Today's Topics:
1. Poland, rozbrat: Right propagates false information to
strengthen its position in Poznan rozbrat.org [machine
translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
2. France, Alternative Libertaire AL Novembre - "Fear will
change sides": One year after AL's feminist campaign, continue
the fight (fr, it, pt) [machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
3. anarkismo.net: National Self-Determination,
Internationalism, and Libertarian Socialism by Wayne Price
(a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
4. Britain, brighton solfed: Brighton SolFed Housing Union
round-up: three months, three victories (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
5. awsm.nz: The Maoriland Worker on the Haymarket Martyrs
(a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
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Message: 1
According to the portal "DoRzeczy", antifascists are preparing riots in Poznan, on the
occasion of the arrival of the deputy Winnicki. "DoRzeczy" referred to the French-language
portal "La Horde", which supposedly announced the arrival of Poznan Antifa from Germany
and France. In fact, that portal did not publish anything. "La Horde", which publishes
antifascist announcements throughout Europe, has published only a French translation of
the statement published on Rozbrat.org. He also provided a brief introduction. There is no
word on the arrival of French and German antipodes in Antipodes (under this article, we
are submitting an original entry from the editorial office of La Horde with its
translation into Polish). The information about the "wild hordes of antifascists" in
Poznan is sucked off the finger.
It is not known that Poznan is a "difficult" area for Polish nationalists. In our city
there are many environments where racism or homophobia are alien. Poznarians are not
afraid of foreigners, they are against their attacking bandits, and they do not get spasm
as they see two men holding hands in the street. Due to such a state of affairs, part of
the organizational efforts of such groups as the All-Polish Youth does not bring
measurable results to Poznan. Winnicki together with the Investigators are trying to
unleash the scandal. Calling nationalist hysteria and riots are nothing new. It's an
element of political marketing used by the right wing for years.
Despite the narratives of blockades, fighting, attacks on MPs and the police, our campaign
has a local and peaceful dimension - "Winnicki's whistle". There was never a word in our
mouth about the physical blocking of the entrance to the basement, where the meeting was
to take place. This does not change the fact that nationalists live their fantasies about
the leftist terror spreading in Poznan. Just as the refugees are scaring us, which in
Poland is practically nonexistent. Right has for years been feeding the public with false
information, on the basis of which it draws racist political interpretations. This does
not change the fact that Poznan was and will always be a "difficult" area for nationalists.
Introduction of the editorial portal "La Horde" added to the French version of the
statement, which was published in Polish on Rozbrat.org:
"Nous avons reçu un courier d'antifascistes de Poznan en Pologne, qui appellent? une
manifesto contre la venue d'un député d'extré me droite et rappelle la situation dans
cette ville, si des francophones sont dans la région, Berlin (c'est? 2h30 en train, 3h en
voiture), chaque personne sera la bienvenue ".
Mistranslation admission editorial portal "La Horde", which published the portal "river
basins":
"We received a letter from anti-fascists from Poznan (Poland), who invite us to come and a
demonstration against the visit of the far-right MP and report the situation in the city -
if you in the region or Berlin (from there it is 2 and a half hours by train to 3 hours by
car), each of us will be warmly welcomed ".
Correct translation of the editorial entry of the portal "La Horde":
"We received a letter from anti-fascists from Poznan (Poland), who are calling for a
protest against the visit of the right-wing MP and who resemble the situation in this
city. If French-speaking people are located in Poznan or even Berlin (2 hours 30 minutes
by train or 3 cars) they will be welcome. "
It is easy to see the difference between the words:
"... who call us to come and demonstrate against the visit of the extreme right-wing
deputy and to report the situation in this city ..." (Traces); with the phrase "(...) who
are calling for a manifestation against the visit of the extreme right-wing MPand who
resembles the situation in this city "(La Horde).
http://www.rozbrat.org/publicystyka/sprawy-lokalne/4577-prawica-rozpowszechnia-faszywe-informacje-aby-wzmocni-swoj-pozycj-w-poznaniu
------------------------------
Message: 2
In 2016, Alternative libertaire launched a feminist campaign against violence against
women. At a time when these are the heart of the news, we must fight more than ever
against them and against patriarchy. ---- A year ago, Alternative Libertarian launched its
campaign " Fear Will Change Camp " to fight against violence against women. Explicative
and demanding, she started with an important file published in this journal in November
2016. ---- Special report of Libertarian Alternative of November 2016, as part of the AL
campaign against violence against women . ---- We wanted to make this fight a resolutely
political fight, and for that to explain the origin of this violence. Our case was
therefore based on the fact that sexist and sexual violence, whether at home, at work or
on the street, is a tool to dominate women and to ensure that they do not rebel against
the unfair system in which we live: patriarchy.
Result of a thorough work, it served as a basis for the organization of many public
meetings by Alternative Libertarian collectives in twenty cities. Around various topics,
such as domestic violence, at work, or the representation of these in films, we took the
opportunity to debate and discuss our feminisms. Going to meet the residents of our
neighborhoods to discuss such a heavy subject is not easy, so we took the trouble to train
ourselves to listen to the victims first and foremost.
In Nantes, 500 people demonstrated on 25 November.
The highlight of the campaign was November 25th. Several collectives promoted actions,
gatherings or demonstrations in their city, and a procession very provided and dynamic was
carried out during the traditional demonstration Paris. These moments of visibility in the
public space are always very important. They allow us to see that we are not alone in the
face of violence, because the collective strengthens us. They also allow us to shout
loudly what we think of those who attack us and the society that allows it. Finally, they
allow us to develop strategies to continue to lead the fight.
We draw a positive assessment of this campaign, which has helped to meet the two
objectives we had set ourselves: to train and train our comrades on these issues, and to
provide the organization with a clear speech. It should be noted that this also allowed a
liberation of speech within Alternative Libertaire.
At a time when " social networks " are bursting with testimonials from women victims of
gender-based and sexual violence, it is more important than ever to continue this fight !
Our energies will be used to build a November 25 fight, in the street, as wide as
possible. For this, we must build demands so that the liberated speech gives birth to
militant and victorious feminist movements. For fear to change sides, to go to the
aggressors' camp, so that they will never dominate us again !
Anti-patriarchy commission of Libertarian Alternative
CAMPAIGN EQUIPMENT
Special issue of the monthly (click to find it)
Folder of 8 additional pages. 4 euros in the good kiosks.
Poster (click to order)
Formats 40x62 cm and 62x80 cm. 5 euros per pack of 50 (free for AL groups)
Sticker (click to order)
Size 10x14 cm. 5 euros per pack of 100 (3.5 euros for AL groups)
Argumentary 8 pages (click to order)
3 euros the pack of 10 (free for AL groups)
VIDEO SUPPORT
Videomontage (right click, "save link target as")
To organize a discussion: sexist violence in several works of fiction and in reality (38
minutes, 470 MB to download).
This videomontage is a tool to bring discussions in small or large groups. The aim is to
bring out reflections on the place of violence against women in the collective imagination
by promoting awareness: they are an integral part of our ordinary and our culture.
The extracts from this montage show various moral and physical violence. The directors
approve or denounce them and present them in a more or less glaring, shocking, revolting
way. Anyway, the " small " or " large " violence " mundane " that are made daily to
women contribute to threaten and spread a perpetual mistrust and vulnerability because
they are part of a system: patriarchy.
The struggle for its destruction is indispensable. The creation of a feminist power
struggle against this system and those who defend it is necessary. Fear will change sides.
http://www.alternativelibertaire.org/?La-peur-va-changer-de-camp-Un-an-apres-notre-campagne-feministe-continuer-le
------------------------------
Message: 3
Once more on the subject of national liberation ---- Some anarchists and libertarian
Marxists oppose the concepts of national self-determination and national liberation. They
argue that these slogans deny class struggle, endorse nationalism, is contrary to
anarchist principles, and lead to Leninism. I respond to these arguments, saying that
anarchists should be in solidarity with the people of oppressed nations without endorsing
their nationalist leaders. ---- There are few subjects of greater disagreement among
libertarian socialists than "national liberation" and "national self-determination." By
"libertarian socialists" I include anarchists of all sorts, also libertarian-autonomous
Marxists and others with similar politics. By "national liberation/self-determination," I
mean the idea that some nations are oppressed and deserve to be liberated from that
oppression, and to be able to decide for themselves what social, economic, and political
systems they wish to live under.
This is a major issue in the world today. In the Middle East, the Kurds and the
Palestinians are denied their own independent political existence. Meanwhile the U.S. and
other imperialist states are waging war on a number of oppressed countries. The U.S. state
owns Puerto Rico (but treats Puerto Ricans, who are U.S. citizens, as colonial subjects).
There may be a nuclear war between the U.S. state and impoverished nation of North Korea.
The Russian imperialist state denies independence to the Chechens and has attacked Ukraine
and other eastern European countries. China rules the Tibetans and the Uigars, and claims
Taiwan. There are calls for national independence in Catalonia, from Spain, and in
Scotland, from the U.K. I am just touching on a few of the many places where national
issues have arisen. Not that they are all the same but there is a common topic which needs
to be addressed. (Wars between two oppressor, imperialist, powers-such as the U.S.A. vs.
Russia-do not involve issues of national self-determination. Both sides should be opposed
by anti-imperialists.)
It has always seemed obvious to me, at least in principle, that we who believe in freedom
should support national liberation/self-determination as a democratic demand. I have
written this several times (Price 2011; 2006; 2005). Yet many, perhaps most, anarchists
and libertarian Marxists disagree. (At one time, posters on the Libcom site urged the
anarchist group of which I was a member to expel me because of my support for national
liberation.) What are their arguments? (I now present their arguments in bold face and
then respond.)
The only issue which counts is the emancipation of the international working class.
Everything else, such as national oppression, is a distraction from the class struggle.
Taken literally, this pure-and-simple class perspective is a minority viewpoint today. It
is held only by wooden workerists, by primitive Marxists and syndicalists. Most anarchists
and Marxists recognize that other oppressions than class exploitation are real and
important. Women are oppressed by sexism; African-Americans and other People of Color by
white supremacy; LGBT people by homophobia; immigrants by nativism; and so on; not to
mention the reality of issues such as global warming and war. Recognizing these systems of
oppression does not prevent recognizing the importance of capitalist exploitation of the
working class. These forms of oppression overlap with and interact with class
exploitation. For example, most people in oppressed nations are working class, peasants,
or other poor people. The very fact that these issues are used to prop up capitalism (in
many ways, besides being "distractions") means that they need to be taken on (in turn,
capitalism also props up these oppressive systems). Supporting these struggles strengthens
the fight against capitalism and the capitalist state.
Oddly enough, there are radicals who do support the struggle against racism, sexism,
homophobia, nativism, etc., etc., but do not support struggles against national
oppression. Some even oppose imperialism by the big powers but will not support the
anti-imperialist efforts of oppressed nations. Unlike the pure-and-simple workerists, such
radicals are.... inconsistent.
National liberation/self-determination is the same as nationalism, which we, as
internationalists, reject.
National oppression is an objective reality-for Palestinians, for example. It leads to the
question of how to oppose it, what is the program which can lead to national liberation
and self-determination. One such program is "nationalism." But it is not the only possible
program, and is not synonymous with "national liberation."
"Nationalism" can be defined in various ways. A common understanding is to use nationalism
to mean people's love for their country, their culture, their contributions to world
civilization, and their history of popular resistance to oppression (domestic and
foreign). This is not a program for opposing domination, but rather a love for their land
and people. I see nothing to criticize in this, but that is not what is controversial.
As a program, "nationalism" means seeing the particular oppressed nation as a unitary
bloc. It ignores the differences between the ruling class and the workers and peasants,
the exploiters and the exploited. Essentially it accepts the leadership of the rulers or
would-be rulers (these may be rich capitalists but also might be bureaucrats, déclassé
intellectuals, military officers, or similar would-be new bosses). It denies differences
between men and women, religious groupings, or majority and minority nationalities and
ethnic groups-rejecting the special concerns of oppressed subgroups within the nation. Its
aim is to win an independent national state of its own, and to establish some type of
capitalist economy-perhaps as a program of state socialism, which actually results in
state capitalism. (I am only discussing the program of nationalism in an oppressed nation,
not in an imperialist state where it serves to justify imperialism.)
By now, most of the countries of the world have won their formal independence. They have
their own states with their own flags, postage stamps, money, and uniforms for their own
military and police. But they remain economically dominated by the international market.
They remain politically dominated by the international power system. They are vulnerable
to being invaded at any time. Both the world economy and world politics are dominated by
the big imperialist powers, first among which is still the United States-that is, the U.S.
ruling class and its state. (This is not the U.S. working people, who have little to no
control over their economy or their state's international policies).
In short, nationalism has not been a very good solution to the poverty, oppression,
exploitation, and suffering of the people of the world. But its very failure-the
continuation of national oppression despite formal independence-results in a tendency for
people to look for answers, including a revival of nationalism.
However, there are other programs which offer to solve the problems of oppressed nations.
For example, Islamic salifism (miscalled "fundamentalism") is an international movement,
completely reactionary. It opposes Western imperialist domination of Muslim-majority
countries, not by appeals to nationalism but by distorted religious programs, aiming for a
"caliphate."
Anarchists and other libertarian socialists propose a different solution to national
oppression. Our program is for an international revolution of the working class, allied
with all other oppressed and exploited people, against the capitalist ruling class, its
states, and all systems of oppression. It would replace capitalist and authoritarian
institutions with self-managed, cooperative, free associations of the people. Such a
revolution will likely start in a few countries, but it will have to spread to the whole
world. This alone would make it possible to end all forms of national oppression, as well
as all other forms of oppression, exploitation, and domination.
From this standpoint, anarchists and others can participate in national struggles against
imperialist domination. We recognize the legitimacy of such struggles and are in
solidarity with the oppressed people. But we do not agree with or support those leaders
who advocate nationalist (or jihadist) programs. We seek to win the working people of
these nations to our revolutionary internationalist program.
This is the same approach we can use in any struggle. For example, we must support the
movement for women's liberation. We oppose male supremacy (patriarchy) and support women's
fight against it. But we do not agree with or support the liberal, pro-capitalist,
versions of feminism raised by the bourgeois leadership of the women's movement. We try to
win women and their male allies over to our revolutionary perspective.
By "winning over" women or nationally oppressed people, I do not mean that we should just
unveil our program as if we knew all the answers-Ta-da! Persuading people of our viewpoint
includes listening to them and learning from them, in dialogue. It includes having them
develop the ideas in their own way, relevant to their own situation.
"Anarchists never supported national self-determination"
Some anarchists are ignorant of the fact that anarchists have supported national
liberation as a principle. And anarchists have taken part in national liberation struggles.
Michael Bakunin asserted his "strong sympathy for any national uprising against any form
of oppression...every people[have the right]to be itself...no one is entitled to impose
its customs, its languages, and its laws." (quoted in van der Walt & Schmidt 2009; 309)
Iain McKay writes, "Kropotkin was a supporter of national liberation
struggles....Anarchists, Kropotkin argued, should work inside national liberation
movements in order to...turn them into human liberation struggles-from all forms of
oppression, economic, political, social and national...the creation of...a free federation
of free peoples no longer divided by classes or hierarchies." (my emphasis; 2014; 45-47)
Peter Kropotkin wrote, "True internationalism will never be attained except by the
independence of each nationality, little or large.... If we say no government of man by
man, how can[we]permit the government of conquered nationalities by the conquering
nationalities?" (quoted in McKay 2014; 45-46)
Errico Malatesta was an influential Italian anarchist who had been a comrade of Bakunin
and Kropotkin. He wrote, "We are internationalists...so we extend our homeland to the
whole world...and seek well-being, freedom, and autonomy for every individual and
group....Now that today's Italy invades another country[Libya-WP]...it is the Arabs'
revolt against the Italian tyrant that is noble and holy....We hope that the Italian
people...will force a withdrawal from Africa upon its government: if not, we hope that the
Arabs may succeed in driving it out." (In Turcato 2014; 357) This did not imply agreement
with the politics of the Arabs' leadership.
During the wars which followed the Russian revolution, Nester Makhno and other anarchists
organized a military resistance in Ukraine. Their forces opposed the capitalists and
landlords, integrating these class issues with a Ukrainian war against German, Polish, and
Russian invaders. Similarly, during World War II, Korean anarchists organized a military
resistance to the Japanese invaders.
After World War II there was a national liberation war waged by Algerian rebels against
the French empire. French anarchists gave concrete aid, and various forms of support, to
the Algerian forces. As an anarchist "public intellectual", Daniel Guerin expressed his
solidarity with the Algerian people in insurrection. He was for the Algerian organizations
when they fought against the French state-which is not the same as endorsing their
nationalist politics, which he did not. (Price 2013) (For the record of anarchists'
attitudes towards the Vietnam war and more recent wars between imperialist powers and
oppressed nations, see Price 2006; 2005.)
National Self-Determination was Raised by Lenin
Some anarchists point out that national self-determination was supported by Vladimir
Lenin, the founder of the totalitarian Soviet Union and the "Communist" movement. (Some
even claim, ignorantly, that Lenin invented the concept.) This is supposed to discredit
the slogan.
Calls for national liberation and self-determination are at least as old as the formation
of nations and nation-states in the 18th century. They have been made by many people, then
and now. For example, during World War I, the liberal U.S. president, Woodrow Wilson, made
national self-determination part of his "14 Points," which he raised (hypocritically) as
supposed "war aims" for the imperialist Allies.
With the aim of getting his party into state power, Lenin followed a certain strategy. He
rejected a focus only on bread-and-butter trade union issues, such as better wages,
shorter hours, etc. This was called "economism." He also rejected just raising the
eventual-and abstract-goal of socialism. Instead, he wanted his party to win support by
also championing the democratic demands of every oppressed and discriminated-against
group. He wanted his party to use its newspaper and other outlets to support big groups
such as peasants, women, and nations enslaved by the Czarist empire. But also to champion
abused army draftees, censored writers, minority religious sects, and so on. Championing
the democratic rights of all these groups (including oppressed nations), he believed,
would counterpose his revolutionary socialist program to that of the liberals, reformists,
and nationalists. It would build popular support and prepare his party to rule.
Let me be clear. The problem with Lenin was not his support for democratic demands! Lenin
could hardly be criticized for being too much for democracy and freedom! The demand for
national liberation/self-determination is part of the democratic program. This is not
where anarchists should disagree with Lenin.
The problem with Lenin was that his support for democratic demands was instrumental-used
in fact only to get his party into power and to establish its authoritarian rule. Support
for peasants was meant to lead them to eventually-voluntarily-merge their lands into
collectivized state farms. Support for national rights was meant to persuade workers from
oppressed nations that they could trust the workers from the oppressor nations-and
eventually lead to voluntary merger into larger, centralized, states-which he said. (I am
not getting into how Lenin violated these democratic promises-including national
self-determination-once in power.)
Revolutionary anarchists are internationalists. We are also decentralists and pluralists.
We value small cultures and multiple societies-not as stepping stones to an eventually
unified and centralized world state, but as good in themselves. To quote again McKay's
summary of Kropotkin's perspective, our goal is "a free federation of free peoples no
longer divided by classes or hierarchies." This is where anarchists must reject Lenin's
approach to national liberation.
"But it's a state!"
Does support for national self-determination mean support for new, national, states? No.
It means that revolutionary libertarian socialists are in solidarity with the people
(mostly workers, peasants, and the poor) of the oppressed nation. The nation's people
themselves may believe (in their majority) that the only solution to their foreign
oppression is to form a new state of their own. Anarchists do not agree with this popular
view. But we believe in freedom, if we believe in anything. We must defend their right to
decide for themselves what they want-even if we think that they are making a mistake. That
is how people learn.
Between the imperialist state which rules the country and the oppressed people, we are not
neutral. We should not become neutral if we think that the people are accepting a mistaken
program. We must be in solidarity with them in their struggles, even as we seek to
persuade them that only anarchist internationalism can really solve their problems. We
must not endorse their leaderships; we are political opponents of their nationalist
leaders. But we want the imperialists to lose and the people to win.
When workers decide to form a union, they usually join a business union with its
pro-capitalist bureaucratic leadership. Nevertheless, anarchists are never neutral between
the bosses and the workers. We must support the workers' freedom to chose whichever union
they want (while trying to persuade them of the need for union democracy and militancy and
revolutionary opposition to the union bureaucracy). This is the same principle as our
attitude toward national self-determination.
As Lucien van der Walt summarizes, "One anarchist and syndicalist approach...was to
participate in national liberation struggles, in order to shape them, win the battle of
ideas, displace nationalism with a politics of national liberation through class struggle,
and push national liberation struggles in a revolutionary direction." (van der Walt &
Schmidt; 2009; 310-311) That means, in a revolutionary, internationalist, libertarian
socialist, direction. That is the approach I am arguing for.
References
McKay, Iain (2014). "Introduction." In Direct Struggle Against Capital: A Peter Kropotkin
Anthology (ed. I. McKay). Oakland CA: AK Press. Pp. 1-97.
Price, Wayne (2013). "Anarchists and the French-Algerian War."
http://www.anarkismo.net/article/24619?search_text=Wayne+Price
Price, Wayne (2011). "Anarchism in the Oppressed
Nations."http://www.anarkismo.net/article/19702?search_text=Wayne+Price
Price, Wayne (2006). "Lessons for the Anarchist Movement of the Israeli-Lebanese War; The
Anarchist Debate About National Liberation"
http://www.anarkismo.net/article/3614?search_text=Wayne+Price
Price, Wayne (2005). "The U.S. Deserves to Lose in Iraq but Should We ‘Support the Iraqi
Resistance'?"
http://www.anarkismo.net/newswire.php?story_id=1016
Turcato, Davide (ed.) (2014). The Method of Freedom; An Errico Malatesta Reader (trans. P.
Sharkey). Oakland CA: AK Press.
van der Walt, Lucien, & Schmidt, Michael (2009). Black Flame: The Revolutionary Class
Politics of Anarchism and Syndicalism.
https://www.anarkismo.net/article/30659
------------------------------
Message: 4
Three groups of tenants organising with Brighton Solidarity Federation Housing Union over
the past three months have each secured victories in their disputes. Working with our
Housing Union, these tenants used the everyday tactics of solidarity and mutual support to
take direct action - to win back stolen cash and to improve their conditions. ---- The
first dispute was a group of tenants whose landlord and lettings agencies had left them
living in damp, infested accommodation for a year. The landlord switched agencies half way
through the tenancy, though both failed to address the problems in the house. After a
direct action campaign, the landlord and the two agencies paid out £3900 in relation to
the damp issue. Together with the tenancy deposit the campaign had demanded to be returned
in full, the six tenants received just over £6000 as a result of the campaign.
The second dispute was a tenant who had £510 withheld from her deposit for cleaning and
maintenance charges. The tenant had the house professionally cleaned before she left, and
had evidence that she had not caused the damaged alleged. The letting agency refunded the
withheld amount after a direct action campaign.
The third dispute was a tenant whose landlord left him without a working cooker for a year
and a half. The tenant and Brighton SolFed wrote to the landlord about this, and he
installed a new, gas safety certified cooker after the threat of a campaign.
We're really pleased about the compensation, refunded deposits, and improved conditions
that these tenants have won. We're also really excited that tenants are taking the
solidarity that so many of us undertake every day - helping friends with their housing
situation, supporting one another to stand up for ourselves against the bullying landlords
and agencies - and fighting back against the poor living conditions, extortionate rent and
fees, and neglect that will be familiar to so many people living in Brighton and beyond.
Through direct action and solidarity, we have the power to improve our lives!
We'll have full write ups of these disputes soon - for now, if you're having trouble with
your landlord or letting agency, you can get in touch with us by emailing
housing@brightonsolfed.org.uk, or by texting 07427239960.
Like Chelsea says, We Got This!
http://www.brightonsolfed.org.uk/brighton/brighton-solfed-housing-union-round-up-three-months-three-victories
------------------------------
Message: 5
On the 11 November 1887 the ‘Haymarket Martyrs' - August Spies, Albert Parsons, Adolph
Fischer & George Engel, all anarchists - were murdered by the state in Chicago. A fifth,
23-year-old Louis Lingg, killed himself in his cell last night, cheating the state
executioners. ---- This is how the Maoriland Worker commented on the anniversary in 1911:
---- The Chicago Martyrs. ---- The Men and Their Message. ---- There are certain
outstanding dates in working-class annals which, on account of their colossal
significance, must never, never be overlooked by the workers of the world. It is this
feeling-this tumultuous emotion -that with cumulative reverence, leads to the
ever-strengthening celebration of events which shine- as livid stars in the sky of
history. ---- May Day, Paris Commune, Francisco Ferrer's martyrdom, the Communist
Manifesto, the execution of the Chicago Anarchists -these are typical international
finger-posts of deep interest and import to the proletarians of all countries.
We propose this, week to honour the memory of the Chicago Martyrs -to set aside the
ephemeral and deal with the everlasting. Let the worker gain an acquaintance with the
red-dyed records of his own class, and nothing transitory shall lure him from the class
path nor snare hi in into the capitalistic net.
November 11 is an anniversary to make the blood burn as its retrospect becomes fuel of the
future. Twenty-four years ago some heroes of the mighty past were robbed of their lives
and' thus made moulders, of a mightier present -for this day by virtue of its yesterday
conquers to-morrow.
Hail to the Chicago Martyrs! They suffered and died for the cause of labor and of
liberty-their trial and hanging an outrage upon justice and upon freedom. This, year (as
every year since 1887) the men and women of Toil fraternally assemble "to demonstrate how
defiantly, and truthfully August Spies foretold; "There will come a time when our silence
will be more powerful than the voices you strangle to-day." Immortal words.
Where to commence the story we needs must tell, and how to encompass it in our available
space, bothers us -with wealth of matter and matter of weight so abundant. We would like
to tell of the beginnings of the Socialist Movement in America, and ofi its foreign
origin; of the International! and its "red" and"black"; whip of the echeos in the United
States; of the Marx - Bakunine quarrel and of the subsequent separation of Anarchists and
Socialists.; with a position clarifying itself in the '80's, but still confused.
Fascinating it all is. -but that re-;
Fascinating it all is. -but that reference to the '80's may be our starting point, as
enabling us to emphasise that Anarchism and Socialism were then thought to be almost the
same thing. Thus it was that the Chicago Martyrs called themselves, both Anarchists and
Socialists. Though they were tried as these, it is useful to remember that the prosecution
nowhere defined either. In 1884 the American Federation of Trades and Labor Councils
issued a manifesto proclaiming a general strike, in order to win recognition of the
eight-hour day. Finally, it was agreed that the strike take place on May 1, 1886, which
year was one of sore conditions and widespread social and industrial unrest. Oppression
was rife, discontent general, organisation spreading. The Labor movement was strung to
high intensity, noticeably in Chicago. At Chicago on May 1, 1886, 40,000 men struck in
fulfilment of the agreement. There had never been such solidarity in the States.
Twenty-five thousand men held a mass meeting, at which Spies, Parsons, Fielden and Schwab
spoke. Excitement ran high, especially as the employers had also linked-up and were trying
to smash the workers' organisation. One of these employers, named McCormick, locked-out
the men from his reaper works on May 2. At a meeting on the same day to protest against
McCormick's use of Pinkertons, Parsons and Schwab spoke. On May 3 the lumber-shovers held
a meeting near McCormick's, with Spies the chief speaker. At 4 in the afternoon the
"scabs" were observed leaving McCormick's. Stones were thrown, police sent for, revolvers
used, and men, women and children fled in terror, leaving four dead and many wounded. In
the evening Spies wrote and issued ‘his famed "Revenge Circular." Next, the most fateful
of the meetings-the eventful Haymarket meeting, held on the evening of May 4, and
addressed by Spies, Parsons and Fielden. It was a quiet and peaceful meeting, witnessed by
the Mayor, until at a late hour 180 police wantonly attempted to disperse it, when, in
retaliation, a bomb was thrown by some person unknown, killing M. J. Degan, a policeman,
instantly and wounding 60 (seven of whom died). What followed can be imagined. Hue and
cry everywhere. Labor agitators' hunted and imprisoned. Workers' papers (including "Alarm"
and "Arbeiter Zeitung") suppressed. Workers' meetings broken up and prohibited. Awful
alarmist stories circulated of plots and conspiracies against law and order. Capitalist
press calling for summary hanging of workers' leaders. Some employers met secretly and
formed the Citizens Association and in a few hours subscribed one hundred ‘ thousand
dollars "to destroy Anarchy."
On May 17 the Grand Jury indicted Engel, Fielden, Fischer, Lingg, Neebe, Parsons, Spies,
Schwab, Schnaubelt, and Seliger for the murder of M. J. Degan. Seliger turned informer,
Schnaubelt escaped. On June 21 the jury was empanelled (it took 22 days), but upon it
there was not one member of the working-class. A prolonged trial, during which were ‘
delivered those memorable speeches now historical', resulted in Neebe being sentenced to
15 years' imprisonment and the rest to be hanged. The case was carried to the Supreme
Court in the following year, and there affirmed. Qtt No^esi*-
On November 10, 1887, Lingg suicided, and the sentences on Schwab and Fielden were
commuted to imprisonment for life. On November 11 Parsons, Engel, Fischer and Spies were
hanged. In 1893, six years afterwards, the three men in jail were pardoned by Governor
Altgeld, whose "argument" is a notable document and a severe, impeachment of jury, police
and Judge Gary.
Such in bald outline is the story of the Chicago Martyrs. Its steps and its stages make a
drama of intense human interest, a tragedy in working-class agitation, education, and
organisation. No people's story is fuller of vein-swelling, nerves-racking developments.
The events prior to 1884 and from 1884 to 1888, the wondrous general strike and its
motive, the trials of 1886 and 1887 and their bloody sacrifce, the agitation begetting
Governor Altgeld's inquiry, the evidence of the inquiry, the work of Lucy Parsons after
the martyrdoms and, again, the character, and labors of the martyrs, their speeches and
their writings, the men and methods of the prosecution, the informers, and the literature
growing out of the whole-each and all provides scope for many articles.
We pass on to mention that John P. Altgeld, Governor of Illinois, advanced the theory that
the fatal bomb was thrown in revenge, and said: "Judge Gary's statement that ‘it is
probably, true that Rudolph Schnaubelt threw the bomb' is a mere surmise and is all that
is known about it, and is certainly not sufficient to convict eight men on. In fact, until
the State proves from whose hands, the bomb came, itis impossible to show any connection
between the man who threw it and these defendants. Altgeld's review of the trial is a
damning document. It scathingly refers to the prejudice of the judge and the bias of the
packed jury selected by a bailiff who had boasted that the men on trial would "swing."
Police methods and the extraordinary partisan conduct of high officials are alike exposed.
But nowadays quite a host of periodicals, pamphlets and books conclusively prove that the
martyrs were innocent of crime, and were hounded to death because rebels for righteousness
and passionate for working-class rights. We are inclined to agree with the view that the
bomb-throwing was the work of a Pinkerton. The Colorado conspiracy is fresh in our memory.
Debs remembered 1887 when, twenty years later, he penned his, glowing "Arouse, ye Slaves!"
and cried to the taskmasters.: "You shed the blood of our champions twenty years ago. If
you proceed to kill Moyer, Hhaywood, and Pettibone, we will meet you-and we will come with
guns in our hands."
Bearing, in mind ,that of the eight men sentenced, three fortuitously escaped the gallows,
one suicided and four were hanged, let us glance at them biographically -in alphabetical
order: -
GEORGE ENGEL was a German, born in 1856. His father died when George was 18 months old,
and his mother when he was 12 years. Painter by trade. Went to America in 1873, and in
Philadelphia, witnessing the militia suppressing strikers, turned his thoughts to the
Labor question. Joined the International Working Peope's Association. Judicially murdered
in 1887.
SAMUEL FIELDEN was an Englishman, born in Lancashire in 1847. He lost his mother at 10
years old and his father at 19. Worked at factory. Said: "I think if the devil has a
particular enemy whom he wishes to unmercifully torture the best thing for him to do would
be to put his soul into the body of a Lancashire factory child." Sentenced in 1887, he was
pardoned in 1903. Known as "Good-natured" Fielden.
ADOLPH FISCHER, German, went to America at the age of 15, and learnt the printing. He was
employed in the office of "Arbeiter Zeitung." Murdered in 1887.
LOUIS LINGG, German, born in 1864. Carpenter. Travelled in Switzerland, and became
converted to Socialism. Went to America in 1885, and was appointed organiser for the
Brotherhood of Carpenters and Joiners. Suicided in jail on the day before his intended
execution.
OSCAR NEEBE, an American of German parentage, born in Philadelphia in 1850, Well-to-do
business man of anarchistic sympathies. Sentenced in 1887, pardoned in 1903.
ALBERT PARSONS, an American, born 1848. Father a manufacturer, and philanthropist. Lost
his parents, before he reached five. and was educated by General Parsons. Learnt printing.
Served in the Civil War, made name as press correspondent; In 1876 joined working-men's,
party and became, a trusted leader. Joined Knights, of Labor. Nominated by S.L.P. for
Presidency of United States, but declinedthe honour. In 1884 founded "The Alarm," organ of
the International. Murdered 1887.
MICHEL SCHWAB, German, born 1853. Bookbinder by trade. Left orphan at 12. Joined S.L.P. In
1879 emigrated to U.S.A. Assistant editor of "Arbeiter Zeitung." Pardoned.
AUGUST SPIES, German, born 1855. In America, in 1871. In 1880 becamei editor of "Arbeiter
Zeitung," and acquired great influence. Murdered in 1887.
The sayings and the doings of this illustrious band of men give skilful and striking
testimony of the mental power and physical courage which comes of earnest participation in
the proletarian movement for social justice. We hope some day to give a Character Sketch
of each fighter for freedom. Turn we now to their wonderful speeches, delivered on October
7, 8, and 9, 1886, when asked if they had anything to say why sentence of death should not
be passed upon them.. Their speeches run into a goodly-sized volume (published at Is.) and
prove themselves great utterances of men of knowledge and blazing reason. Parsons' is the!
longest, and occupied eight hours (running into two days) in delivery. It is a brilliant
historical survey and economic exposition. We quote:-
"You ask me why sentence of death should not, be pronounced upon me, or, what is
tantamount to the same thing, you ask me why you should give me a new trial in order that
I might establish my innocence and the ends of justice be subserved. I answer you and say
that this verdict is the verdict of passion, born in passion, nurtured in passion, and is
the sum totality of the organised passion of the city of Chicago. I hold that you cannot
dispute the charge which I make, that this trial has been submerged, immersed in passion
from its inception to its close, and even to this hour, standing hero upon the scaffold as
I do, with the hangman awaiting me with his halter, there are those who claim to represent
public sentiment "in this city, and I now speak of the capitalistic press- that vile and
infamous organ of monopoly of hired liars, the people's oppressor-even to this day these
papers standing where I do, with my, seven condemned colleagues, are clamouring for our
blood in the beat and violence of passion. Can it be any longer denied that there is such
a' thing as the Labor question?' I am an anarchist! Now strike; but hear me before you
strike. What is Socialism or anarchism? Briefly it is the right of the toiler to the free
and equal use of the tools of production, and the right of the to their product. That is
Socialism.. The history of mankind is one of growth. It has been evolutionary and
revolutionary. The dividing line between evolution and revolution, or that imperceptible
boundary line where one begins an the other ends can never be designated. Who believed at
the time that our fathesrs tossed the tea into Boston harbour that it meant the first
revolt of the revolution separating this continent from the dominion of George III.?
Evolution and revolution are synonymous. Evolution: is the incubatory state of revolution!
The birth is the revolution -its process the evolution. . . Seven men are to be
exterminated because they demand the right of free speech and exercise it. Seven men by
this court of law are to be put to death because they claim the right of self-defence.; Do
you think, gentlemen of the prosecution, that you will have settled the case when you are
carrying my lifeless bones to the potter's field? Do you think that this trial, will be
settled by my strangulation and that of my colleagues? I tell you that there is a greater
verdict yet to be heard."
Spies thus concluded: "Now, these are my ideas. They constitute a part, of myself. I
cannot divest myself of them, nor would I, if I could. And if you think you can crush out
these ideas that are gaining ground more and more every day, if you think you can crush
them out by sending us to the gallows- if you would once more have people suffer the
penalty of death because they have dared to tell the truth-and I defy you to show us where
we have told, a lie-l say if death is the penalty for proclaiming the truth, then I will
proudly and defiantly pay the costly price. Call your hangman! Truth sacrificed in
Socrates, in Christ, in Bruno, in Huss, in Galileo, still lives -they and others whose
number is legion have preceded us on this path. We are ready to follow." Schwab said: "To
term the proceedings during this trial, "justice" would be a sneer. Justice has not been
done-more than this, could not be done. If one class is arrayed against the other, it is
idle and hypocritical to think about justice. Anarchy was on trial, as the State's
attorney put it in his closing speech; a doctrine, an opinion hostile to brute force,
hostile to our present murderous system of production and distribution. . . . We contend
for communism and anarchy-why? If we had kept silent, stones would have cried out. Murder
was committed day, by day. Children were slain, women worked to death, men killed inch by
inch, and these crimes are never punished by law. The great principle underlying the
present system is unpaid labor. . . It seems to me that most violent speakers are not to
be found in the ranks of the anarchists. Neebe said: "There is no evidence to show that I
was connected with the bomb-throwing, or that I was near it, or anything of that kind. So
l am only sorry your honour--that is, if you can stop it or help it-l will ask you to do
it -that is, to hang me, too, for I think it is more honorable to die suddenly than to be
killed by inches. I have a family and children and if they know their father is dead, they
will bury him. They can go to the grave, and. kneel down by the side of it; but they
can't' go to the penitentiary and see their father, who was convicted for a crime that he
has'nt had anything to do with. That is all I have got to say. Your honour, I am sorry I
am not to be hung with the rest of the men."
Fischer said: "I protest against my being sentenced to death, because I have committed no
crime. I was tried - here in this room for murder and I was convicted of anarchy. But,
however, if I am to die on account of my being an anarchist, on account of my love for
liberty, fraternity and equality, then I will not remonstrate. If death is the penalty for
our love of the freedom of the human race then I say openly I have forfeited my life. . .
I publicly denounce Mr. Grennell, the State's attorney, for his array of false witnesses,
as being a murderer and an assassin if I should be executed. . . An anarchist is always
ready to die for his principles. You will find it impossible to kill a principle, although
you may take the life of men who confess these principles." Lingg Said: "The fact is that
at every attempt to wield the ballot, at every attempt to combine the effort of
working-men, you have displayed the brutal violence of the police club, and this is why I
have recommended rude force, to combat the ruder force of the police. . . . I repeat that
I am the enemy of the "order" of the day, and I repeat that, with all my powers, so long
as breath remains in me, I shall combat it. I declare again, frankly and openly, that I am
in favour of using force. I have told Captain Schaaek, and I stand by it: ‘If you
cannonade us, we shall dynamite you.' " Engel said: "My discoveries brought to me the
knowledge that the same societary evils exist here that exist in Germany. This, is the
explanation of what induced me to study the social, question, to become a Socialist. . . .
I came to the opinion that as long as are working-men are economically enslaved they
cannot be politically free. It ‘clear to me that the Working would never bring about a
form of society guaranteeing work, bread and a happy life by means of the ballot. ... Nor
do I deny that I too have spoken at meetings saying that if every working-man had a bomb
in his pocket capitalistic rule would soon come to an end. ... I hate and combat not the
individual capitalist, but the system that gives him those privileges. My greatest wish is
that working-men may recognise who are their friends and who are their enemies. As to my
conviction., brought about as it was, through capitalistic influence, I have not one word
to say."
Fielden said: "I learned then to hate slavery. I learned to hate kings and queens. I was a
republican though I was born in a monarchy. There are some men who never grow out of their
environments. ... I have advocated the principles of Socialism and social equality, and
for that and no other reason am I here, and is sentence of death to be pronounced upon me.
What is Socialism? Taking somebody else's property? That is what Socialism is in the
common acceptation of the term. No; but if I were to answer it as shortly as it is
answered by its enemies, I would say it is preventing somebody else from takng your
property. We claim that we are convicted not because we have committed murder. We are
convicted because we were very energetic in advocacy of the rights of Labor."
One of the blackest pages in the persecution of the foregoing heroes is the one revealing
how Mrs. Parsons was debarred from seeing her husband before his death. Parsons was
singing "Annie Laurie" when Mrs. Parsons, the evening before the execution, went to the
jail to plead for a last sad interview. She was denied an entrance, but told to come next
morning. With children and a friend she called next morning. All were hustled into a
wagon, insulted with cheap indignities, taken to dark and dirty stone cells, stripped to
the skin and searched and kept imprisoned for the day without being offered even a cup of
water! At 3 o'clock Mrs. Parsons and her children, and also Lizzie M. Holmes, were allowed
to leave the vile lock-up. No marvel, is it, that Mrs. Parsons afterwards led that
upheaving agitation which let the people of the world know the truth about the martyrdoms?
In his speech from the dock Neebe testified of other outrage as follows: - "I have been in
the Labor movement since 1865. I have seen how the police have trodden on the Constitution
of this country and crushed the Labor organisations. . . . Mrs. Holmes and Mrs. Parsons
were sitting writing in the "Zeitung" office*, when a man whom you could see was a noble
democratic officer rushed in and said: ‘What are you doing here?' Mrs. Holmes is a lady in
my eyes, and she said: ‘I am corresponding with my brother. He is the editor of a Labor
paper.' As she said that the officer snatched at the lady, and she protested as an
American woman. And as she protested, he said, ‘Shut up, you bitch, or I will knock you
down.' . . . Mrs. Parsons was called the same name by the officers. They called her a
black bitch, and wanted to knock her down." Lest we forget!! It is a relief to turn to
Captain Black's oration, delivered when the caskets containing the remains of the executed
were transferred to the Waldheim. Cried he, thrillingly: "This is practical fraternity"
(and) pointing to the caskets) "This it is to take up the cause for others. This it is to
study the welfare of the poor and oppressed rather than one's own advantage and profit."
We end with the death-agony defeated. As the four forces mounted the scaffold on their
last day they were brave and defiant members of the working-class army. As the caps and
nooses were being adjusted Spies cried, "There will come a time when our silence will be
more powerful than the voices you strangle to-day." Fischer called out, "This is the
happiest moment of my life." Engel shouted, "Hurrah for Anarchy!-" Parsons, asked, "Will I
be allowed, to speak, O men of ‘America? Let tme speak, sheriff-let the voice of the
people be heard. Oh--The trap had fallen. These men were triumphant orators. They knew how
to die. They learned in suffering what we sing in song. Yes, the article for to-morrow is
this, the review for to-morrow is "The Bomb," the oration for to-morrow is Debs. A tear
for the innocent dead, a curse for the System whose crimes are endless -then
Hurrah! hurrah! in Freedom's van are we,
Hurrah! hurrah; we march to Liberty,
To the cities of the Commune, and the glorious time to be,
Carrying the Red Flag to victory.
(transcribed from the original-spelling and grammar mistakes have been left in)
https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/MW19111110.2.25
http://www.awsm.nz/2017/11/11/the-maoriland-worker-on-the-haymarket-martyrs/
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