffered from the same
problem in the form of anarcho-syndicalism, that traditionally confused a "party" with a
"union". The results are there for everyone to see: they didn't end up acting like a
proper political force, and they didn't act like a proper union. That caused its quick
decline almost everywhere.
So we need to know what we are talking about when we talk about organising the people for
the struggle, as there are many sorts of organization, and we need to have a clear policy
in all of the different levels of the organization of the people.
Three Levels of Organization
Taking into account the above mentioned (that is, the nature of the working class and its
concrete expressions), we can now get into the matter of this document: the three levels
on which the people organize and the way to build a movement of a revolutionary and
libertarian nature. It should be stated that there are no magical formulas for this, and
that the description of these three levels is as theoretical and general as the definition
of the working class; they do exist in an essential way, but they are expressed in
concrete and specific ways as well.
The levels of the organization are determined by the merging of both a programme of action
and the social nature of the actors alongside whom we fight. To go any further, let us
first agree on an unavoidable dilemma of every revolutionary movement: the acknowledgement
that only the unity of the working class can overthrow the ruling class and the fact that
the working class is not a homogeneous block - there are different levels of awareness and
class consciousness, there are different ideas, opinions, tendencies, some being more
inclined to a libertarian pole, and others more towards an authoritarian pole. Therefore,
unity is necessary, but an absolute unity is just not possible. So we need to determine
the levels of unity that we can achieve in different levels of organization[1]. It is not
possible to divide this issue from the nature of each level of organization:
1. The level of the social, popular or mass organizations - the social level: This level
is characterized by those organizations who bring together a single actor of struggle,
regardless of their political leanings (trade unions, student unions, community
associations, etc.). The unity has to be as broad as possible, we have to struggle against
sectarianism in them, and the way to influence them is by agitating demands, practices and
exposing the contradictions of the system in them. Here is where the unity of the bulk of
the people is possible, and this should be regarded as the aim. And though they are not
political by its nature, they can get political in the course of struggle and by the
natural development of the class contradictions. No matter how political they can become,
they cannot be confused with a political group or with a tendency. And we need to keep it
clear that we aim that our ideas influence the majority, but minorities cannot be purged
and we cannot impose ideological definitions or labels on them.
2. The level of the tendency, network, current or front - the social political level: This
is an intermediate level, in this one are brought together members of a single popular
subject with a certain political leaning: this is what makes it different from the above
level. This leaning, though, cannot be as defined as the one of a political group or
party. Certain activists or militants that share outlook and that share policies regarding
to the specific issue of their concern, come together to form a certain tendency inside of
a bigger movement or organization. A good example can be a tendency in a Trade union:
people can disagree on many political issues, they might come from different political
traditions, but they will, for instance, agree in developing a combative trade unionism
and in the fight against social partnership, for instance. You really don't need to agree
with anything else; it would be mistaken to try to confuse unity with "marriage" and you
would only risk failing to achieve the most urgent tasks. They would be more specific,
politically talking, than the trade union itself; but they wouldn't be a defined,
homogenous, political force. Another good example are the experience of the "libertarian
fronts" in South America -they bring together students, workers and neighbours who share a
libertarian approach to politics, in terms of organization and means of struggle, and that
share a set of concrete proposal regarding to their problems. But the people in the fronts
would disagree on many of those issues that are not necessary for unity's sake in the
specific struggle and organization to which they belong.
3. The level of the revolutionary organization or party - the political revolutionary
level: This level is the most specific of them all, and it is characterized by gathering
people from different popular subjects (ie. students, workers, etc.), but who share a
political view and a political program (of a revolutionary and libertarian nature, in our
case). Coming from different backgrounds, it is obvious that this level will naturally
refer to changes in society as a whole, and this level as well is the most restricted;
unity here is based on the required levels of ideological and tactical unity. Otherwise,
there is not much point in staying together, if it is not possible to come out with a
collectively agreed program for intervention in society at large. This level is the one
that reflects clearest the class struggle positions and the different class options
assumed by the different political forces.
This is, briefly, a general overview of the problem of the actors of struggle, class and
organization. It is only a skeleton to be used for the discussion about what to do in the
medium term, and how to address the big problems we have ahead in trying to define a
revolutionary path for our respective region in the 21st century.
[1]It is a merit of Bakunin and of the Platform, to give us very interesting glimpses over
these issues.
http://blackrosefed.org/problems-posed-by-the-concrete-class-struggle/
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Message: 7
Networking & Culture ---- 14.09 ---- On Thursday 14th September, an anti-fascist Ukrainian
queer duo Tangerinecat who use electronics and hurdy-gurdy are playing at Old
Hairdressers, 27 Renfield Lane. I enclose a few of their songs. Apologies in advance that
the venue is not all-accessible as it is up some flights of stairs. ---- Schitalochka:
https://tangerinecat.bandcamp.com/track/schitalochka ---- Schitalochka, by TANGERINECAT
---- tangerinecat.bandcamp.com ---- from the album H.R V.I.P ---- I Don't Want to be a
White Master: ----
https://tangerinecat.bandcamp.com/track/i-dont-want-to-be-a-white-master I Don't Want to
Be a White Master | TANGERINECAT ---- tangerinecat.bandcamp.com
I Don't Want to Be a White Master by TANGERINECAT, released 15 November 2015 Yes, I'm
white but I don't want to be a white master. I was born on the outskirts of ...
BLURB: Fierce yet tender vocals, provocatively honest lyrics, the huge many faceted sound
of the hurdy-gurdy, bass lines, electronic dance beats, mesmerizing whistles, field
recordings, loops and lush synth voices all come together in a live setting to create an
image evoking, emotionally intense, utterly captivating and unforgettable audience
experience that is tAngerinecAt.
Drawing from a vast range of influences, this hard to define duo have been labelled with
various genres from electronic rock to psychedelic drone punk and post industrial. Formed
by London based
multi-instrumentalists Eugene and Paul in 2008 in Ukraine they have released four albums
to date and have performed hundreds of shows.
https://glasgowanarchists.wordpress.com/2017/09/13/glasgow-events-september-2017/
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