Today's Topics:
1. awsm.nz: Catalonia: Competing Nationalisms Against The
Working Class (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
2. France, Alternative Libertaire AL Octobre - Daniel
(collective DesTerresMINÉes35): " We have proof that the
techniques have not changed" (fr, it, pt) [machine translation]
(a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
3. awsm.nz: parihaka Auckland Peace Action conference
(a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
4. notts black arrow: History and Strategies of Antifa in
Germany - anti-fascist speaking tour dates in Midlands - 9-14th
Nov 2017 (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
5. Poland, workers initiative: Yesterday Bratislava tomorrow
Poznan [machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
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Message: 1
The conflict between the factions defending the existing Spanish state and those seeking a
separate Catalonian state continues to accelerate. Whatever the outcome or the detailed
twists and turns it is clear that class-conscious workers need to be equally independent
from those arguing for either a separate Catalan state or the preservation of the existing
state order - both represent the façade behind which the bosses' class exercise their
control. ---- Nationalist Manoeuvring ---- The latest stage in the ratcheting up of the
competing nationalist projects began at the beginning of September when the Catalan
parliament approved a motion calling for a referendum on independence to be held on 1
October. The Spanish government declared the decision unconstitutional, based on the
Spanish Constitution of 1978 which upholds ‘the indissoluble unity of the Spanish nation'
- a settlement that aimed at firmly controlling any echoes of local separatism that
appeared during the Civil War in the 1930s. However, the Catalan Government decided to
press on with their proposal hoping to cash in on years of fostering Catalan separatism.
On 20 September the Spanish state launched Operation Anubis - an attempt to prevent the
referendum from taking place which included the raiding of Catalan government offices,
arresting officials and confiscating ballot papers. This culminated in open state violence
by the Spanish State forces around the day that the referendum was held. Protests against
this violence took place in Catalonia but at this stage we have no information of any
major protests elsewhere in Spain. Instead we have seen massive demonstrations of Spanish
nationalism in Madrid and elsewhere - an obvious illustration of nationalism cutting
across working class unity.
The events of 1 October galvanised nationalist tendencies on both sides. According to the
Catalan regional authorities, 91.96% voted yes to an independent Catalan republic, but
overall turnout was low at 42.58%. The day of the vote was marred by turmoil, as the
Policia Nacional and the Guardia Civil attempted to close down polling stations. 893
injured civilians revealed the violence inherent within the democratic state - some
commentators, among them, ironically, Nicolás Maduro, drew comparisons between the actions
of Mariano Rajoy's government and Francoist Spain. Afterwards, the European Commission
declared that ‘under the Spanish Constitution, the 1 October vote in Catalonia was not
legal' and that they trust ‘the leadership of Prime Minister Mariano Rajoy to manage this
difficult process'.[1]
Following the September crackdown by the Spanish state, the CGT, followed by the CNT and
other small unions, seized the opportunity and called a general strike for 3 October.
After the events of 1 October, Spain's biggest unions, the UGT and CCOO, as well as the
Catalan independence association (ANC) instead announced what may be best described as a
citizen's walkout - their statement read: 'We call on all of society, on employers'
organisations, business owners, unions, workers, self-employed workers, institutions and
all the citizens of Catalonia to stop the ‘country' on Tuesday, October 3'. The strike on
3 October hit public transport, two major ports, and the agrarian sector.[2]Whether as
part of the citizen's walkout or the general strike call-out, whether motivated by
nationalism or anger at the police, workers reacted to the events. It remains unclear how
far the reports of local assemblies reflect sparks of working class self-organisation or
whether they were creations of the local bourgeois establishment to act as a "stage army"
favouring the separatists' agenda.
Since the beginning of the October both the state machines based in Madrid and Barcelona
have justified their own positions claiming that their respective constitutional positions
outweigh the others. It would be a fatal mistake if workers in Catalonia or the rest of
Spain are dragooned behind either of the competing arguments. Behind the lawyers' debates
about "angels on pinheads" lies the reality of ruling class factions seeking to extend
their own ability to exploit the working class - totally irrespective of accidents of
birth, nationality or heritage.
The Internationalist Response
The events in Catalonia have to be understood within the context of capitalism's long term
economic crisis which culminated in a financial crash in 2007 from which there has been no
real recovery. This has increasingly led local sections of the capitalist class to think
they could manage the economy better than the central state. This in turn has produced a
global shift towards nationalism and populism. In an economy which still has not recovered
ten years after the bubble of speculation burst, the ruling class is running out of ideas
and is divided on how to get out of it. The attempt to shift the blame onto the central
Spanish government by the Catalan government, to rally workers behind the separatist
programme, is supposed to conceal the fact that certain sections of the Catalan ruling
class (which is also split on the issue) has been just as responsible for enacting
austerity measures as the government in Madrid.
As we have said many times, national liberation does nothing but divide the working class
and leaves workers at the mercy of their own national bourgeoisie. Where the various
national factions have spread nationalist delusions we argue for the local working class
to stand against both sides of the argument around these projects. The examples of this
are countless (including recent ones like Ukraine[3], Scotland[4]or Kurdistan[5]). Even as
we write, the referendum in Iraqi Kurdistan is being used to prepare the next chapter of
death and suffering around struggle for resources in the Turkey/Syria/Iraq cauldron.
As internationalists, we argue that the only alternative to the social and environmental
devastation offered by capitalism is that workers unite across borders for a common goal:
a world without classes and states, where ‘the free development of each is the condition
for the free development of all'. For this we need an international organisation, a party,
which can effectively intervene in events such as the strike in Catalonia - to push the
struggle beyond the control of unions and institutional parties, and declare independence
from all strata of the ruling class, whatever their nationality.
If and when there are movements towards neighbourhood or workplace assemblies then the
arguments must be made to separate them totally from factions of the state, Spanish or
Catalan, and from the participation of local employers. Binding decisions must come from
the mass meetings with delegates being accountable and recallable. The spreading and
networking of such working-class organisations is the alternative to the bloody cul-de-sac
of competing nationalisms that the bourgeoisie is preparing. In the absence of an existing
effective internationalist organisation we offer our solidarity and assistance to
communist nuclei and individuals struggling for this necessary proletarian response.
KT/Dyjbas
6 October 2017-10-07
Notes
[1]Statement on the events in Catalonia europa.eu
[2]Catalonia stages general strike following Spanish police's ‘brutal' response to
independence referendum independent.co.uk
[3]Ukraine - A Nationalist Dead End leftcom.org
[4]The Scottish Independence Referendum: The Great Diversion leftcom.org
[5]In Rojava: People's War is not Class War leftcom.org
AWSM note: This article is being reposted from the following source
(http://www.leftcom.org/en/articles/2017-10-07/catalonia-competing-nationalisms-against-the-working-class)
http://www.awsm.nz/2017/10/27/catalonia-competing-nationalisms-against-the-working-class/
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Message: 2
Several mining projects led by the government meet citizens' opposition, which
legitimately question the impact of mining on ecosystems and public health. While the
national " revitalization " is relatively ignored by the media, opponents and
opponents denounce the opacity of the decisions and the actors involved. Interview with
Daniel, activist of the collective DesTerresMINÉes35. ---- Alternative libertarian: What
is the " mining revival " initiated by the State ? In what political context was it
born ? With what arguments ? ---- Daniel: In the face of the increasing difficulties in
sourcing raw materials from the industry, the mining revival took place in a European
context, between 2004 and 2008, in order to regain a mineral independence (the European
Commission expressed itself in 2008 in a poetically unique strategic document called " Raw
Materials Initiative: meeting our basic needs to ensure growth and create jobs in Europe
", Editor's note). France then clearly committed to this voice in 2012, through Arnaud
Montebourg, Minister of Industry and Production Recovery. The government even created a
national event in 2014, the day " Mines in France " conceived as " a forum for
fruitful exchanges between industry, universities and administrations " to " accompany
the French mining revival" [1].
It should be noted that all the projects in progress are recoveries of exploitation on old
sites, the mines are not created but relaunched. Reconverted, even, or rather diversified,
for example in an old gold mine we will also extract other minerals. As far as I know
there has been no environmental opposition within the government, the economics arguments
(course and availability of raw materials, independence ...) outweigh environmental,
ecological or sanitary considerations. And above all, the argument of job creation,
whereas the main evolution of the mines consists of mechanizations that reduce them
rather. In addition, the number of jobs created in the short term is never balanced
against the number of jobs destroyed by the reopening of a mine. And we can realize that
this balance can be negative, as much if not more destructions than creations. Take for
example a site like the first license granted in 2013 in the Sarthe. This is an
exploration permit covering more than 300 hectares in the agricultural zone, with the
prospect of the destruction of agricultural jobs by this establishment. So locally, we got
delusional promises of hundreds of jobs created, plus indirect jobs. In addition, these
so-called jobs are not generated by the exploration phase, but by exploitation. But the
promises are always made during the exploration, because then there is almost no recourse
against the transition to exploitation, because of the " Take for example a site like the
first license granted in 2013 in the Sarthe.
This is an exploration permit covering more than 300 hectares in the agricultural zone,
with the prospect of the destruction of agricultural jobs by this establishment. So
locally, we got delusional promises of hundreds of jobs created, plus indirect jobs. In
addition, these so-called jobs are not generated by the exploration phase, but by
exploitation. But the promises are always made during the exploration, because then there
is almost no recourse against the transition to exploitation, because of the " Take for
example a site like the first license granted in 2013 in the Sarthe. This is an
exploration permit covering more than 300 hectares in the agricultural zone, with the
prospect of the destruction of agricultural jobs by this establishment. So locally, we got
delusional promises of hundreds of jobs created, plus indirect jobs. In addition, these
so-called jobs are not generated by the exploration phase, but by exploitation. But the
promises are always made during the exploration, because then there is almost no recourse
against the transition to exploitation, because of the " with the prospect of the
destruction of agricultural employment by this establishment. So locally, we got
delusional promises of hundreds of jobs created, plus indirect jobs. In addition, these
so-called jobs are not generated by the exploration phase, but by exploitation. But the
promises are always made during the exploration, because then there is almost no recourse
against the transition to exploitation, because of the " with the prospect of the
destruction of agricultural employment by this establishment. So locally, we got
delusional promises of hundreds of jobs created, plus indirect jobs. In addition, these
so-called jobs are not generated by the exploration phase, but by exploitation. But the
promises are always made during exploration, for then there is almost no recourse against
the transition to exploitation, because of the " droit de suite "in the Mining Code. The
exploration company often boasts jobs to be created by a future operating company that is
not yet there, but to whom it will sell its license.
How many projects are running in France ? Why oppose mining recovery ? What triggered
the creation of collectives ? What are your arguments ?
Currently, there are 17 applications for mineral exploration permits filed with the
Ministry of the Economy, as it is the Minister of the Economy who issues these permits
and, in no case, the environmental services, which leads us to ask very serious questions
on the choices made. So 11 permits are already accepted and 6 others are being processed.
As for the opposition, about 15 associations have been set up in the past two years, not
all projects, but we can hope for other constitutions, given the issues that these
projects raise.
The first point is the lack of information from the population. On the application for a
mining permit on the Ille-et-Vilaine region, the population had not been informed in any
way. The mayors had two years before a simple consultative request of agreement to
prospect by the company concerned, not relayed to the population. Second, we have a green
will. The mining boost is accompanied by a speech promoting the " green " or " clean
" mine "As recently announced the reopening of the Salau mine (Pyrenees Orientales),
which would be the first green mine in the world. In fact, asbestos has been discovered,
linked to the former activity, and today's exploration companies completely deny it. In
short, for us the possibility of " clean " mines is not demonstrated by any existing
example. On the contrary, we have evidence that the techniques have not changed in any of
the mining projects. Only the increasingly complex chemicals used to dissociate and
isolate rocks and the quantities used of these products have increased. In the " green "
mine "It would be necessary to isolate in a specific place the operation of separation of
the ores, to avoid the direct dissemination in the environment. But what about the
residues of exploitation, those heavy metals that are toxic ? [2]. In reality, the
State's objective is only to cope with the scarcity of metals and to guarantee " mineral
self-sufficiency ". We want to ask a societal question: the overexploitation of natural
reserves (minerals or fossil products) is a real plunder, unsustainable in the long term.
This leads us to think about our real needs and the promotion of societal changes as well
as towards a truly circular economy [3]. There's actually more gold in our garbage than
what's left in the basement, and it's not true for gold. The problem is that minerals are
used in alloys with such minute quantities of material that they can no longer be
dissociated (for example, the different metals of a smartphone are unrecoverable).
Therefore, the intention shared by most associations is to oppose the systemic re-mining
of mining, which is translated by the slogan " neither here nor elsewhere ", to ask
the question of the use and the re-use of resources on a global scale.
Can you tell us about the Variscan prospecting company ? What does his activity reveal
about the mining economy ?
Variscan is a mining company, formed in 2010 when the mine revival project arrived in the
pipes of the state. In the profession, these are called junior companies. It only deals
with exploration, which does not require significant technical or financial means, and
then sells (speculates) its license to an operating company. The particularity of Variscan
is that it is managed by two former officials of the Bureau of Geological and Mining
Research (BRGM), a public institution that is the state's tool for managing the resources
and risks of the subsoil, the research is funded by public money. The Variscan leadership
was able to reuse all previous research free of charge, across the country, without any
predictable return to the community.
We see, therefore, that behind the arguments for national economic independence, there are
actors who are well placed to take advantage of the economic and legal context and to
enrich themselves in the face of the subsequent consequences of mining.
Interview by Reinette Noyée (AL Aveyron)
[1] The event can not be confused with the International Day to raise awareness of the
problem of anti-personnel mines, established by the UN.
[2] For a complement on toxicity, see " Cévennes revelations about hidden pollution ".
[3] See Alternativelibertaire.org, " The circular economy ".
http://www.alternativelibertaire.org/?Daniel-collectif-DesTerresMINEes35-Nous-avons-la-preuve-que-les-techniques-n
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Message: 3
When: Sun 5 Nov, 10:00am - 3:30pm ---- Where: Central City Library, 44-46 Lorne St,
Auckland CBD
The resistance of the people of Parihaka to violent colonialism is the foundation of the
modern peace movement in Aotearoa New Zealand.
Join us to honour that resistance, and build on it by working for peace and justice today.
The second Parihaka Peace Action conference will be an inclusive and conversational space
covering topics including the legacy of Parihaka, symbols of settler-colonialism today and
militarism in the Pacific.
The conference is free and open to the public.
http://www.awsm.nz/2017/10/26/parihaka-peace-action-conference/
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Message: 4
The History and Strategies of Antifa in Germany -- Midlands dates 9-14 November 2017: --
Derby. Thursday, November 9 at 6:30 PM - 8:30 PM -- The Mandela Community Centre --
179-181 Peartree Road, DE23 8NQ Derby. -- https://www.facebook.com/events/1762468154053706
-- [Also new in Derby, a Social Centre project:
https://www.facebook.com/derbysocialcentre/] ---- Nottingham. Friday, November 10 at 7 PM
- 9:30 PM -- YMCA international community centre (ICC) -- 61B Mansfield Rd,, NG1 3FN
Nottingham: -- https://www.facebook.com/events/126861641311194 -- (followed by a social at
The Sumac Centre) -- Leicester. Saturday, November 11 at 3:30 PM - 6 PM -- Duffy's Bar, 18
Pocklingtons Walk, LE1 6BU Leicester. -- https://www.facebook.com/events/140212163286060
Birmingham. Tuesday, November 14 at 7 PM - 10 PM
Centrala, Unit 4, Minerva Works, 158 Fazeley Street, B5 5RT Birmingham,
https://www.facebook.com/events/861417734036814/
https://nottsblackarrow.wordpress.com/2017/10/25/history-and-strategies-of-antifa-in-germany-anti-fascist-speaking-tour-dates-in-midlands-9-14th-nov-2017/
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Message: 5
At Volkswagen Poznan employees are demanding a hike. The main claim is 1000 zlotys to the
basic salary. The Employee Initiative has handed out leaflets with calculations that
justify current pay claims yesterday. ---- Package contents: ---- It started in June in
Bratislava. After half a year of negotiations, Slovak VW employees understood that the
talks did not work - they went on strike and won. Of course, VW and those who say it, say
that this strike did not make sense, that it would be better to work like an ox and wait
for the administration to pity us. We have been hearing it for years and nothing changes.
The truth is that the management will never appreciate us and we, instead of waiting,
should join the Slovaks in the summer. Anyway, in the summer we started the Employee
Initiative. Not to wait, just to push on those who say we have to sit quietly. Still no
one imagined that the situation at the plant could change. In the meantime, on 30 August
in Portugal, VW employees stopped the factory for one day - too tired to wait.
Negotiations are ongoing. The board loves when employees, instead of acting, wait for the
"mountain" to negotiate something. As long as the production goes to full steam, profits
are rising, and wages are in place, negotiations can last indefinitely and everything is
playing. Two weeks ago we showed what we think about their negotiations. When the board at
the crew meetings convinced him of his grave situation, the crew whistled or left without
listening to what he had to say. They wanted to negotiate, they have it! Our response from
two weeks ago has been the strongest argument in the "dialogue" that has so far failed.
Why do we cling to "dialogue" if the strongest arguments we have in the halls? We will
gain more by cooperating with each other in the halls than by listening to the subsequent
messages from fruitless negotiations. Their only effect is that,
Until they see that we can fight, they will still be telling us that we are making too
much money and we are not working enough. If they want to make additional changes, as in
Germany, let them give us the same wages and benefits. If they force us to do overtime, we
can refuse them together. Day by day the situation gets tense. We must be aware that we
are now moving towards the strike. Solidarity itself announces the start of a collective
dispute. In this respect, we will be together and as it will be, the Employee Initiative
will also enter into a collective dispute. We all see that without doing anything, we will
gain nothing.
Did you know that under the current agreement for 2015-17:
* Only 20% of the crew is recruited annually. This means that an employee on average every
5 years will advance one group higher. The transition from the basic 3G group to the 5C
group (11 subgroups in total) takes an average of 55 years.
* In 2015, wage growth in VW was only 1.5%. The average wage growth in the economy was 3.3%.
In 2016, the increase in wages in VW amounted to 2 percent. The average wage growth in
the economy was 4%.
In 2017, the increase in wages in VW was 2%. The average wage growth rate in the
economy is 5%.
Wage increases in VW are more than half lower than average wage growth in the economy.
This means that VW underestimates the average wage level in Poland.
* The amount of allowances and bonuses is calculated on the basis of the basic salary.
When it is low, bonuses and bonuses are low. Bonuses and allowances are significant only
for high grades.
When the company gains we lose
In 2016, VW's turnover increased by € 4 billion to € 217.3 billion. At the same time, it
sold the most cars in the world - 10.3 million, and its profit increased by 14% and
amounted to 14.6 billion. In a nutshell, it alone records sales, sales and profits, but
not in terms of pay. With good results, the Volkswagen boss recently announced a share
increase in shareholder profit, while announcing that the company will do everything to
work even faster and more efficiently. Despite this, we are constantly being told that we
want too much. In the meantime, the management and shareholders are raking in fortunes
about which none of the employees has dreamed. We are working so that they can enjoy life
in luxury.
They still force us to work faster, which more than once violates safety and health rules,
adds further changes, force them to perform "voluntary" overtime. When the gas boom broke
out, those responsible for it got a soft landing. Now we have to fix, what they have
broken, and if something goes wrong, we will soon land on hard pavement, without any help.
In the face of such a situation we say briefly: Ladies and gentlemen of the VW Board, we
will no longer pay for your crisis.
http://ozzip.pl/teksty/informacje/wielkopolskie/item/2312-wczoraj-bratyslawa-jutro-poznan
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