Anarchic all over the world - 4.12.2017

Today's Topics:

   
1.  France, Alternative Libertaire AL Novembre - history, 1907:
      Strike unites Belfast workers (fr, it, pt) [machine translation]
      (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
  
 2.  anarchist-federation.gr: Announcements - Who is the
      Anarchist Federation? (gr) [machine translation]
      (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
3.  Greece, Posted by dirty/Dwarf horse APO: Blockade at
      auctions in the Peace District and today 29/11 -- NO PEOPLE
      WITHOUT HOUSE (gr) [machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
4.  Indonesia, Questioning Anarchist's Confidence BY TERRIK
      MATAHARI - Response to Bima Satria Putra[i] [machine translation]
      (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
5.  periodico-solidaridad.cl: No, you can not be a Zionist and a
      feminist - Source: Mariam Barghouti (ca, fr, it, pt) [machine
      translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)


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Message: 1





In 1907, the city of Belfast was marked by four months of a strike that unified two 
communities, Protestants and Catholics, who had previously opposed. From April to August, 
the working class beats the rhythm of the port and industrial city of Northern Ireland. 
Back on a unitary struggle. ---- From Northern Ireland, there is only one conflict between 
two religious communities, on one side the "  Catholics  " and the other "  Protestants ". 
It is obvious that through this screen of smoke that hides other realities, the mechanisms 
are much more complex and the British colonizer seeks only one thing: exacerbate the 
tensions to divide the working class. ---- In 1907, Ireland is still a colony of the 
British Empire, political independence, not economic independence, will be in 1921 
following the Anglo-Irish treaty signed on December 6 of that year. Northern Ireland, and 
more particularly Belfast, is an industrial center, with a high concentration of 
shipbuilding, flax and tobacco factories imported and unloaded in an important port.

The situation of the workers is more than unsustainable, Belfast is a dark, industrial 
city, where poverty fills the suburbs. Between 1845 and 1852, the Great Famine, 
orchestrated by the United Kingdom, had catastrophic demographic consequences: more than 2 
million people who emigrated to Great Britain, the United States, Australia and Canada, a 
population in strong fall, to the point that it was necessary to wait until 1911 to find 
its level of 1800 (4.4 million).

At the beginning of XX th century, the working class is divided between Irish communities 
and Scots-Irish communities, the latter from the forced colonization of the XVII th 
century. A multi-month strike will unite them, echoing the uprising of the 1798 Society of 
the United Irishmen led by Wolfe Tone, an Irish-Scotsman, to free Ireland from British 
occupation and establish a republic.

The docks are getting organized

The docks of Belfast at this time gather 3 000 workers of which more than two thirds work 
for the day, the Scots and the Irish do not work in the same places, the first take care 
of the boats crossing the Irish Sea, the second the boats returning or departing for 
longer distances from the other side of the Atlantic or to settlements where workstations 
are handed down from father to son and 75-hour weeks follow one another. Despite this 
difference, the two communities live in the same area adjacent to the docks, Sailortown, 
sharing the same life, the same daily concerns where tuberculosis reigns.

This detail will not escape Jim Larkin (see below), the Irish-born secretary of the 
British union National Union of Dock Laborers, who in a few months has a membership of up 
to 2,000 workers among dockers, carters or the shipbuilding workers, coming into contact 
with the inhabitants and residents of the neighborhood.

Wage differences between skilled and unskilled laborers and workers are important, so 
workers demand a wage upgrade with the recognition of the unions in the various companies 
that regulate the life of the docks and workers. arsenals.

The events followed one another: the workers of the Sirocco Engineering Works, Belfast 
Steamship Company, owned by tobacco magnate Gallagher, went on strike, followed by the 
charters of coal. He calls on the authorities and the police to protect the scabs, the " 
yellows  ", who live on a boat so as not to be attacked by angry workers.

At the end of May, Larkin asks the strikers to return to work to consolidate the unions 
and resume the strike in the coming weeks. Returning to work, they find closed doors and 
their positions occupied by a few scabs. The employers organize the Belfast lockout and 
the workers decide to continue the strike.

Not as Catholics or Protestants, not as Nationalists or Unionists but as Belfast Workers 
Facing Together

Two months to build a general strike

The strike spreads and the strikers go down the street. As they pass, the workers at the 
Gallagher tobacco plants leave their workstations and join them. Different sectors are 
concerned about the strike: sailors, firefighters, drivers and metal founders stop work. 
In June, more than 3,000 dock workers are on strike with the demands of a minimum wage and 
the 60-hour week.

The largest companies connecting to Great Britain are particularly affected, these are the 
property of British railway groups who are worried about an extension of the strike. Daily 
meetings of strikers to keep themselves informed, stand in front of the customs house of 
the port gathering 10,000 people often brutalized by the police and the army strongly 
present in the city. The 1 st  of July, a big march is committed on the streets of Belfast 
towards the town hall headed Jim Larkin.

Daily meeting in front of the Belfast Custom House

The press speaks of "  a march in military order, without a word, where the sound of heels 
echoes throughout the city  ", the mayor's office, under the pressure of the marchers 
agrees to receive a delegation but refuses to start negotiations . In a matter of days, 
the railway agents refuse to transport the goods unloaded by the scabs and Larkin urges 
the rest of the non-strikers to engage in a sympathy strike.

During July, no goods come in or out of the port of Belfast, transport is totally blocked, 
engineers and boilermakers shipyards join the strike. The strikers attack the trucks by 
burning them and confront the troops with rivets and bolts at the same time as the scabs, 
which are led off to protect them.

Exceptional solidarities

RIC police officers, the Royal Irish Constabulary, are ordered to escort trucks carrying 
merchandise but face permanent attacks from strikers. One of the police even receives a 
telegraph machine launched from a window. Persuaded to put the people of Belfast back and 
feeling their safety in danger, the ICR agents refuse to obey the orders of the hierarchy. 
The feeling that their role is no more than to protect the interests of the Belfast 
tycoons is growing at home and the police are mutinating: a meeting of 300 policemen is 
held, calling to join the dockers on strike.

The police authorities are trying to stop the mutineers, but their colleagues respond by 
extending the strike, up to 70  % of the agents. The situation became uncontrollable, the 
mayor ordered the army to impose martial law on 1 st  August in the streets of Belfast. 
Nine warships are immediately deployed in front of the port. On 2 August, 200 police are 
forcibly transferred outside Belfast, the seven leaders of the mutiny are laid off, a 
crowd of 5,000 strikers provides support.

This strike remains a significant event in the solidarity between "  Catholics  " and " 
Protestants  ". For several centuries, in July, the Orange marches, Twelth in memory of 
William of Orange, king of England, who fought the Irish in the XVII th century and Irish 
markets are held, provoking one and other communities and ending most of the time in 
riots. The Twelth of July 26, 1907, has a specific character since the banners and 
fanfares of the two communities mix through the historically "  Protestant  " Shankill Road.

Some 100,000 demonstrators and solidarity demonstrators, forgetting their differences and 
mocking the division, head to City Hall to attend a meeting that in turn brings together 
200,000 people. Sectarianism gives way to the class struggle defying the Unionist 
authorities who refuse that "  Protestants  " join the ranks of trade unionists.

The strike ends on August 28 on the orders of NUDL Secretary General James Sexton, who is 
worried about the strike fund, which he says is leading the union to bankruptcy. He 
summons the strikers to take part in the company-by-company negotiations, thus isolating 
the workers.

Officials from the NUDL and TUC, the Trade Union Congress, had previously discussed with 
the Belfast bosses, leaving out the strikers and Larkin, negotiating a salary of 26 
shillings, much less than the claim of 27 shillings minimum, and In return, the bosses 
retain the privilege of hiring non-unionized labor to secure a pool of scabs in 
anticipation of future strikes. The troops invade the Irish neighborhoods of Falls Road, 
increasing harassment and repression and murder two activists, raising tensions between 
communities, the trap closes on the workers in struggle.

The old tensions sweep the unity with the back of the hand under the satisfied glance of 
the capitalist bosses and the British empire. The Belfast strike remains an important 
moment in the construction of Irish trade unionism and in the struggle against the British 
occupation which will accelerate in the following years and where strikes will punctuate 
the chronology, from 1913 in Dublin and Sligo to the Easter insurrection in 1916 in Dublin 
and the beginning of the war of independence in 1919. This strike marks above all, as we 
have seen, the unity of two communities that separate everything except one thing: class 
solidarity .

Martial (AL Saint Denis)

BIG JIM, A FIGURE OF REVOLUTIONARY INDEPENDENCE

Jim Larkin has made a lasting impression on the history of worker Ireland. Born in 
Liverpool in 1876, resulting from the Irish immigration, he embraced socialist ideas at 
the end of the XIX th century before engaging in the dockers' union, the National Union 
Dock Laborer. He joined Glasgow where he organized the dockers, then left for Belfast.

After the strike of 1907, he left for Dublin, where, accused of embezzlement after 
redistributing a strike fund to workers and striking workers, he was excluded from the 
union and founded the Irish Transport and General Workers' Union. In 1913 he embarked on 
the Dublin strikes, which severely opposed workers and workers against Irish employers. He 
leaves Ireland for the United States, militates at the side

from Eugene V. Debs to the Socialist Party of America and especially to the Industrial 
Workers of the World. In the early 1920s, he became a supporter of the USSR before moving 
away from Stalinism. Power plays within Irish trade unionism made him join the Irish Labor 
Party and became a member of the Irish Parliament (Dáil Éireann) before dying in 1947.

Tireless unionist, real builder of the Irish labor movement in the first part of the XX th 
century despite an enameled course more political digressions, it remains one of the 
architects of the revolutionary aspect of Irish independence from the British Empire. 
Close to trade unionist James Connolly, he worked for the creation of the Irish Citizen 
Army, which took an active part in the 1916 Easter uprising in Dublin against the British 
occupation forces.

Ireland, a revolutionary home: 1919, SOVIET DE LIMERICK

1907, 1913, 1916, dates that marked Ireland and where the excitement is felt. With the 
1917 Revolution in mind, the people of Limerick County, on the west coast of Ireland, rise 
up against the 1914 Defense of the Realm Act which imposes social control and censorship 
by the occupying British Army and which established a militarized area on the county in 
response to the War of Independence which began in January 1919. Unionist and IRA member 
Robert Byrne was killed in a city jail.

On 13 April, the general strike is declared, with 14,000 workers striking on a population 
of 38,000.

Administrations and banks are closed. A committee is set up with the population, it 
organizes the distribution of foodstuffs and declares, on April 15, the Limerick soviet 
which gives its driving licenses, while the British troops forbid the circulation between 
the cities, and prints its own currency. British laws are suspended as well as the 
maintenance of order, no looting or theft is deplored.

Currency of the Limerick Soviet

This self-management momentum is stopped by the lack of support of some trade union 
centers but especially by the union of the petty bourgeoisie, the local Church but also a 
branch of the Sinn Fein allergic to revolutionary upsurges. After twelve days of soviet, 
the army will override the ban on driving. The strike ends on April 27 with a bitter taste 
of defeat.

http://www.alternativelibertaire.org/?1907-La-greve-unifie-les-travailleurs-et-travailleuses-de-Belfast

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Message: 2





"The organization, which above all means simply co-operation and solidarity in practice, 
is a physical state essential to the functioning of society; and this is an indisputable 
truth admitted by everyone, either to the human society in general or to any group of 
people united for a common purpose." -- Errico Malatesta  ---- The Anarchist Federation is 
a horizontal organization of anarchist societies. It was founded in October 2015 as a 
result of a long process of discussions and anchorages between anarchist societies that 
began in March 2013. It consists of the following collectives ---- Athena: Anarchist 
college of N. Philadelphia --- Anarchist collectivity of Rubikon ---- Liberal Collectivism 
Empty Circle ---- Heraklion: Anarchist college Octana ---- Thessaloniki: ---- Libertarian 
Initiative of Thessaloniki ---- Ghoul: Assembly of anarchist-antiauthoritarians of Lamia

We are part of the wider social, class and revolutionary movement, the exploited and the 
oppressed, and we are struggling for social and individual liberation through the social 
revolution. We understand that the core of the social question lies in the hierarchical, 
authoritative and exploitative way of organizing society by the state and the capital and 
the exploitative and oppressive relations generated by them and by the economic and 
political inequalities. We recognize the need for another model of anarchist organization, 
taking into account the organizational deficits and problems so far.
At the threshold of the new millennium, at a time of new totalitarianism and exploitation, 
the arsenal of sovereignty is renewed. From the bombing of the Middle East and the 
establishment of neo-Nazi and totalitarian governments in eastern Europe, the 
militarization of the repressive forces within the Western States, the concentration camps 
of immigrants, global control, preventive bombing, brutal military interventions and 
institutionalization precariousness and the middle ages, the chapter confirms its 
relentless struggle towards work. Within this emerging dystopia, the forces of resistance 
have not been silent. From the incendiary European south, the movements of the American 
continent, the mass workers' resistance in China, the struggles for land in India,
True to revolutionary internationalism and to the organization of domestic revolutionary 
political and class forces, we are trying to create a political body that will strengthen 
and strengthen resistance, help interconnect individual struggles, and aggregate some in 
the direction of the social revolution. We declare ourselves in the blatant class war, 
united against statehood and reformism, staring at the teachings of the past and the 
legacy of historical anarchism, hoping to contribute as much as possible to supporting the 
anarchist communist program. Against the plurality, to oppose organization and struggle, 
to get out of the monster's belly and face the light of social liberation.
Why Leviathan will be killed by the slaves' spears ...
Organized, Anti-Constitutional, Anti-Parliamentary
for the Social Revolution, Freedom and Communism
for Anarchy

W       
Statute
Print and other propaganda material

W       
Foundational Announcement
The founding proclamation of the Anarchist Federation

W       
The 21 points
Organizational, tactical and strategic goals of the federation at the juncture

W       
Pre-Conference Dialogue
The public pre-conference dialogue will be completed with the 1st regular conference.

http://anarchist-federation.gr/

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Message: 3





Today, the first day of auctioning in the district courts, after the abdication of 
notaries, ended up with the exclusion of the Patras Peace Patriot. The gathering involved 
hundreds of people. Notaries did not appear, while there was a discreet presence of 
insurers around the courthouse. ---- However, the government's crackdown on competitors 
has begun in Athens and Thessaloniki, where auctions and auctions have been imposed on 
wood and chemicals. ---- As anarchists, we understand the crucial importance in today of 
the building of a class and uninvolved movement, organized into the base and fighter, away 
from nationalist groups, party manipulation and institutional mediation. We are 
participating in the struggle against the sell off of popular dwelling and property, fully 
aware that in order for this struggle to be victorious, it must first and foremost aim at 
the principal responsible for the looting of the life of the majority of society, that is 
to the state itself and the banks , in his capital and his minions. And overturn them by 
building a world of equality, solidarity and freedom.

We renew the appointment for the following Wednesday at the Patras Peace Court. We are 
alert for the launch of electronic auctions.

Solidarity with those who struggle against the plunder of our lives by the state and capital.

Fighting resistance - Social self-organization - Classical solidarity

https://ipposd.wordpress.com/

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Message: 4





I would like to thank Bima for trying to explain his point and to answer my 
suspicions.[ii]All have been answered. And I was wrong from the beginning, for having 
responded (actually not seriously) to the extraordinary writing of the ignorant.[iii]I 
should realize that this is not a matter of misunderstanding. This is belief, it is about 
the anarchist faith. So as an unbeliever and accused too seriously, I want to repeat the 
mistake while joking seriously for the last time in an effort to mendemistifikasi Bima 
belief especially in his article entitled: Still Subject Primates: Finish What We Do not 
Start . ---- There are some interesting things in the article, but I generally conclude 5 
things, that Bima: ---- Refusing to distinguish anarchist is anarchist, marxis is marxis . 
(Believe in: "the possibility of a synthetic diversity of both ")
Believe in the dictatorship of the proletariat . (Propose: " dictatorship by the 
proletariat , in the form of a self-government, when the proletariat represses and clears 
the remnants of the 'old world' by its own power, in its various forms, whether it be 
councils, communes or free associations" )
Believe in pioneering ( vanguardism ) . (Seeing: " the intellectual capacity of each 
different person " therefore "has no problem to be led by people who are considered more 
capable and powerful " and requires that: " These 'leaders' will only work together in the 
spirit of fraternity and equality, in an egalitarian setting " )
Believing anarchism as the key answer . (" Deciding to make anarchism (specifically 
anarchist-communism and its various traditions) a 'key answer' by placing it as the goal 
of a thorough social change over most of the current problems" )
The consequences of points (2) and (3) are excessive belief in the masses .
This paper will specifically respond to the five (5) beliefs of Bima mentioned above:

Responses to points (1):

Anarchists are anarchists and marxists are marxists. To come to this conclusion, we must 
define what is Marx, Marxism, Marxism, Anarchy, Anarchism and Anarchism. Likewise with 
Libertarian Marxism , Autonomist Marxism and Marxism-Leninism . That way we know that 
there are figures, there are sociopolitical ideas and theories, there is an ideology, 
there is an interpretation of thought and there are people or groups of people who use 
certain thoughts either as approach, method and analysis, as practice or as ideals.
If we recognize that: "the possibility of a synthetic diversity " between anarchism and 
Marxism by saying that: "it is quite possible that an anarchist uses some Marxian analysis 
without being a Marxist," we basically admit that two things are different: Marxists are 
Marxists and anarchists are anarchist. By identifying the differences, then we know what 
can be synthesized. Because synthesis can only be done on two different elements or 
elements: a + b = ab. Carbon (C) + Oxygen (O 2 ) = Carbon dioxide (CO 2 ).
If we identify Marxists as individuals who use Marxist teachings and Marxism as grip, then 
it can be said: Marxists are those who are faithful to Marx's teachings as well as 
obedient in applying Marxism and therefore obliged to abstract the ideas and methods 
offered by Marx in an effort to the ideals of communism . This is different from an 
anarchist that is not singular, multi-variance and there is no central figure in it. If we 
identify anarchists as individuals who base anarchism in all its variants as ideas and 
practices, then it can be claimed: Anarchists are those who are unfaithful to the 
teachings of the characters (firmly rejecting the personality?) And disobedient in 
applying existing isms ( expressly rejects the ism?), and hence it is free to articulate 
all sorts of approaches, theories, methods and so forth in an attempt to aspire. It is 
therefore not forbidden for anarchists to read Marx texts or to use some of Marxist 
analysis (if desired). Moreover, it seems that anarchists have not moved on from their 
friendly experience with the Marxists, where everyone knows, one often betrays and one 
often forgives (forgetful?).
Libertarian Marxism , Autonomist Marxism, etc., is a partial marriage of ideas and 
practices between the tendencies of anarchism and marxism. There has never been a complete 
synthesis, so I have not (yet) ever heard of an anarchist marx, or an anarchist marxist. 
But I do not know, the possibility is always there, who would have thought if there was a 
fruit-flavored condom?
Certainly trapped in the anarchist dichotomy and the marxis is less work, I do not intend 
to propose sectarian segregation between tendencies. But it is funny if one identifies 
oneself in one tendency but fails to show the difference with the other. If it fails to 
find the difference it must fail to find common ground (if any). So there are those who 
say: "I am anarcho, and I do not like labeling!" Jeng ..
Responses to points (2):

Whatever its form, dictatorship is a dictatorship, it contains an inherent authoritarian 
character in it. Although tampered with from: the dictatorship of the proletariat to 
dictatorship by the proletariat he means the same. Dictatorship is a manifestation of 
domination. The dictatorship by the proletariat is also what Marx intended in: The Class 
Struggles in France, 1848 - 1850 , when the term was used as a form of appreciation for 
the achievements of the Paris Commune, while affirming its opposition to the bourgeois 
dictatorship. The claim of the Paris Commune as an example of the dictatorship of the 
proletariat was later repeated by Lenin. On the other hand Bakunin rejected it by writing: 
" They say that such a yoke - dictatorship is a transitional step towards achieving full 
freedom for the people: anarchism or freedom is the aim, while state and dictatorship is 
the means, and so, in order to free the masses of people, they have first to be enslaved![iv]"
I have not found a text that states that forms such as councils, communes, or free 
associations are formed as a dictatorship of the proletariat in addition to claims of 
those not involved in it. None of the communard members claimed that the Paris Commune was 
a form of dictatorship of the proletariat, other than Marx and Lenin, of course. According 
to Vsevolod Mikhailovich Eikhenbaum aka Volin, the first soviet formed in January 1905 in 
St.Petersburg Russia, was a workers council that campaigned for an autonomous workers 
movement, and had nothing to do with the dictatorship of the proletariat, as well as other 
soviets, until the Bolshevik present.
How can a liberation effort be pursued by oppression? This is the morality of slaves, the 
hatred of oppression is mutated in two forms; enjoying the oppression or reproduction of 
oppression. Because his hatred was born of a sense of helplessness over power, his effort 
was to turn things around; seizing power instead of destroying it. Being in power instead 
of being free. Rebellion should be seen as an attempt to seize freedom rather than seize 
power. So social wars are the materialization of consciousness, not jealousy and envy.
Although there are many groups or individuals within the anti-authoritarian circle that 
discuss the model of anarchist society of the future, but there is no single agreement in 
it. Some even doubted the whole: model , anarchist society , and the future itself. To be 
sure, anarchists reject any form of oppression, the prison concept for example remains 
denied to this day. Tolerating dictatorships means tolerating oppression.
In answering questions such as how to deal with threats and / or what is called Bima as: 
counter-revolutionaries , anarchists propose self-defense and mutual defense . As part of 
direct action, it is useful not only in dealing with state and capitalist oppression, but 
also useful in the face of rogues, psychopaths and sociopaths, as well as delegitimizing 
the role of law enforcement .
Responses to points (3):

The only anarchist publication that Vanguard uses as its name is Vanguard: A Libertarian 
Communist Journal run by a syndicalist anarchist group called Vanguard Group in New York 
City (1932-1939). Based on the history of its formation and some of its written content it 
is clear that this publication is still affected by pioneering work. By the end of 1938 
one of its founders Mark Schmidt praised Stalin's economic achievements and invited his 
anarchist associates to join the previously rejected United Front. Sam Dolgoff (a 
syndicalist) calls Mark Schmidt a communist hypocrite who pretends to be 
anarchist.[v]There are several publications that use vanguard as a name, such as: Vanguard 
Press (1926-1988), is a publisher in the United States that publically publishes 
socialist-themed books and The Vanguard (January-March 1853) was founded by George Julian 
Harney socialist media publications. This means there is no special anarchist publication 
that uses the name Vanguard before 1917.
Pioneering ( vanguardism ) presupposes a mass of passive and fearful masses while also 
conditioning the shepherds. Pioneering legitimizes representation above presentation. This 
character subordinates the individual to the decision of a person or group of people and 
ignores individual initiatives.
Glorification of leader icons is only done by two parties: the cowards and the hypocrites. 
The coward did so in anticipation of the arrival of martyrs and messiahs who would walk in 
front of them when the war took place. While the hypocrites do it because it keeps the 
rottenness in their hearts for one day to come to power. Therefore, even if it must be, 
only the conscious brave will say: There will be no Rojava without Rojava warriors, there 
will be no Paris Commune without communards, there will be no anarchist insurrection in 
Ukraine without farmers and anarchist workers!!
Recognition of the uniqueness of each individual also means the recognition of potential 
and weaknesses, and the celebration of difference. But discriminating individuals into 
capacity and intellectual ability is a form of specialization recognition, which agrees 
with human separation in the work specification as the basis of the division of labor. It 
also means the legitimacy of the intellectual bourgeoisie, as well as the denial of the 
unique potential of each individual. It is this denial which then legitimizes the terms of 
community empowerment, empowerment, capacity building, etc., which is actually fooling and 
weakening.
Each individual has potential. Again, potential, not capacity. Capacity can be measurable 
but not with potential. Capacity can be converted to the equivalent of certain units, but 
in the potential stored possibilities are unexpected. It's nice to know that some 
individuals have been wary of one or more areas, such as art. Then share with others. Or 
some of them are very significant develop the potential of uniqueness and invite others to 
get involved in the process or just enjoy. That we can sit together while having dialogue 
on many things without the need for dominance and nod of heads due to the recognition of 
other capacities better than others, so that anyone can pour wine in a glass without 
waiting for a turn.
Knowledge of evolution, for example, does not require the intellectual capacity as 
described by Bima. As a person of formal education, Bima should admit that material on 
evolution has been obtained from junior high school level.[Vi]The issue is up to the 
individual to consider it important to be studied or not, willing to be speculative or 
serious. Of course it's about individual interests and interests. Moreover, there is much 
evidence that there is no need to be a biologist to know about evolution. Kropotkin, for 
example, is not a biologist, but explains at length about mutual aid , as a critique of 
Darwin and a misconception of evolution by social darwinists. This thus denied the 
argument that only biologists could speak biology and only mathematicians could speak 
mathematics. As well as prove that there is no complicated science if we want to learn. 
Not a few agricultural scholars who learn from farmers who never know what is nutrients 
and soil chemistry, or marine science scholars learn from fishermen who never know about 
the dynamics of the beach and oceanography. This is probably what I understand from a song 
lyrics: "everyone is a teacher, my school universe" or from the spirit of " do it yourself 
" or " do it with your friends ".
After all, if Marx is not born then there is no more value-sucking? Or is it that if 
Kropotkin during his youth decides to admit his prince title and does not travel to 
Siberia then mutual aid does not exist? Of course not, because as long as there is 
capitalism then the exertion of more value will always exist. And as long as there is 
organism activity then mutual aid will still exist. The presence or absence of Proudhon, 
Bakunin, etc., anarchists will remain. If Bakunin was never born then the character of 
collectivism does not exist? Of course not. Or if there is no punk subculture in Indonesia 
then anarchism will not exist in Indonesia?
What I want to say is: Waiting for the pioneer is to wait for the messiah ...!! I do not 
need messiah, dude ...!!
Responses to points (4):

The answer will be true to the right question. 2 would be the correct answer for: 1 + 1, 
3-1, 4-2, etc., otherwise 2 can not be used as the correct answer for: 4 + 4 or 3 + 5. 
Thus 2 as an answer only applies to certain questions. Or in other words 2 can not be used 
as the correct answer for all mathematical questions. 2 will remain as a number without 
any questions, but 2 as the answer will apply correctly to the correct question. Or try 
with others; the chair will still exist without any question: what is the name of the 
place to sit? But the chair in answer will apply correctly to the question and apply as 
the wrong answer to the question eg: what is the name of the place for boker?
If the above is acknowledged then the next condition applies: true-false is determined not 
only by how accurately he or she answers the question but is also bound by space and time. 
Let's look at an example: One of the causes of differences in views between Darwin is more 
emphasis on competition and Kropotkin is more to see that in addition to competition there 
is also mutual aid as a driving factor of evolution, is the location and time of 
observation of both different. Let's see, Darwin's observation location on the Galapagos 
Islands: geographically small, isolated sea, temperate climate, there are only two 
seasons, and resources are very limited in meeting the needs of the population. While the 
location of Kropotkin's observations in Siberia: geographically broad, not isolated by the 
sea, extreme climatic conditions, there are four seasons, but more resources than the 
population. The question is the same, what is the factor of evolution in the mechanism of 
natural selection? The answer is different due to different space and time. But is 
competition and mutual aid a driving force in the success of evolution? Yes! That way the 
answer will apply to certain questions based on space and time.
But to space and time, the answer is not seen in the concept of absolute and relative, 
because it should be remembered that the character of capital expansion today is to 
differentiate as well as uniform space and time. Therefore we will see differences such as 
the development of infrastructure in different regions, but immediately know that the same 
spirit: oppression and exploitation. For example the MP3EI scheme that divides Indonesia 
by economic zones. Or how exploitation is basically the same for factory workers and 
white-collar workers, but in different forms, so it seems clear to the harsh laborers but 
so vague in white-collar workers. Oppression and exploitation come in many different 
forms, in different spaces and times, but singular in character.
Therefore the answer is not relative, the question must be relativized. That means the 
question should be lowered, that's why we need a set of questions. In addition to avoiding 
the trap of empiricism, the right questions show how much we understand the problems.
Even if anarchism is the answer it is not because it is decided or made but because it 
applies to certain questions. So anarchism must be derived in concrete methods or 
questions, such as: can consensus be an appropriate and efficient mechanism for decision 
making? What is the right size and efficiency? How to do it appropriately and efficiently? 
Under what conditions can immediate action be taken? Or how to look at the ecological 
crisis in an anarchist perspective? What is an anarchist perspective? This is done not to 
seek justification but to prove right or wrong. Because in answer he must be proved 
right-wrong. When the answer is still possible , it also preserves the possibility that 
there is a path that must be taken to ensure it is not merely true, one of them through 
experimentation.
Experimentation as part of a method must take a variety of forms. As Einstein said, only 
crazy people expect different results from the same way. Anarchists have many methods, and 
none are superior to one another. Also many methods are synthesized. All are effective 
when done in consideration for a particular purpose. So I do not think there is the most 
revolutionary size between those who throw glasses with those who do bossnapping, because 
they are not answers, both are attempts at answering questions, both of which are tactics. 
So black block for example must be seen as a tactic, not a goal, it is a means. It is the 
same as insurrection, it is a method. So anyone can do insureksi. It is amnesia to say 
insurrection belongs only to the illegalists, or exclusively to the individualist group, 
for example, because there is little insurrectionary activity perpetrated by anarchist, 
syndicalist and platformist communist groups. In fact, specific insurrection does not 
belong to anarchists, since it is also practiced by many groups.
There is no problem if Bima " decides to make anarchism the key answer by placing it as 
the goal of comprehensive social change over most of the current problems ". What matters 
to me is three things: First, is it the right answer or not? Second, true to what 
question? Third, what is the basis of deciding to make? This must also be explained from 
the blurring of two definitions: answers and ideals.
The attempt to answer the question and question this answer is not to make anarchism 
limited to the field of science or to apply it as an instrument of social analysis; this 
is the attempt to demystify anarchism, destroy its sanctity, so that it is not merely a 
utopian idea of langitan, it must be concreted or completely forgotten . So he is not a 
word and his confession not because of faith. It is also so that we can distinguish what 
is initiative and spontaneity and what is reactionary.
This is of course unimportant to me accused of being selfish and anti-social, but it seems 
to be important to those who are targeting the social revolution. It's nothing, but just 
like a scriptural seller, the truth is a high price.
Responses to points (5):

One of the foundations of anarchism is individual autonomy. Anarchism recognizes the 
individual as an entity and rejects the forms of human domination and exploitation of man 
and man over nature. Whatever the anarchist variant from the far left to the far right, 
individual autonomy is one of the starting points. All kinds of variants of social 
anarchism still presuppose the freedom of the individual within the sphere of social equality.
Of course the individual presence presupposes the other individual. As an organism that 
can not divide, the presence of a human must require two parental individuals. But whether 
the significance of the new individual is in the collective or not, we can still debate.
Through the recognition of individual autonomy and the existence of consent in a 
relationship made consciously and equally, then free association can be created. So that 
each individual is a revolutionary subject who will speak for himself and make it possible 
to take his own initiative. When that happens then an autonomous group can say: "us."
Man is a social and anti-social creature at the same time, Novatore said. As a creature of 
thought and consciousness, human beings have their own desires, sharing with each other is 
of course an option. So the collective interest should be seen as the interests of the 
individuals involved. Because anarchists understand that capitalism and the power of the 
state run in social relations, it is important to look back at the relationship so as not 
to be merely the relationship of production, control and exploitation.
There is no difference that can be fully integrated, the differences can only be 
celebrated through free association. There are therefore only two ways of realizing unity: 
cooperation and repression.
Cooperation and repression here must not be seen in black and white. These are two sides 
of the coin. Because the co-operation in the state regime and capitalism is a more tacky 
batman trap from reality shows . Partnerships, empowerment, etc. are examples. This 
cooperative also contains the character of repression. Want an example? Papua and Aceh I 
think enough! Because the real definition of NKRI is: join or be destroyed!
Anarchists, of course, accept co-ops while resisting repression. Well, in the 
intepretation of the matter of cooperation is a lot of debate going on. As an 
organization, for example, anarchists disagree on some matters relating to the need for 
organization, its form and nature, number, etc. Anarchist, syndicalist, collectivist 
communist variants, etc., see that there is a need for formal organization, some even 
proposing a permanent mass organization. While some of these inividualis-nihilis propose a 
temporary informal organization. Others reject any organization of its form.
Humans tend to group in small sizes, this group is based on many factors: kinship, 
regionalism, etc. Small groups generally have a tight bond and solid. Several associations 
between autonomous groups in the past occurred with the spirit of mutual aid , they will 
conduct a temporary union with other groups when for example to deal with invasions from 
outside groups, or unfortunate events. The mutual relationship is of course not only 
related to threats, but related to other associations such as trade, etc. While the 
incorporation of small groups into larger groups, goes hand in hand with the history of 
conquest.
The belief in the number comes with the history of conquest. One of the requirements of 
the type of domesticated animal is the animal that is socially clustered. Why? Because it 
tends to be hierarchical and easily controlled. And believe me it also happens to humans. 
The number becomes important in the army, colonies, slaves, etc. The bigger the better. 
Consequently, count against the amount.
So even if there is a need, associations of groups or communities, whether in solidarity, 
etc., must be seen as a free association, not a union. So large or small scale is not 
about the amount but about how massive or not.
Additional responses:

Yes, the adventure is fun. If Emma Goldman wants to dance in her revolution, I want an 
adventure, with or without revolution. What is the use of life without the joy of each 
individual?
If only to find that " we are under the same sky " then my advice, no need to go to the 
forest or look at the stars. Yes, but this is the consequence, there are two types of 
people who enter the forest, those who just want to know what's in the forest and those 
who want to know what is going on in the forest. I am not surprised at this, it is this 
first-person type who comes to an action or to a community of people who are fighting and 
then fascinated with what is there, without trying to understand what is happening or what 
has happened: yes, photographed, , upload on medsos, use caption: keep fight!, long life 
anarchy! ... bla..bla..bla ...
And yes, in response, what I am talking about here must be in doubt, for surely this is 
not a word to be respected.
Note

[i]This is a response to the writings of Bima Satria Putra entitled: Still Subject 
Primates: Complete What We Do not Start: 
http://anarkis.org/masih-perihal-primata-finish-what-be-not-started/

[ii]The writing of Bima is actually a response to my writings entitled: Primates, 
Evolution, Anarchism. See: http://anarkis.org/primata-evolution-anarkisme-part-1/

[iii]View: http://anarkis.org/primata-hierarki-revolution/

[iv]Mikhail Bakunin. 1873. Statism and Anarchy .

[v]Sam Dolgoff. 1986. Fragments: A Memoir . Refract Publications. Cambridge. P. 23.

[vi]See the syllabus of Junior High School / Madrasah Tsanawiyah (SMP / MTS) special 
subjects of Natural Science Subjects issued by the Ministry of Education and Culture 2017, 
for Class IX, the subject matter of character inheritance is included, in which there are 
sub- adaptation and natural selection. This syllabus is adapted to the syllabuses of the 
previous year.

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Message: 5





At the checkpoint in Qalandia, in Occupied Palestine, I saw two Israeli women firing tear 
gas at a crowd of protesting young Palestinians. A bomb bounced and hit a child in the 
arm. The uniformed woman who was firing starts to laugh. His colleague patted his shoulder 
proudly as the two stuffed their weapons. ---- At that time, I felt that the intimidating 
consequences of oppression are familiar to all Palestinians. But I also felt betrayed as a 
woman. I had confronted these soldiers from woman to woman, naively thinking that we were 
supposed to be united in the struggle against patriarchy. However, here I am, watching 
them enforce. ---- As the feminist author Bell Hooks points out, patriarchy is a complete 
system of domination. The feminist struggle is opposed not only to the alarming sexism of 
patriarchy, but also to all forms of oppression. It is a message that I have absorbed for 
a long time through the teachings of my own mother, who constantly guided me to practice 
an inclusive and intersectional feminism. He often warned me that I must recognize the 
powers of domination in all its manifestations, even within Palestinian society, if I 
aspire to implement genuine feminism. Through their teachings and my own experiences, it 
became clear to me that Zionism, as perpetually expressed in Palestine, contradicts the 
core of feminism in the execution of its oppressive policies.
When I hear someone defending Zionism while also identifying as a feminist, my mind 
focuses on the images of night raids, the torture of children and the demolition of 
houses. But I also think about those military women who participate casually in 
everything, including the former Israeli soldier and "Wonder Woman" Gal Gadot, who 
expressed her love and support for the Israel Defense Forces, when they bombed and killed 
thousands of Palestinians and Palestinians in Gaza in 2014.
Being feminist and Zionist is a conceptual contradiction, because the Zionist feminist is 
an accomplice in the propagation of supremacy and domination over a people on the one 
hand, while, on the other hand, it demands the end of patriarchy. In fact, the Zionist 
feminist is reminiscent of another type of feminist: the white feminist. Women of color 
have historically been marginalized within the feminist movement, mainly because white 
women suffocate racial justice issues and downplay the specific oppressions faced by 
people of color because of their race, ethnicity, and class. This negligence was often 
justified by working for collective brotherhood. But as Hooks eloquently explains: "As 
long as women use class, race or power to dominate other women, the feminist brotherhood 
can not be fully realized. " Fundamentally, feminism can not support racism, supremacy and 
oppressive domination in any way.
El sionismo a menudo se predica como un llamado a una patria judía para asegurar que los 
horrores de la opresión antisemita no vuelvan a ocurrir. En esta narrativa simplificada, 
sin embargo, lo que se oscurece es el hecho de que esta búsqueda de una patria fue 
iniciada por una agencia colonizadora, lo que significaba apropiación ipso facto de la 
tierra y la cultura, y despojar a las personas que vivían en la región durante miles de años.
These thefts of land and violations of human dignity and international law continue in the 
name of Zionism on a regular basis, perpetuating the suffering of an entire population and 
the denial of their basic human rights on the basis of ethnicity and race. That's why I'm 
tired of the Zionist feminist. She deliberately ignores that Zionism has advanced itself 
through innumerable human rights violations.
I remember moments when I was detained by Israeli forces after protesting against a 
soldier who fired tear gas directly at Palestinian children. While I was waiting for the 
degradation, I was disconcerted and angry at the military women. They were the ones who 
carried out my arrest, they mistreated me, they insulted me and they did not say anything 
while the soldiers verbally and sexually harassed me, calling me "bitch" and "bitch". The 
women felt some embarrassment for a moment, then returned and laughed with their colleagues.
Feminism emerged to fight against the silencing and exploitation of women, confronting the 
powers that suppress and control a whole segment of the population. What continues to 
happen in Palestine under the banner of Zionism is exactly this, the silencing of an 
entire population and the prohibition against protesting against violent territorial 
annexation. Israel is involved in the mass incarceration of Palestinian civil society and 
in a siege of entire towns and cities.
Palestinians and Palestinians have been suffering a military occupation for more than 70 
years and those with Israeli citizenship face more than 50 discriminatory laws. Calling 
yourself a Zionist feminist means granting de facto support to patriarchal domination, 
since Israel incorporates the same roles and techniques that have long been, and continue 
to be, used against women. Being a Zionist today means supporting not only the idea of a 
Jewish state and Jewish sovereignty, but also the real policies of Israel as they manifest 
themselves on the ground.
More specifically, Zionism means maintaining the liberties and privileges of Israeli Jews 
at the expense of the Palestinians, including those of the global diaspora who wish to return.
When I consider all of the above I return to Hooks, who wrote that "a true feminist policy 
always leads us from slavery to freedom, from the absence of love to love". Feminism can 
not be selective. Its framework comes from the true and absolute liberation not only of 
women, but of all peoples. This is the reason why Zionism and feminism can not be merged.
A feminist who is not also anti-colonial, anti-racist and who opposes various forms of 
injustice is selectively and oppressively serving the interests of a single segment of the 
world community. The alternative I am suggesting to the Zionist feminist is to recognize 
and join the struggles against systematic oppression. Be brave enough and stand up against 
the many faces of subjugation and inequality, and embrace feminism as the formidable and 
all-encompassing force it can be.

http://www.periodico-solidaridad.cl/2017/11/29/no-tu-no-puedes-ser-sionista-y-feminista/

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