Today's Topics:
1. France, Alternative Libertaire AL Novembre - Catalonia: On
the side of the social and separatist left (fr, it, pt) [machine
translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
2. wsm.ie: Dream act rally in Dublin demands Peter King
supports Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals by Andrew N Flood
(a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
3. awsm.nz - Book Review: The Method of Freedom by By Iain
McKay in Black Flag #236 2014/15 (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
4. Poland, ozzip.pl: Action Safe Package in Amazon. In Germany,
protests, strikes and blockades in Berlin [machine translation]
(a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
5. France, Alternative Libertaire AL Novembre - Wharf Valmy
case: Everyone hates justice (fr, it, pt) [machine translation]
(a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
6. Britain, Class War ScotlandBritain, Class War Scotland: The
cunts who took away OUR paddy's market - begun taking away The
Barras (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
7. awsm.nz: The Israeli Gideon Levy Lecture (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
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Message: 1
Seen from France, it is often reduced to a selfish chauvinism. However, for thirty years
now, Catalan independence has become polyphonic as a large part of the social and trade
union movement, of the radical and libertarian left, rallied to it. ---- The referendum on
the independence of Catalonia, the 1 st of October was marked by repression of the
Spanish State. In the French media, the phenomenon of independence has often been
presented by the prism of a rich Catalonia, which no longer wants to pay for the poor
regions of Spain, and whose independence is supported by a liberal elite. This grid of
reading only reflects part of the truth. There is also an independence that carries an
anti-capitalist, anti-sexist, antifascist and ecologist message.
In Catalonia, today an autonomous province resulting from the 1978 Constitution - the
fruit of a compromise with the Franco regime - an anti-capitalist force that wants to do
battle with both Mariano Rajoy, Spanish Prime Minister and Carles Puigdemont. liberal
secessionist who is trying to negotiate with Madrid an exit from the " Catalan crisis ".
This anti-capitalist force is found in political organizations as well as in trade union
organizations.
Among them, the Popular Unity Candidature (CUP) is a coalition of local assemblies with
horizontal operation founded in 1986. It has always focused on municipalism before, in
2012, to elect 10 deputies to the Parliament of Catalonia. While fighting the austerity
policy of the Catalan European Democrat Party in Puigdemont, the CUP joined forces with
the latter to organize the referendum. The CUP calls to take back the street with the
creation of the referendum defense committees.
Another relatively well-known training course is Arran, a youth organization that took
action last summer against mass tourism that plagues the lives of the people of Barcelona.
In the wake of the referendum, Arran called on universities to block companies and banks
that threatened to relocate their headquarters, in order to denounce the connivance
between the Catalan and Madrid bourgeoisie.
The Catalan CGT divided
At the same time, libertarian groups like Embat and Negres Temperes claim to be part of
the anarcho-independence movement. This one was born in the 1970s, distinguishing itself
as much from anarcho-syndicalism restive to the national question, as independentist
currents of State socialist tendency. These groups, whose slogan is " independence
without limits ", aim to create an anti-authoritarian and self-managing space free from
Spanish centralism. They supported the October 3 general strike, which was followed by 80
% in many sectors.
The strike was initiated notably by the CGT and the Catalan CNT and the independentist
Intersindical Alternativa de Catalunya (IAC). In fact, the question of independence
divides the Spanish CGT, the main anarcho-syndicalist confederation of the country. A
minority tendency remains attached to the idea that, to sum up, " to the social question,
there is no national solution ". On the other hand, for Jordi Martí i Font, a Cégétist
teacher in Tarragona, who is also a CUP activist, the independence movement conceals " a
real social dimension, with in-depth proposals, both at the level of everyday life and at
the level of the social structure of Catalonia. It is this social and alternative
dimension, and partly anti-capitalist, that makes this movement as massive today, with
real roots in the lower classes. » [1]
Martial (AL Saint-Denis)
[1] Jordi Martí i Font (CGT Catalan): " This movement can crack the wall of power ",
Alternativelibertaire.org, October 18, 2017.
http://www.alternativelibertaire.org/?Catalogne-Du-cote-de-la-gauche-sociale-et-independantiste
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Message: 2
Young, Paperless and Powerful, a creative youth project for undocumented young people in
Ireland held a solidarity rally last night with undocumented young people in the USA. The
rally took place at the famine memorial on the banks of the Liffey in Dublin. YPP said in
advance of the rally that in the US "young people are in the fight of their lives to
defend DACA".[Video] https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ZLirWs4drLY ---- The Deferred Action
for Childhood Arrivals (DACA) was a US immigration program that allowed some 800,000
undocumented people who had entered the US as children to receive a renewable two-year
period of deferred action from deportation and be eligible for a work permit. The policy
was established by the Obama administration in June 2012 but rescinded by the Trump
administration in September 2017 meaning these people are now treated with deportation.
The rally was held the same day as a Make The Road New York ( @MaketheRoadNY ) twin rally
at the office of Congressman Peter King who they hope to force support the DACA despite
his right wing islamophobic & general anti immigrant views. In 2011 Niall O'Dowd of the
Irish Voice wrote of Kings "strange journey from Irish radical to Muslim inquisitor"
saying "I no longer recognize the politician I have known for 25 years"
Help out on Twitter with #unDocIRL & #DreamActNow @RepPeteKing
Author: Andrew N Flood
https://www.wsm.ie/c/dream-act-rally-dublin-peter-king-nov17
------------------------------
Message: 3
The Method of Freedom: An Errico Malatesta Reader £18.00 ISBN: 978-184935-1-44-7 by Errico
Malatesta, edited by Davide Turcato ---- Errico Malatesta (1853-1932) was one of
anarchism's greatest activists and thinkers for over 60 years. He joined the First
International in 1871 and became an anarchist after meeting Mikhail Bakunin in 1872. He
spent most of his life exiled from Italy, helping to build unions in Argentina in the late
1880s and taking an active part during the two Red Years after the war when Italy was on
the verge of revolution (the authorities saw the threat and imprisoned him and other
leading anarchists before a jury dismissed all charges). Playing a key role in numerous
debates within the movement - on using elections, participation in the labour movement,
the nature of social revolution, syndicalism and platformism (to name just a few), he saw
the rise and failure of the Second International, then the Third before spending the last
years of his life under house arrest in Mussolini's Italy.
The length of Malatesta's activism within the movement is matched by the quality of his
thought and this is why all anarchists will benefit from reading him. Before The Method of
Freedom, we had his classic pamphlet Anarchy, Vernon Richard's Errico Malatesta: His Life
and Ideas (a selection of snippets grouped by theme) and The Anarchist Revolution
(articles from the 1920s) as well as a few articles translated here and there. Anyone
reading these works would have quickly realised how important and useful Malatesta's ideas
were. Deeply realistic, with a firm grasp on the here and now as well as principles, he
avoided the extremism that often befalls anarchists (violent propaganda or pacifism;
disdaining the labour movement or being submerged in it; simplistic/romantic notions of
revolution or refornism).
He did not take his wishes for reality but instead looked to the situation as it was and
applied his principles to make anarchism relevant and practical. The breadth of material
this work makes available is impressive and gives for the first time a clear picture of
Malatesta's ideas. Organised in chronological order, it shows us how his ideas developed
and changed while, at the same time, keeping the core principles which were there from the
start. His practical nature comes to the fore, the notion that anarchism is a realistic
theory that not only was able to be applied now but also had to be because of its
libertarian nature: "Our duty[was], which was the logical outcome of our ideas, the
condition which our conception of revolution and re-organisation of society imposes on us,
namely, to live among the people and to win them over to our ideas by actively taking part
in their struggles and sufferings" (179) This did not mean ignoring the anarchist
movement. Far from it for he entered into numerous debates on a host of subjects - all as
relevant to anarchism today as is what he had to say.
His discussion of organisation predates by decades the issues raised by Jo Freeman in The
Tyranny of Structurelessness, namely that "non-organisation culminates in an authority
which, being unmonitored and unaccountable, is no less of a real authority for all that"
and so "foundering in dis-organisation" it naturally happens that the few "impose their
thinking and their will" onto the "bulk of the party". (103) As to what seems the
perennial democracy debate, he presents simple common sense by correctly suggesting that
minorities "defer voluntarily whenever necessary and the feeling of solidarity require it".
To those who asked "what if the minority refuses to give away?" Malatesta responded: "What
if the majority makes to abuse its strength?" (214) For those who argue anarchism is
democracy and also include minority rights, rather than refute Malatesta's position they
accept it - but use different words. Perhaps we can sum it up as anarchists support
majority decisionmaking but not majority rule and move onto more fruitful things? Like
applying our ideas in the class struggle? Here Malatesta makes such obvious points that it
is slightly embarrassing that he felt the need to actually put pen to paper to advocate
them. He lamented that by "simply preaching abstract theories" in the 1880s "we have
become isolated" (178) and argued that anarchism could become relevant "only in
workingmen's associations, strikes, collective revolt". (179) In this he simply reminded
anarchists of the ideas of the libertarianwing of the First International, when he joined
the movement, which he summarised in 1884 as being "[s]trikes, resistance societies, labor
organisations" and "encouraging workers to band together and resist the bosses" as the
means of "struggling against all the economic, political, religious, judicial, and
pseudo-scientifically moral institutions of bourgeois society". (58) The Method of
Freedom, then, adds to the growing pile of books that refute the notion, popular with some
academics and Marxists, that anarchists in France turned to syndicalism only after the
failure of "propaganda by the deed" in the mid-1890s (syndicalism then spreading to the
rest of the world and displacing communistanarchism). Malatesta, like Kropotkin, advocated
anarchist involvement in the labour movement from the start: although it is true he
stressed this far more after his union organising in South America and the example of the
1889 London Dock Strike.
This was part and parcel of the role of anarchists to encourage the spirit of resistance:
"The better the people's material and moral conditions are and the more it has become
aware of its own strength and inured to and skilled in struggle, through resistance and
relentless struggles for improved conditions, the better equipped the people is for
revolution." (257) Looking at neoliberal Britain, with its staggeringly low levels of
collective struggle in the face of the unremitting Con-Dem onslaught against working class
people, his comments that the individualism of capitalism results in "a constant tendency
in the direction of growing tyranny by the few and slavishness for the many" and only the
"resistance from the people is the only boundary set upon the bullying of the bosses and
rules" seem all to sadly relevant. As is his conclusion: "there is no resistance because
the spirit of cooperation, of association is missing". (229) This applied within the
movement itself, with Malatesta pointing out that with nothing practical to do, many
"unable to bear such idleness" turn to electoral politics "just for something to do" and
"then, bit by bit, abandon the revolutionary route altogether". (70) People "who might
have all of the making of an anarchist ... prefer - making the best of a bad situation -
to sign on with the social democrats and other politickers". (103) How true: today we see
some turning to Bookchin's flawed "Libertarian Municipalism" as if the germs of reformism
did not exist in the local state as much as in Parliament. Anarchists, then, had to use
tactics which "will bring us into direct and unbroken contact with the masses" as the
masses "are led to big demands by way of small requests and small revolts". (76-7)
"Popular movements begin how they can" (166) and so "if we wait to plunge into the fray
until the people mount the anarchist
communist colours, we shall run great risk of remaining eternal dreamers ... leaving a
free field ... to our adversaries who are the enemies, conscious or unconscious, of the
true interests of the people." (167)
Talking of flags, I had discovered when working on An Anarchist FAQ's "Symbols of Anarchy"
appendix that anarchists were raising the black-and-red flag during the 1877 propaganda
uprisings in Italy but did not know what it looked like. Now I do: "The flag adopted by
the International is red, framed in black." (65)
Anarchist involvement in the trade union movement was, then, championed by Malatesta who,
ironically, is sometimes represented as anti-syndicalist. In realty, on his return to
Europe he helped - like Kropotkin - win the debate within the movement to return to its
syndicalist strategies from Bakunin's time. The picture of Malatesta the antisyndicalist
(rather than the syndicalistplus) has been pained by those who misunderstand his critiques
of those who turned means into ends as opposition to the shared means (class organisation
and struggle). What is the difference, then, between (revolutionary/communist) anarchism
and (pure) syndicalism? Simply an awareness that unions are not inherently revolutionary
and need anarchists to organise to influence them towards revolutionary aims and tactics.
Hence Malatesta's constant argument that anarchists had to organise as anarchists to work
within - and outwith - the unions. Equally, while unions were an important aspect of
anarchist activity he rightly rejected the idea that building unions automatically created
anarchism or that syndicalism made anarchism redundant. As can be seen from the texts in
The Method of Freedom, he spent much time over many decades arguing against those who
thought that syndicalism was sufficient in itself, recognising that a union needed to
organise all workers to be effective and could not, therefore, be confused with an
organisation of anarchists.
Both had their role to play and his conclusion was that the First International failed
because it did not recognise this (a mistake he was keen to avoid repeating). Similarly,
while he viewed the general strike as a good means of starting a revolution it was a
mistake - as some syndicalists did - to equate the two. His support of this tactic, again,
predates the rise of syndicalism in France and so we find him in 1890 arguing that while
the "general strike is preached and this is all to the good" it should not be confused
with the revolution: "It would only be a splendid opportunity for making the Revolution,
but nothing more." It had to be "transformed" into revolution, "down the road to
expropriation and armed attack" before lack of food and other goods "erode[d]the strikers'
morale. (107)
This brings forth another key aspect of Malatesta's common-sense politics - revolutions
are complex and difficult things, as is getting to a situation where one is possible. Thus
we find him refuting those comrades who thought that all we had to do was take what we
needed from warehouses overflowing with goods immediately after a revolution. In reality,
firms produced what they thought they could sell at a profit and so stopped long before
warehouses were full of piles of goods gathering dust or rotting away. As well as bursting
the unrealistic dreams of certain anarchists on social revolution, he also skilfully
destroyed Lenin's explanation of the necessity of the "dictatorship of the proletariat" as
self-contradictory nonsense for "a minority that has to win over the majority after it has
seized power" cannot be the proletariat as that "is obviously the majority". (407)
Like all serious anarchists, he was well aware that libertarian communism cannot be
created overnight and so urged anarchists now to think through the practical issues
involved not only in achieving a revolution but also the inevitably imperfect immediate
aftermath when people start to slowly create the social institutions and relationships of
a free society (needless to say, this - just like the necessity of defending a revolution
- had nothing in common with Marxist notions of "the dictatorship of the proletariat").
Much of his work in the 1920s reflects this perspective, inspired by the failure of the
near revolution in Italy he had returned from London exile to take part in. What comes out
clearly from all his articles is that anarchism, for him, was not about utopias produced
by revolutions which springs from nowhere but rather a set of principles which could and
must be applied today in such a way as to bring the hoped for social revolution closer.
That perspective should be the default position within the movement and so newcomers to
anarchism will discover a thinker who will show them anarchism as a practical idea while
experienced anarchists will benefit from the wealth of ideas Malatesta give the movement.
Needless to say, along with many newly translated articles and such essential works as
Anarchy, An Anarchist Programme and Towards Anarchy, the book includes his polemics
against Kropotkin's support for the Allies in 1914 (Anarchists Have Forgotten their
Principles and ProGovernment Anarchists) as well as his Peter Kropotkin: Recollections and
Criticisms By One of His Old Friends. My one real complaint is that while it is of
interest to read the 1891 translation of Anarchy, I hope that a new translation is planned
for the appropriate volume of the Collected Works as it is dated to modern eyes. In
addition, while this collection is broken up into sections corresponding, in the main, to
the volumes of the planned Collected Works there are no articles from Malatesta's time in
South America (1885 to 1889). This is unfortunate as this time - with his active
participation in a movement serious about organising unions - played a critical part in
the advocacy of syndicalist tactics when he returned to Europe in 1889. Happily, the
relevant volume of the Collected Works will have material from this period.
All in all, though, there is little to complain about with this work and much to be
excited about. In a way, I have been waiting for this book since I first read Anarchy and
Errico Malatesta: Life and Ideas when I was a teenager (over 25 years ago now) and Davide
Turcato has not disappointed. He must be congratulated for producing such an excellent
book, a work that enriches anarchism immensely, will be read with benefit by all -
anarchists and nonanarchists, new and experienced libertarian militants alike - and wets
the appetite for the Collected Works. Read this book.
Fact File: Errico Malatesta
Aged 14 he faced his first arrest for writing a letter to the king demanding an end to
local injustices.
Radicalised at university, he was expelled aged 18 for demonstrating and joined the
International Workingmen's Association that same year.
Aged 19, he met leading anarchist Mikhail Bakunin, in whose group he would go on to play a
major role.
For the next four years he propagandised for insurrection, was jailed twice and attempted
to free the province of Benetento before being arrested.
Held for 16 months and acquitted, he was harrassed into exile by the police.
Travelling, he wound up in Switzerland, befriending Elisee Reclus and Peter Kropotkin.
In 1880 he moved to London where he helped organise the short-lived anarchist St Imier
International.
Two years later he would fight the British colonials in Egypt, and nursed cholera victims
in Naples before fleeing to South America.
He returned to Nice and London in 1889, spending eight years striking out from Britain to
agitate across Europe.
In 1912 he was jailed for eight months in London and deported to Italy after the First
World War ended.
In 1921, aged 68 he was jailed again by the Italian government, and released just in time
to see the fascists gain power.
He continued to write and agitate until his death in 1932 from pneumonia.
http://www.awsm.nz/2017/11/24/book-review-the-method-of-freedom/
------------------------------
Message: 4
source: https://makeamazonpay.org/ ---- In Germany there is a week of action under the
slogan "Make Amazon pay" - that is, "Let Amazon pay". For what? The campaign initiators
are responsible for: the working conditions that cause illness, the permanent control of
the workers, the pressure on performance. Employees will be min. in Leipzig. The
culmination will be a protest under the magazine in Berlin on November 24 in "Black
Friday". ---- In the international action "Make Amazon Pay" is not about boycott Amazon,
but about a broad campaign to improve working conditions ( see more ). There will be many
debates, happenings, press conferences - more at www.makeamazonpay.org . In Berlin, there
will be delegations from various magazines, including Poznan. As part of the campaign, a
brochure was published, which included an interview with a member of the OZZ Workers'
Initiative on working conditions and organization in the Polish Amazon ( see PDF ).
Amazon has for years refused to sign a collective agreement in Germany demanded by
employees and the Verdi union. Also in Poland the corporation refuses to consult with
payroll and other wage components. From 2016, the collective labor dispute of the OZZ
Workers' Initiative has been taken up for increases, breaks, graphics, employee shares.
The Employee Initiative also criticizes Amazon for:
- the treatment of agency workers who are dismissed overnight without a word of explanation
- for harsh evaluation of their work in the form of negative feedback, which ends with a
recommendation for dismissal due to not complying with high standards;
- for the unclear performance bonus rules
- for the incapacitation of workers on medical leave in their homes by an outside company
and the unjustified suspension of sick pay
Amazona employees are organized around the world. But these efforts will be effective only
if they are not limited to a few magazines or one country. That is why the Employee
Initiative seeks to coordinate the activities: in July 2017, we also conducted "Safe Pack"
campaigns in Poland, France and Germany, where many employees were eager to participate.
The incidence in many Amazon magazines is high due to the nature of the work itself. In
the last days of the IP, Amazon has encouraged employees to take part in a Safe Pack
campaign that involves safe work and respect for all rules, so that they can take care of
their own health.
From the leaflet distributed before Amazon in Sadas:
"Safe Pack"
It is based on the fact that we work safely, following all the rules - we care about our
health and do not succumb when anyone tries to push us or encourage us to circumvent the
rules of safety and health. It's better to work slowly, strictly according to the rules
... and pack "safe packages"!
Do not over temp, work safely! Amazon urges employees to be obsessed with customers.
Therefore, we make every effort to ensure that the products reach them in perfect
condition. This will help us to think carefully about every activity we perform. In this
way we will ensure the highest standards, guaranteeing customer satisfaction.
The safe package contains an additional invaluable cargo - the safety and health of the
employees. One of the most common causes of accidents at work is POPE, PRESENTATION OF
TRANSFERRED PARTIES AND RUNNING! Working out like crazy, we forget the instructions, the
rules, the caution, the excessive physical strain, the need to replenish the flu, rest
from the routine. We forget about our health.
At the same time, each activity should be given sufficient time to ensure that it is
carried out with all safety and quality rules. Every customer expects his package to be
packed neatly - in safe working conditions and for decent pay!
We announce "safety hours" or "safe hours"!
Tips for all:
· Do not forget about regular drinking water.
· Do not hesitate to go to the toilet.
· Always use breaks (15 or 30 minutes) for rest.
· Check MINIMUM goals for the department you are working
with. , number of pieces, etc .;
· Read each bar code and check the product compatibility with the description on the screen
Pack/Rebin/AFE:
· nie pracuj na nieprzystosowanym do tego stanowisku
· jesli brakuje Ci kartonów, papieru, towaru lub zalegaja obok Ciebie gotowe paczki, zapal
andon i czekaj
· nie pozwalaj na zastawanie stanowiska totami
· nie pobieraj totów z innych linii
· gdy zrebinujesz caly wózek i masz gotowa scianke wlacz andon i czekaj
· na AFE pobieraj large z tylnich scianek pojedynczo, aby nie wpadly Ci z rak
Pick/ ICQA:
· zachowaj dystans miedzy wózkami, poruszaj sie spokojnie, pamietaj o zachowaniu zasad
pierwszenstwa na wiezy
· zamknij tot, kiedy tylko robi sie ciezki
· zglaszaj przeladowane lokalizacje
· nie odkladaj produktów z "pralek" na podloge podczas liczenia
Stow:
· Keep the distance between trolleys
· Find the right place for heavy objects
· Follow tower rules
· Report bloated bumps
Ship / Dock:
· Safely transport packages and pallets to warehouses or trucks, place them only at
authorized locations.
· Only use trolley if you are logged in.
· If you have technical problems, do not use the equipment and report the malfunction.
Receive:
· If the cartons are heavier than 15 kg, report it to the line assistant
· Weigh cartons between 12 and 15 kg should have a heavy box and should not lift the woman
· Report if the top or bottom conveyor belt empty or full cartons
http://ozzip.pl/teksty/informacje/ogolnopolskie/item/2321-akcja-bezpieczna-paczka-w-amazonie-w-niemczech-protesty-strajki-i-blokada-w-berlinie
------------------------------
Message: 5
The activists accused of participating in the burning of a police car during the movement
against the Labor Law were tried and sentenced to very heavy penalties. A symbol of
judicial relentlessness. ---- May 18, 2016, in the social movement against the Labor Law,
hit by intense repression, the police union Alliance, supported by figures from the
extreme right (Mr. Maréchal-Le Pen, E. Ciotti ...), shows against the " anti-cop hate "
in Paris. At the same time, the counter-demonstration of the collective " Urgence, our
police assassin " is prohibited for risk of unrest ! ---- A wild event brave all the same
banned and cross the streets of Paris. Quai de Valmy, a police car, stuck in traffic,
spontaneously attacked and burned ... The predictable result of a power voltage and
playing a policing strategy that humiliates, violent and killed daily.
The media-police machine sets in motion and the images circumnavigate the world. Rather
than grasping the deeper reasons for the act, a real hunt for man is organized, where one
tries to find guilty without proof, where the presumption of innocence disappears, and
where the preventive detention becomes banal ...
Soon, several people are placed in preventive. Nicolas recognizes the facts and will spend
more than a year in prison, just like Kara and Ari. They are still imprisoned. Angel
passes him nearly two months in detention without any evidence of guilt, only because he
is the brother of Antonin, the most publicized suspect of the affair. No less than twelve
proceedings were conducted against him by the prefecture, eleven of which were dismissed !
We also discover many white notes against him. This pugnacious antifascist militant seems
to crystallize the fantasies of intelligence ... Released after a long struggle, not
without difficulty, he spent ten months in prison on a simple " anonymous " testimony ...
Finally, the trial opens on September 20, 2017. Like the recurrent trials his last days
against activists, he will have been only in charge and political. If some people have
acknowledged the facts, we must look at the case of Antonin. From the beginning, the white
notes and the " anonymous " testimony of an undercover policeman will build his guilt,
in the absence of tangible proofs: color of underwear supposed, holding similar to that of
dozens of other demonstrators, militant profile and absence of condemnation of the
violence created sufficient concordance for the judges. Antonin is sentenced to five years
in prison including three farms for acts of violence against the police; Joachim, resident
in Switzerland, absent at the trial, is sentenced by default to seven years in prison for
the fire of the vehicle ; Angel is relaxed ; Bryan too, but sentenced for refusal of DNA
levy to 1 000 euros fine ; Leandro to one year suspended ; Thomas at two years of which
one year suspended ; Kara and Ari are respectively sentenced to four years, two of which
are suspended and five years of which two years and five months suspended ; Nicolas at
five, including two years and six months suspended. And tens of thousands of euros paid to
civil parties, including Alliance ...
Alexis (AL Valenciennes)
http://www.alternativelibertaire.org/?Affaire-du-quai-de-Valmy-Tout-le-monde-deteste-la-justice
------------------------------
Message: 6
The cunts took away OUR paddy's market supposedly in the name of progress, they've now
begun taking away The Barras. the last bastion in working class markets in Glasgow, (to be
honest it started a while ago with little resistance) this place is engrained in every
working class persons heart, good or bad we all have memories of the Barras, the smells,
the bargains, the characters that worked the stalls, the wee dodgy guys selling
"liberated" goods for cheap, the music, video/DVD and computer game pirates (I was one of
those geezers, I could get you any computer game cheaper than any of the rest!) where else
could you get furniture, books, clothes, bric a brac, home made quavers and top the days
shopping off with a greasy snack or some seafood, nick into the "Sarry Heid", (The
Saracen's Head Inn for the uninitiated) for a quick pint before your bus came and still
have change fae twenty quid, fucking legendary.
We need to make a stand against this bullshit, we need to make sure we don't roll over and
let these cunts slide in unopposed.
The Gallowgate/London Road used to be totally working class, edgy and exciting, now it's
poncy restaurants, street food and the likes, galleries/studios and such to cater for the
arty set, hipsters as far as the eye can see, it's time we escorted these pricks from the
area.
Watch this space for further actions.
https://www.facebook.com/ClassWarOfficial/?notif_t=notify_me_page&ref=notif
------------------------------
Message: 7
We invite you to a public lecture by world-renowned Israeli journalist and author, Gideon
Levy. ---- Gideon has been hailed as an "heroic journalist" for outspoken criticism of
Israeli government policies and his honest journalism.
GIDEON LEVY LECTURE
3pm SUNDAY 3 DECEMBER
Free entry - koha/donations welcome
MOUNT EDEN WAR MEMORIAL HALL
489 Dominion Rd, Mount Eden Auckland
hosted by NZ Palestine Solidarity Network
Facebook Events page: https://www.facebook.com/events/1899427033652269/
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