Today's Topics:
1. wsm.ie: Delete the 8th - no restrictive wordings By Andrew N
Flood (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
2. wsm.ie: Emergency gas flaring at Corrib refinery as
unscented raw gas allowed into grid (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
3. France, Alternative Libertaire AL Septembre - Politics: What
is Macron the offspring? (fr, it, pt) [machine translation]
(a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
4. wsm.ie: Anti-choice dirty tricks - fake posters removed in
Dublin By Andrew N Flood (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
5. [Ukraine] Video: Anarchist action in front of the embassy of
Belarus in Kiev, By ANA on September 29, 2017 (pt) [machine
translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
6. CNT-AIT, Solidaritat Obrera, Analysis of the Catalan
conflict directed at anarcho-syndicalists from outside Catalonia.
By Genís Ferrero (ca) [machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
7. New Zealand, awsm: Save Mart (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
8. [Mexico] Faced with prey and statist and capitalist
speculation, self-management and anger By ANA (ca, pt) [machine
translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
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Message: 1
The delaying is almost over and a date for a referendum to finally overturn the 8th
amendment has almost been confirmed. But - as expected - the government are now publicly
threatening to present a wording other than the one needed - a vote to remove the
anti-choice Article 40.3.3. The media are reporting that the government are instead trying
to somehow present a referendum that would include the terms abortion could be accessed
under. Essentially the overwhelmingly old, male and conservative government do not want to
follow the recommendations given by the very body they set up to avoid such
responsibility. The creation of the Citizens Assembly was clearly imagined by the
government as a way a new, very restrictive, anti-choice regime could be created in the
aftermath of the referendum and presented as ‘the people's will'.
However it turned out when 100 random people heard weeks of expert testimony they decided
the reasonable moderate position was the one where restrictions on pregnant people would
be removed or at least minimised. To the anti-choice extremists in power this was
unexpected, they were only willing to concede movement on the very edges of the extreme
anti-choice laws under which pregnant people and doctors face a 14 year jail sentence.
It's hard to see what sort of new wording they would imagine for the constitution - but
that was also the case in 1983 and it still happened. Before the 1983 referendum experts
warned that the proposed wording that was passed would open a reactionary pandoras box and
- despite the denials of the then government - they were proved right. In the years that
followed the anti-choice movement used that wording to go on a legal offensive that at its
height saw newspapers banned for simply carrying the phone numbers of clinics in the UK,
books removed from libraries and a dozen student union leaders fined a sum that at that
time would have bought 4 houses in Dublin.
This as the photo shows failed to intimidate students who continued to publically break
the law by distributing the Womens Information Network number. WIN was an underground
feminist collective providing abortion information to callers - who had to find the number
written on toilet doors or by being lucky enough to come across an illegal protest or
leafleting session.
A climate of fear was reinforced in hospitals and communities that saw women die because
treatment for conditions like cancer was refused to pregnant women. 15 year old Anne
Lovett died months after the referendum was passed attempting to give birth alone on a
cold wet January day outside in a religious grotto. Supposedly no one had noticed she was
pregnant, including the nuns at the school she attended. That offensive peaked in 1992
when the anti-choice movement over reached and tried to stop a 14 year old rape victim
travelling to the UK for an abortion in what was called the X-case. That proved too much
and there was an explosion of resistance as people poured onto the streets. Even when
protests forced the supreme court to overturn the injunction that movement stayed active
and over the 25 years since pushed back the anti-choice offensive and now demands removal
of the 8th amendment.
In other words we have lived - and some have died - for over 40 years under the
‘unexpected consequences' of the wording of the 1983 referendum. Consequences that became
clear soon after it was passed. We can't afford another anti-choice referendum with a
wording designed to restrict access to medical services for pregnant people. We can not
accept that.
Saturday sees the 6th annual March for Choice in Dublin. It's a very well timed
opportunity for masses of people to show our overwhelmingly old, male and conservative
government that they won't get away with sticking their views in the constitution, views
we would have to live under for decades. Don't sit this one out, make every effort you can
and we will see you at Parnell square at 1.30 this Saturday 30th September.
Author: Andrew N Flood
https://www.wsm.ie/c/delete-8th-no-restrictive-wording
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Message: 2
Emergency gas flaring has had to take place at the Corrib refinery because unscented gas
was allowed into the national grid. Terence Conway of Shell to Sea reports from the gates
of the refinery in the video. ----
https://www.youtube.com/watch?time_continue=1&v=yUh1XNna7u0 ---- Because this gas cannot
be smelt it puts consumers at risk of accidental gas explosions as leaks won't be
detected. The gas pumped from the sea to the refinery that runs through local communities
has no scent and in the original plan that high pressure pipe would have ran through
people's gardens and under their driveways. A decade of resistance and hundreds of arrests
forced changes in the plan so the pipe is now further from homes but the community remains
under risk in the case of major explosions.
Shell to Sea have issued a press release headed "Shell's incompetence puts lives in danger
all over Mayo and Galway"
In it they say; "Following Shell's latest fiasco of putting odourless gas into the Irish
gas network, Shell to Sea has again highlighted the lack of regulation and monitoring of
Shell in relation to the Corrib Gas project.
Shell to Sea spokesperson Terence Conway stated "During construction of the Corrib
project, Shell were a clear danger to lives in this area, but now it is clear that they
are a danger to lives further afield also. We have no confidence in the state to regulate
or control Shell."
Shell to Sea spokesperson Maura Harrington stated "Shell has brought their worst practice
in Nigeria into the beautiful Barony of Erris - how dare they and how dare this state
allow Shell to poison a pristine environment and the health of future generations; this
cannot be spun as a spurious health and safety concern - it's incompetent and negligent;
it is our Place and our People who suffer the consequences while unaccountable, faceless
functionaries reap their pensions".
---
https://www.wsm.ie/c/emergency-gas-flaring-corrib-refinery-Sept2017
------------------------------
Message: 3
The last electoral sequence resulted in an upheaval in the political scene. A perfect
unknown voters a little over three years ago was elected president. He will have easily
effaced a FN condemned, as it is, to serve as a scarecrow. The newly founded Republic
(LREM), founded in the spring of 2016, has shaken up the French political field. Back to
the moment Macron. ---- The two big formations that had for more than thirty-five years
shared the responsibilities of government saw their candidates eliminated in the first
round of the presidential. If the right (LR-UDI) saved the furniture during the
legislative with 131 deputies, it is hardly the case of the left PS which records the
worst score of its history with 29 deputies. This first upheaval was accompanied by a
profound renewal of the political staff [1].
The art of making old with new
This apparent change of scene masks profound continuities. The objective macronien
displayed is to transcend the traditional divisions, which is achieved: the opposition
that existed for decades between the right and left and has structured the political life
no longer exists [2].
More than three decades later, the right and the left have succeeded one another in
power to practice, in a few nuances, the same policies of neo-liberal inspiration (high
structural unemployment, the development of precarious work, dismantling of the welfare
state, intensity and productivity of labor, wage austerity ...) leading to worsening
inequalities of all kinds, accompanied by security policies threatening public freedoms
while attacking the immigrants of the popular strata, sowing consequently misery, despair,
and resentment. All of this against the backdrop of a transnational circulation of
capital, orchestrated by the EU, the WTO, the IMF [3], and so on.
These policies gradually discredited the governments that led them. Each new majority
succeeded the previous one by making it appear that it would succeed where the previous
one had failed, before the mediocrity of its own results, even its frank failure, led to
its rejection for the benefit of its adversary who, a political virginity had been
re-established in the opposition, enabling it at the appropriate moment to take up the
torch to pursue the same course.
Under these conditions, there must necessarily come a time when, by dint of repetition,
this false semblance of alternation would ruin itself. Where the credit of the former
right and left-wing political parties would also be compromised by their repeated
failures, while the so-called opposition of their orientations, which had hitherto made it
possible to organize alternately an illusion of change by means of ... would appear to the
greatest number for what it has become: the opposition between the white cap and the white
cap.
This moment came as a result of Sarkozy's bling-bling quinquennium and the first gray and
then frankly sinister of a Holland which, for having declared his desamer of finance, will
remain as the author of the most sumptuous gifts made to employers [4].
Macron understood that the time had come not to pretend to oppose this right and left,
both subjected to the neo-liberal model, and to profit from their common exhaustion in
order to rally to him all the partisans of this model.
In order to judge the stakes of the current operation, the chances of its success and the
means of countering it, we have to go behind this theater of shadows that is the political
scene and scrutinize the depths of the changes at work between the social classes. What is
being played is indeed only the latest adventure in the formation of a new dominant social
bloc.
The formation of a new ruling class
At the end of the 1970s, in response to the economic crisis resulting from the Fordist
regime of reproduction of capital, in the same way and under the competitive pressure of
its counterparts of the other principal capitalist states, a part of the industrial,
commercial and industrial bourgeoisie the French financial system has promoted and
relayed, under the guise of neoliberal policies, the general movement of
transnationalization of capital. But in order to consolidate its power over the laboring
population, the question arose of the reconstitution, around it and under its direction,
of a social bloc capable of assuring its hegemony, that is to say, its domination cultural
basis from a substantial social base in the population.
Indeed, it has been necessary to rely on new socio-professional categories in order to
find a " majority " for the dominant class in existence since the mid-1970s. Indeed, the
liberalization of the circulation of capital in all its forms by abolishing national
protections and protectionism of all types, deregulating markets, abandoning any
redistribution of wealth at the national level, systematically competing with capital,
workers, regional and national territories, undermined the the old social block on which,
since the end of the XIX th century, the French bourgeoisie had based its domination. This
is what is called " block of the propertied , Based on an alliance with the majority of
the traditional middle classes (peasantry, small merchants and shopkeepers, clerical and
commercial employees, small capital, liberal professions), politically represented by a
group of formations of the right and the center , which was directed against the "
partageux block " uniting the proletariat (proletarianized artisans, industrial workers)
and different categories of nascent leadership, including its public fraction (teachers
from primary, junior civil servants, etc. ), represented by the SFIO [5]in rivalry with
the PCF.
The " sharing block " will reach the goal and at the same time commit suicide. Thus, in
1981, the left PS-PC came to power with a program which, behind a revolutionary verbiage,
proposes to respond to the crisis by the continuation of the old model. Its failure in
1983 forced a part of the political elites (on the side of the PS) and trade unions (on
the side of the CFDT) to also sink into the mold of neoliberal policies. This is the "
European choice " [6].
The divorce between these elites and a major part of their social base, proletariat and
management, will only increase as the political alternations allow them to regain power
periodically.
Under these conditions, a new hegemonic bloc [7]was formed between, on the one hand, the
fraction of the bourgeoisie impelling and directing the movement of transnationalization
of capital, and, on the other hand, the upper and middle strata of management, public and
private.
The continuing constitution of this bloc will have been favored by a number of
socio-economic, political and ideological transformations induced by the process of
transnationalization of capital itself. This will have contributed to the crisis of the
workers' movement, its forms of organization and struggle as projects and utopias of
social transformation.
Locked into a world image based on nation-states, the workers' movement has been caught
unawares by the transnationalization of capital, bypassing and weakening the nation-state,
thereby depriving it of any strategy - as we have seen in 1981. The French as well as the
European left have either exhausted themselves to persist in this increasingly inoperative
way or have converted themselves to the neo-liberal model because they have not
anticipated the new dynamics of capitalism and its rising financial bourgeoisie.
This has weakened workers' ability to fight. It should be emphasized here that the left
PS-PCF of the 1970s and 1980s contributed greatly to the disarmament of the workers by
prioritizing the change by the elections to the detriment of the direct action on the
places of work and of life. Competition among employees, the rise of individualism,
passivity and political indifference have allowed passive consent to the defeat of the
Left, which opened the way to the domination of a new bourgeoisie.
At the same time, the political and ideological scene was shaken from the mid-1980s
onwards by the emergence of the FN. Its lasting settlement is itself explained by the
break-up of the two former social groups of the right and left, depriving representatives
and political representation of both a part of the traditional middle classes and a part
of the wage-earning workers , workers and employees). Beneficiary of the crisis of the
former social and ideological order, the FN will nevertheless have brought its stone to
the establishment of the new. On the one hand, by helping to divide the workers, workers
and employees by pitting one against the other wage earners who are reputed to be French
nationals and wage earners who are stigmatized as foreigners (" immigrants " "), On the
other hand, by serving as a scarecrow.
Such are the conditions and modalities of the establishment of the new bourgeoisie to
which we are confronted. It will therefore punish all the workers hard ... Unless these
last and last change the course of history. A story that struggles shape !
Rémi Ermon (Lorient) and Nico (Moselle) from an article by Alain Bihr * " France, the
moment Macron ", to be read on Alencontre.org
Let's concentrate our shots !
What are their chances of success of the Macronian company ? As an asset, we can count on
an absolute LREM majority in the National Assembly, flanked by allies of true right and
false left won neoliberalism.
Its future will depend first and foremost on its ability to retain its electoral base, to
conquer other institutional positions in the upcoming elections. What looks rather good,
its sociological homogeneity and composition seem more promising than those of the PS and LR.
But these few assets of the Macronie must not mask its main handicap: the weakness of its
social base. Minority within the population as a whole, Macronie is even for the moment
within its own social base (cadres and intermediate professions). To reinforce its base
and weld its base, it will be necessary to gain the bulk of the middle and lower layers of
the frame. Until we have managed this operation, the domination of transnational financial
bourgeois can only rely on the resignation of the majority of the exploited and dominé.es.
But this resignation is precarious. As was experienced with the strikes of 2003 and 2010
against the " reform " of pensions, in the spring of 2016 against the labor law. This
conflictuality could manifest as early as this fall against the labor law.2 Or if not
then, the planned counter-reforms will be the source of further social explosions.
Provided that resignation is undermined by the emergence of an alternative to
neoliberalism, the priority of which is the development of solidarity at work and in the
neighborhoods by organizations that claim to be socially transformed.
The present problem can be summed up as follows: to bring the popular classes into a new
social bloc, that of workers, workers and employees with a part of the middle classes,
capable of weighing through its struggles by making it credible again, emancipation.
[1] Almost three-quarters of the newly elected are in their first term. The average age
increases from 54.1 years to 48.6 years and the Assembly has more than a third of women.
[2] Thus the government of Édouard Philippe includes people (in addition to LREM) from
LR-UDI, Modem or PS. In reality, it is less genius than opportunism ...
[3] The EU (European Union), the WTO (World Trade Organization), the IMF (International
Monetary Fund).
[4] The so-called " pact of responsibility and solidarity " (40 billion euros in full year).
[5] SFIO, French Section of the Workers' International, the ancestor of the PS.
[6] The commitment to reinforce the " European construction " as a solution to the
crisis already serves as an alibi.
[7] On the historical bloc concepts and hegemony, a short book to understand its origins
and those of his thinker Antonio Gramsci: Introduction to Antonio Gramsci, collection
Insights, Discovery, 2013. 10 euros.
http://www.alternativelibertaire.org/?Politique-De-quoi-Macron-est-il-le-rejeton
------------------------------
Message: 4
With the referendum not even definitively announced the anti-women bigots are already up
to dirty tricks. This image of fake posters removed from Dublin's Pearse st this morning
was tweeted by Sharon ? @sharmander_says a couple of hours ago. If you spot similar
posters we suggest you remove them and message us a photo and the location and time they
were spotted. We would also be very interested in any information on who put these up.
---- This just underlines the importance of a massive turnout on Saturday's March for
Choice, Parnell sq, 14.00. ---- We can expect a lot more of this in the months ahead, all
the more so because such trickery is typical of the current wave of 'alt-right' fascism.
The 1983 referendum saw people physically attacked by anti-choice bigots on many occasions
and Saturday is an opportunity to show them that this time around they won't get away with it.
We've see far right bigots pull a number of stunts like this in recent years, both online
and with posters and stickers. They set up fake pages during the Marriage equality
referendum, their was the fake Repeal jumper at last years March for Choice, and we've
seen fake anti-racist as well as other fake pro-choice posters in Dublin. Or the fake
pregnancy advise clinics in Dublin and Belfast alongside the repeated claims of
ridiculously inflated attendences for their protests. They certainly take their own
supporters for complete fools.
Author: Andrew N Flood
https://www.wsm.ie/c/anti-choice-dirty-tricks-fake-posters-dublin
------------------------------
Message: 5
On September 23 , a group of Kiev anarchists held a rally outside the Belarussian embassy
in solidarity with the anarchist prisoners. The activists had a banner that said "Death to
the dictator!" And hung an effigy of Lukashenko[president of Belarus]near the embassy.
Currently, the Belarussian regime keeps fellow anarchists Dimitry Polienko and Kiril
Alekseev in their dungeons. ---- We demand the release of all Belarusian political
prisoners and express our solidarity with their struggle for freedom and against the
dictatorial regime of Lukashenko. The death of the dictator is the only way to give the
Belarussian people the opportunity to breathe freely. ---- We recently learned that
diplomats have already protested about our latest action. The anarchists will continue to
carry out solidarity actions at the Belarussian embassy, and we will attack the
tranquility of the diplomatic corps as long as there are political prisoners in the
prisons of Belarus.
Watch the video (02:00) here:
https://www.youtube.com/watch? v = vvbFZDeBDLg
Source: https://revdia.org/2017/09/25/ piket-anarhistov-vozle- belorusskogo-posolstva-v-
kieve /
------------------------------
Message: 6
"If they stretch tots, she caurà ---- i molt of temps not pot to last, ---- safety that
---- falls , tumbles , tumbles , ben corcada gave ja be. ---- If they stretch tots, she
caurà ---- i molt of temps not pot to last , it will fall, it will fall, it will fall ----
i will be able to release " ---- Lluís Llach ---- The national conflict in Catalonia has
returned. As our esteemed comrade Just Casas said, always eloquent and accurate in his
analysis, in one of his talks on the issue "the bear (the Catalan national problem) may
not be seen, but is sleeping." The bear has awakened and with firmness and strength. The
Catalan bourgeoisie is determined to achieve its objectives, this time the conditions are
favorable. ---- There is a transversal movement in Catalonia that welcomes people of
different social classes that has given a decisive push to the independence movement for
three issues: the crisis of the Spanish State, the economic crisis and the defense of
Catalan culture and identity. With the cuts to the last Statute of Autonomy of Catalonia
by the Constitutional Court, and the successive offensives against linguistic immersion
and self-government of Catalonia of the PP in its previous term have made that much of
non-independence Catalanism swelled the ranks of the movement. On the other hand,
corruption, the non-existent response of the parliamentary left to the economic crisis and
the successive cuts of the welfare state have allowed the Catalan independence movement to
create a country project that allows to offer new rules of the game to the citizens that
can create a real alternative to the solution. These reasons have made the historical
independence in Catalonia from 15% of the population at its best, to be today half the
population.
The bourgeoisie has joined forces with this movement, for two main reasons: this movement
has overcome all Catalan politics by burying or marginalizing those parties that have
maintained the equidistance with the issue (thus, for example, Unió has finally been
liquidated for greater interest of Convergence, now PDeCAT, which has ended a partner who
resisted for historical reasons but with a social marginal weight, or the PSC obtaining
the worst results of its history with a more than predictable new internal crisis about to
explode by its attitude hostile to the right to decide and similarity of speech the
Spanish right).
The other issue is situated in the current context in which, owing to the atomization of a
popular movement that could counterbalance the Catalan bourgeoisie and a virtually
non-existent labor movement, they would lack the historical necessity of the repressive
forces of the Spanish State Civil, Army ...) to combat such movements, especially now that
they have a modern Mossos d'Esquadra body and deployed throughout the territory. On the
other hand, the economic context is favorable to its interests: the markets in which the
Catalan industry is managed today are basically foreign, which would allow it to do
without the Spanish domestic market. Another example is the attitude of international
capital, which in the last year has increased its investments in Catalonia,
And this whole movement has finally been articulated around a key issue: the right to
decide, or to say already unabashedly in recent times, the right to self-determination.
The movement has been able to swing all of its speech around an elementary issue, people
must be able to decide their future and therefore vote in a referendum. Whether we like
the anarchists or not, we have to assume that for the majority of the population the
channeling of their desires and wishes goes through parliamentary democracy, so that
beyond our thoughtful analysis the perception of people when they are denied to vote YES
or to vote NO, or simply abstain, is perceived in an authoritarian way by the majority of
the population. Enter legal technicalities about whether the referendum that is on the
table for next Sunday 1-O is legitimate or not, is simply a waste of time. The political
refusal of the State to raise the possibility of a referendum is to open the possibility
to question one of certain axioms that support the current regime, in this case
territorial integrity. To question it may open the door to discussing others such as the
agrarian question, the Concordat with the Vatican, the conflict between Capital and Labor
or the institution of the Bourbon Monarchy, among others.
The response of the State to the challenge for the right to self-determination in
Catalonia has led to a rapid repression escalation, whose speed has surprised a majority
while others less attentive have not yet seen it happen. The militarization of the
territory with thousands of Civil Guard and National Police personnel, the de facto
intervention of the institutions of the Generalitat, the arrest of more than a dozen
members of the Government or the intervention in the media or the Internet is already an
event unprecedented in Catalonia. The slogan of the State is not to tighten the rope more
than necessary, ie not to act a priori against the population trying to simulate a state
of law that acts with normality. However, complaints of sedition targeting social
organizations, entry into political party premises without a search warrant and material
theft (as happened at the headquarters of the CUP in Barcelona), complaints to individuals
about web sites, the announcement to act against those who become part of polling stations
or volunteers who collaborate with the exercise of the referendum or the interrogations of
workers in polling stations is gradually expanding the siege. Another sign that this
escalating repression is increasing is the harassment of the comrades of the CNT trade
union section of Amarradores of the Port of Barcelona, who have been denouncing the
presence of the repressive bodies housed in several bedroom vessels. The signs of
solidarity against repression and the rejection of the militarization of the territory
take form in caceroladas not to let to sleep to effective people housed in hotels, or with
stevedores of Barcelona and Tarragona refusing to supply in the dormitory ships or
sounding the sirens at night to disturb sleep. And what may seem like a national conflict
ends up mingling with a social conflict.
The involvement of more and more actors in the defense of collective freedoms and civil
rights is widening a gap that independence has been reduced in the last weeks, in fact the
massive response of the population after the repression has surpassed even the sovereign
entities.
The escalation of repression has blown up the rule of law and the division of powers in
the face of a majority of the population. Judges under the orders of the prosecution,
first instance courts under the orders of the TSJC, decrees ordering the appointment of
hundreds of lawyers from office from October 28 to October 1 (in the Judicial Party of
Mataró, guard with 2 checkpoints have been placed on watch to more than 20 ex officio
lawyers). The state's forecast is an unprecedented repression, since the response of a
large part of the population has been to oppose a system that makes it impossible to deal
with their claims and the government is in a scenario where there is no other option left
than one flight forward, unable to reverse and rethink a dialogue.
Precisely the Government's strategy of judicializing the conflict in the hope that the
mobilization will deflate has become a trap for itself. Unable to stop a massive civil
disobedience of the population, and not only of the institutions, with the conviction to
make possible the referendum (and to which they are being added actors like Podem and its
bases that, in another scenario, perhaps they would have abstained of involvement) has
dynamited possible bridges of dialogue with its opponents in Catalonia. What has been
exploited by the PSOE in supporting a frontal opposition to the referendum of
self-determination, but at the same time criticize hard the performance of the PP.
The government has been isolated, only accompanied by the remnants of C's, and the growing
concern of European diplomacy is the warning of the fall of the PP government. Yesterday,
the whole world saw the United States disengaging itself from the Government of Spain in
its opposition to the referendum, leaving the door open to international recognition. The
PSOE and some members of the government already speak openly of concessions, greater
self-government or federal reform of the Constitution. In any case, the scenario will
change: if Catalonia becomes independent the Spanish Constitution will be obsolete and a
new one will have to be made, if Catalonia can not become independent (now) there will be
constitutional reform to appease the spirit and try to reestablish bridges. In any case
the melon is about to open.
Our role here, now.
What is being developed in Catalonia is a liberal revolution, a democratic revolution. The
aspirations of a good part of this transversal movement is a better democracy, that
responds to the needs of the will of the citizenship and that allows him to express itself
in freedom. It is not a social revolution, but it is that not all revolutions are.
The problem of democratic revolutions is that they promise freedom and democracy. But to a
certain extent. Since it is a transversal movement, the use of concepts must be broad
enough so that everyone can identify with them, so that the conflict between Capital and
Work is obviated. Finally, once the new system is established and the status quo of the
oligarchy is guaranteed, the limits to these concepts are established, the correlation of
forces of those who have participated in the movement will depend to what extent these
limits reach. Needless to say, those who remain on the sidelines will have no capacity to
influence anything ...
At some point in the subsequent scenario, the national debate will end but not the social
question that will require new actors to help organize the working class and channel their
aspirations for emancipation. Those who do not survive the coming tsunami will have no
role to play.
From anarcho-syndicalism we can not be left out, even if it is not our movement. We have
a responsibility to try to influence an open gap by introducing the social question into
the debate, so as to remember that the right of self-determination can not be separated
from a concept of freedom and democracy that is broader than mere territorial and
administrative reform. That there is no self-determination possible without the working class.
Nor should we trivialize the weight that anarcho-syndicalism and anarchism have had in
Catalan society, just as it is part of the history of Catalonia. The national grievance
must also be remembered that it has been and continues to be the social question. That if
there is precisely a vast associative fabric in this country has been thanks to the work
of propaganda and association that the first anarchists developed, laying the foundations
of much of Catalan popular culture. That the tools proposed for civil disobedience come
from anarchism, as Federica Montseny already said in the famous TVE interview in the
1980s, which were also used for the social and cultural achievements of the working class.
It is important to keep our story and recompose our own symbols so as not to be swallowed.
For all this, we can not be instrumented, precisely because the movement is not led by the
libertarian movement, we should not be the ones who, when the moment arrives, will receive
all the repression. We must act with intelligence, seeking alliances with social movements
and extending our idea of solidarity and mutual support, being very clear that it is one
thing to participate in this massive movement in defense of social liberties and rights
and another thing is to finish headlining of Turkish. Let us be cautious and we do not
want to run more than those who go before, it is a matter of extending the discourse in
our direction so we do not put them on the tray being the ones who receive the sticks.
We have to take advantage of the situation to explain that what now sees a majority, has
been happening to a minority since forever. That is why the struggle must also be social,
because otherwise tomorrow will continue to happen to those who never have a voice.
We have a tool, let's use it.
We have a tool that channels everything we are talking about: the General Strike. Our
Regional Committee of the CNT of Catalonia and the Balearic Islands has summoned us all to
join the general strike planned for 3-O.
Far from completing this concealed state of exception 2-O, it is likely to go further
because the pretensions of the Government of the Generalitat are to declare the
independence of Catalonia 3-O predictably, in case of winning the SI in the referendum .
We must demand the real involvement of the sovereign entities in the general strike, and
accept a scenario of generalized social conflict. Preparing this strike will force us to
weave new alliances with social movements that can see an opportunity in it to convey its
aspirations in a future scenario, and is the best way to make it clear to the bourgeoisie
that they will have to manage the new Catalonia with a the social and this time without
the support of the Spanish State.
There has been constant appeal to expand the social base in this process of
self-determination, with the excuse of ensuring the SI in the referendum. We have to put
counterparts to this extension, it can not be a blank check in an aseptic vote inside an
urn. So that if they do not get involved they will be in evidence, if we do not mark our
speech from now on, we will leave it open for them to be the ones who also lead the
discourse of the General Strike. And in case of wanting to betray the working class we
must be able to denounce them publicly when the time comes.
That is why it is important that we are in as many places as possible, preaching the
social struggle in this process of self-determination to guarantee freedom for all. We
must work it from the Committees of Defense of districts and municipalities, from our own
positions or from the shared ones.
Overcome the national framework, overthrow the regime of 78.
The problem of all national conflict is that it strengthens both identities in litigation,
so that to consolidate Catalonia has rebound effect in Spain also encouraging the fascist
movements. From our perspective we must overcome the confrontation between peoples,
appealing to the social struggle as the common denominator of the working classes around
the world.
However, there is another open front that we must exploit: the possibility of a regime
change in the Spanish state. The institutional crisis that Spain is experiencing these
days is unprecedented and the situation of the Government is apparently calm but very
fragile. The deployments of repressive forces that continue to increase in Catalonia are
leaving many regions of Spain with scarce resources.
If you were a military man you would think that it is a good time to open up other fronts
on the enemy, but from a social perspective you think that encouraging people everywhere
to fight for their social rights, go on strike, empty houses for the homeless, occupied
lands without work ... It would be the perfect time for everyone, from their place to lay
down the regime of 78. The Stake of Lluís Llach of our days and that is already rotten,
and finally make it fall
Companions and companions, the CNT of Catalonia and the Balearic Islands call us to extend
the mobilization throughout the State. It is our duty to make it possible.
To the barricades!
http://lasoli.cnt.cat/27/09/2017/opinion-nuevo-lestaca/
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Message: 7
The second hand clothing store Save Mart has been accused of mis-treating its workers in
some of its branches. The AWSM encourages people to express solidarity with their fellow
workers by signing the petition in the link below, telling others about the case,
contacting Save Mart to tell them how you feel or whatever other creative actions you can
think of to raise awareness of this issue. An Injury to One Is An Injury to All!
http://www.radionz.co.nz/national/programmes/checkpoint/audio/201858731/savemart-fires-workers-after-safety-complaints-union
http://www.together.org.nz/
https://www.savemart.co.nz/
http://www.awsm.nz/2017/09/29/save-mart/
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Message: 8
On a date commemorating the 32nd anniversary of the earthquake of 1985, again the
inability and political profit of the tragedy by the government and also of every
political class where the alarm did not sound because one can not control the force of
nature and it can not be assured that the city is safe, where the negligence of
governments and their pronouncements as absolute connoisseurs of truth, leads to the
granting of hundreds of real estate contracts in Mexico City for the sole purpose of
private gain and with the purpose of that the city continues to grow, even when there is
no water, transportation is insufficient, roads are collapsed and contamination also puts
us at risk a few months ago, as Miguel Angel Mancera reminds us when declaring that "(...)
encourage investment that generates work sources and inputs to a better quality of life
... Grow in a planned and orderly way so that sustainability is a universal axis ... The
development of life must meet vertical residences, with the multiple or mixed soil use.
They continue to build houses and buildings with restricted uses where there is no
possibility that people receive services that are needed, for example, shops, dye shops,
etc. You can not island people in developments and cities-dormitories, where there is
nothing like the colonies that is doing the State of Mexico, which has no service . "
Interview given to Real Estate magazine, n. 82, 2012.
The earthquake of September 19, shows again how the government does not have the capacity
to govern or to save, being the autonomous society and solidarity that when pitying (to
suffer with the other, to feel the pain of the other) is organized. Thousands of people
have been able to help each other through equals, taking horizontality to the practical
level, leaving aside the government that only kills, while thousands of self-employed help
each other, giving what they have: food, medicine everywhere, people waiting hundreds of
architects, engineers, and thousands of families, women, and children delivering food to
every community in disaster areas to assess how to clear the debris; masons, students,
carpenters, locksmiths, electricians, finally, people without any profit, without any
payment, all day and night working in common. There is no chaos, there are discussions,
but the self-management of all organized in solidarity is the highest expression of the
anarchy of the people, with the fist erected and in silence working, without government
and without command, without police and without army.
The authority says "they go home!" And the anonymous people are still working, which
creates mistrust and incapacity, because thousands of eyes observe everything and the
government wants to manage and capitalize on the tragedy for political campaigning
purposes, and so we asks us to go out, to invent stories the way they want and to generate
telenovelas with the tragedy, to give medals between them that change the face of the
murderous government, stained with thousands of disappearances and executions, and as we
know of their provocations, anonymous we are with the eyes wide open as the tremor also
shook our consciousness.
We will not stop supporting or assisting the zones, we will not stop helping the shelters;
but we can not let the army destroy the buildings with people inside, alive or not,
because the bodies are ours too, they belong to our families and we will not let them be
part of a missing list knowing we can get them out; we will not let them administer and
control our pain, let us therefore withdraw from power.
Anarchist Federation of Mexico
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