Today's Topics:
1. France, Alternative Libertaire AL Novembre - Interview,
Pierre (farmer): " Standards have not stopped mad cow " (fr, it,
pt) [machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
2. Australia, collective action: The right to march MUST be
defended -- Demonstrators defy police intimidation, NOVEMBER 24
(a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
3. anarkismo.net: Black Friday is stinking! by ICE of Ioannina
(a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
4. Czech, afed: November 17th without pathos - Report from the
Prague demonstration of the non-parliamentary and
anti-authoritarian left [machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
----------------------------------------------------------------------
Message: 1
On May 20, Jerome Laronze was killed by gendarmes [1]. He was a cow farmer in
Saône-et-Loire, on the run following a harassment of administrative and health checks.
During the evenings paying homage to him, the " Outs-norm " collective was born. Pierre,
himself breeder in the Puy-de-Dôme, is here part of the analyzes and objectives of this
collective. ---- Libertarian alternative: It is the death of Jérôme Laronze who is at the
origin of the constitution of the collective " Hors-norm ". Why ? ---- Pierre: Partly yes.
The death of Jerome Laronze was experienced as a shock and a trigger by many farmers.
Since then, we find ourselves in Mâcon, Square de la Paix, the 20th of each month, to
follow up his death and deepen his thoughts and his fight. His death occurs in a context
where the existence of a farmer's agriculture is endangered. The creation of the
collective also comes from the release of two books that feed our thinking on standards in
the agricultural sector. That of Yannick Ogor, The Impossible Peasant and that of Xavier
Noulhianne, The Household of the Fields [2]. Jerome Laronze, too, denounced: "
Hyper-administration, which brings nothing to farmers except humiliation and
bullying.[...]My case is anecdotal but it illustrates the ultra-regulation that leads to
the destruction of the peasants."
What are your thoughts on standards ?
Yannick Ogor and Xavier Noulhianne explain how public policies have favored the
concentration of agricultural production resources in the hands of agribusiness. Until the
1990s, this policy was based on an abundance of subsidies related to farm size and
production volumes, state support for market prices, creating overproductions and
agricultural crises that eliminated smaller farms and enriched productivist operators and
industrialists. Industrial agrifood empires have been formed thanks to public funding.
Then the World Trade Organization has prescribed another solution for states to support
agribusiness: management by standards. Under the pretext of protecting people and saving
the planet, we are putting in place health and environmental standards that are much
easier to pay for when you are a big farmer. Standards upgrades are also subsidized: only
those who can afford standards benefit from subsidies. And these standards, misleading in
their intentions, enjoy a widely shared social approval: it is the mirror with larks of an
alleged quality of food which makes it possible to pass over the forced industrialization
to which they participate actively. those who have the means to meet standards benefit
from subsidies. And these standards, misleading in their intentions, enjoy a widely shared
social approval: it is the mirror with larks of an alleged quality of food which makes it
possible to pass over the forced industrialization to which they participate actively.
those who have the means to meet standards benefit from subsidies. And these standards,
misleading in their intentions, enjoy a widely shared social approval: it is the mirror
with larks of an alleged quality of food which makes it possible to pass over the forced
industrialization to which they participate actively.
Yes, but traceability, hygiene, protection of the environment, is it not essential to
protect us from these same agro-industries ?
These standards allow agricultural products to cross the planet without endangering
industrial interests and falsely reassuring consumers. The implementation of standards
could not prevent mad cow, green algae or horse lasagna. On the contrary, the
industrialization of agriculture has been accompanied by the massive use of toxic
products. It must be understood that these standards, while putting small farms directly
at a disadvantage, do not at all ensure the development of an agriculture respectful of
consumers and the environment. An example: the Voynet law standardizing the spreading has
precipitated the end of small pig farms in Brittany and favored the concentration of pig
farming in large farms, hence a systematization of the industrial breeding,
The state does not aim to protect the population against big business. They work in the
same direction. The latter rely on the state to help them eliminate competition, smaller
farms, and establish agro-industrial sectors.
This collective was formed outside any union framework. Why ?
One member is a member of the CNT-FTTE (Federation of Land and Environment Workers), the
others are not unionized. If the FNSEA denounces standards, it is always in a liberal
perspective. As for the Confédération paysanne, it makes the choice to defend " good
standards ", which would favor farm products. This is a real point of disagreement and in
our opinion an illusion. The peasant Confederation would also like the establishment of a
charter of " good control ", which is antinomic. This union still has a good image, that
of a wrestling union, but in fact does not lend itself easily to the game of co-management
(the union's support for the administrative management of the agricultural sector).
What are the solutions provided by the "collective Above-standard " ?
We no longer want to lie, hide and arrange to believe that we are complying with standards
that are made to eliminate us.
We are still at the stage of reflection [3], but some tracks are already mentioned. We are
slowly creating a movement of agricultural resistance. We can decide to collectively
refuse a control, go to a farmer who wants it and is controlled by the administration, and
prevent the holding of control. We could also draw inspiration from a collective that
existed in Italy and organized " non-standard " markets by telling consumers " we
guarantee that these products have been made outside of the standards and that this is the
only way they are good to eat and allow us to live .
We need to be able to organize ourselves between farmers and farmers, to find culture and
the political practice of agricultural struggle, to engage the conflict with the
administration. On the other hand we must develop in the population the idea that
standards are tools to destroy the autonomy of farmers.
The solution to health and environmental problems involves deindustrialization of
agriculture and collective choices of production between farmers and women and consumers ;
a self-managed social construction, neither liberal nor state because both work against
the population, against the farmers, and against the self-supporting activities.
Interviewed by Epic (AL Auvergne)
To contact the collective: hors.norme@riseup.net
[1] " Jerome Laronze, peasant, killed by gendarmes: the story of the incredible drama ",
on Reporterre.net.
[2] Editions of Bout de la Ville: The Impossible Peasant, stories of struggles, Y. Ogor,
June 2017 ; The cleaning of the field, Chronicle of a breeder XXI th century X.
Noulhianne, in October 2016.
[3] On October 28 and 29, 2017, the national collective meetings took place in Cenves
(69). Reviews available soon.
http://www.alternativelibertaire.org/?Interview-de-Pierre-agriculteur-Les-normes-n-ont-pas-empeche-la-vache-folle
------------------------------
Message: 2
Over the past four days we have watched with horror, disgust and anger as Papua New
Guinean police, immigration and navy, under the effective direction of the Australian
government, have beaten and brutalized refugees detained on Manus Island. ---- This
violent outburst came as the Australian government sought to break a determined and
courageous protest by the refugees on Manus. Over a year ago the PNG supreme court ruled
that the Australian government's Manus Island refugee prison was unlawful. Australia has
sought to circumvent this decision by simply moving refugees from one prison to another.
After four years of imprisonment the 600 men remaining in the Manus Island prison decided
to resist, and refused to be moved. ---- In the words of Iranian journalist and refugee
Behrouz Boochani: ---- The reality inside Manus prison and the reasons for the refugee
resistance are totally different to what is stated in some media and claimed in official
public statements. When the refugees engage in discussions, all their dialogues have one
thing in common: "We won't put up with being incarcerated anymore. We have no energy left
to go from this prison to another prison. We haven't committed any crime and we can't
tolerate prison any longer."
The refugees detained on Manus have shown immense courage and determination in resisting
the persecution and violence perpetrated at the behest of the Australian government. Their
stand demands our active support and solidarity. Responding to this demand requires all
the tools of protest at our disposal.
It is not good enough for refugee advocates to simply "bear witness", to confine ourselves
to politely asking the government to stop being so evil please, or to moan on about how
the government doesn't act "in our name". The crisis on Manus Island must become a
political crisis in Australia.
However, Manus Island will not become a crisis in Australia unless the forces who purport
to act in solidarity with refugees are prepared to take the action needed to make it a
crisis. The challenge is that for twenty years, the barbarian treatment of refugees has
had bipartisan political support. Both the Liberal and Labor parties have done their part
implementing, maintaining, and deepening the brutality of the border regime. They have
done this with the support or apathetic acquiescence of an apparent majority in Australian
society.
That said, the situation is not and has never been impossible. A determined and sizeable
social movement can force a government and a society to make change. But again, in order
to do this, it must create a situation in which its demands can no longer be ignored. The
challenge has always been to build a campaign that that forces everyone in our society to
pay attention, to decide which side they are on, and to act. The crisis on Manus demands
disruptive protest; sit-ins, lock-ons, barricades, rallies, blockades, and yes, even marches.
We are seeing signs of this movement emerging, but we are also seeing challenges and push
back from the state.
All too often, social movements in Australia forget that the "right to protest" is not
derived from some piece of legislation nor is it handed down from on high by a benevolent
government. The methods, types and extent of "acceptable" protest are defined through a
process of conflict. The space of protest is a contested space, and the only rights we
ever have in that space are the ones we successfully demand, defend and exercise.
On any issue that challenges the state, the political status quo and business as usual;
the police and the state stand in opposition to the right to protest. At every juncture,
the state seeks to push back against the "rights" that social movements have achieved. New
laws are passed, new police powers granted, and new penalties are imposed. As we continue
to experiment with new ways of protesting, and as our campaigns achieve the disruption
that is necessary to force change, the state and its repressive instruments push back.
Every time the state pushes back, we are faced with a choice. We either acquiesce and
retreat, or fight to exercise the right to protest that we've claimed. If we concede in
the face of an attack on the right to demonstrate, we progressively lose the rights of
protest that were hard won. Whenever the police try and restrict the right to protest, we
must push back.
The right to march is under threat in Melbourne. Over several years demonstrators in
diverse movements (notably the series Stop the Forces Closures rallies) have claimed the
right to both march and occupy certain public intersections for the purposes of protest.
Victoria Police doubtless despise this practice, and have gradually (and at times
forcefully) moved to restrict this form of protest.
Which brings us back to the action necessary in response to the situation on Manus. For
the past three weeks the Refugee Action Collective has called for Friday evening rallies,
marches and sit-ins, and for the past three weeks Victoria Police have mobilised dozens of
mounted police and hundreds of public order response officers to restrict these marches.
Police block a road to prevent demonstrators marching.
The police are making a claim about what is acceptable in protest. For the length of this
campaign, the standard protest practice has been a rally at the State Library almost
invariably followed by a march to Flinders Street station. For three weeks Victoria Police
have blocked the road at Bourke Street. Last week, demonstrators acquiesced to this show
of force from Victoria Police. The march ended at the intersection of Bourke Street, and
the police achieved their objectives.
It should come as no surprise then, that yesterday, Victoria Police again mobilised in
force to stop a Manus solidarity demonstration from undertaking the most basic of protest
marches. Yesterday, fortunately, demonstrators defied the police and ultimately forced a
march to Flinders Street.
This fight for the right to demonstrate never ends. If we do not push back, if we
surrender the right to "march down the road", we will ultimately be left with the choice
of sitting on the grass in the front of the State Library or facing police batons and
pepper spray on Swanston Street. And you can bet, if we reached that situation, if that
became normal, Victoria Police would discover a sudden concern for the welfare of grass.
On Friday in Melbourne we saw who was prepared to defend the democratic space we NEED in
order to fight for refugee rights and for a thousand other struggles, and we saw who would
rather acquiesce to the police.
The struggle of the hundreds of refugees detained on Manus Island demands solidarity. The
critical question is, as always, "which side are you on?"
For a specific account of yesterdays events, read ‘What happened in Melbourne yesterday?'.
http://www.collectiveaction.org.au/2017/11/25/the-right-to-march-must-be-defended/
------------------------------
Message: 3
Today, more than ever, there is a need to organize workers in the trade and in every
sector, into militant clubs, intransigently, with aggressive struggles and claims against
employers. Exceeding trade union bureaucracy and party interests within trade unions.
There is a need for unions to make trade union sense again and make it dangerous again.
Until the bosses find their hands to make such festivities as Black Friday and White
Nights! ---- We chose on November 24th during the implementation of the Black Friday abbey
to throw dirty ampoules in many shopping venues that are leading in organizing it. Public,
H & M, Zara, Bershka and other chains of the shopping center in Ioannina have been vacated
for quite some time, unable to conduct their consumer fair. But as disgusting as their
smell, the ampoules that we take, will not be able to fill the filth of this term.
Black Friday is stunning for the workforce, which brings tremendous profits to the bosses.
The job this day is not just tedious, it is exhausting. Cramps, overtime, standing.
Black Friday stinks blind consumer fury, indifference and alienation. Thousands of people
are flocking to the offerings, having accepted that their arrogant and guided needs are
dragging their nose, not counting the bitterness they cause to the workers, their colleagues.
Black Friday denies employers' arbitrariness and even tougher exploitation and oppression
and that's why it is a habit to be blocked in any way.
We are well aware that such actions, even though they sabotage the consumer delirium and
bust for a moment the bosses and the officers, DO NOT HAPPY. There is only one force that
can effectively block such fiesta. Organized disobedience in the workplace.
Both we as workers, both in the trade and elsewhere, know well that the terrorism that
bosses exercise daily deepens. We see that they have the laws on their side, we experience
the absurd demands, the clutter of hours, control, layoffs and unpaid work. We know that
they find and do, since the employees, those who, because of our work, the bosses are
enriching while we are still poor, we are weak, disorganized and vulnerable to their
appetites.
But we also know well that nothing was won by prayers. Nothing was conquered by waiting
for others, whether politicians, workers or institutions, to take the snake out of the hole.
Today, more than ever, there is a need to organize workers in the trade and in every
sector, into combat groups, intransigently, with aggressive struggles and claims against
employers. Exceeding trade union bureaucracy and party interests within trade unions.
There is a need for unions to make trade union sense again and make it dangerous again.
Until the bosses find their hands to make such festivities as Black Friday and White Nights!
ORGANIZATION IN THE
BODY CREATION OF NEW BODIES WHERE THE OFFICIALS
STILL PRECIOUS - ORGANIZATION - RESISTANCE - SOLIDARITY IN WORKPLACES.
AGAINST THE ENTREPRENEURING OF THE WORK
Ioannina Liberal Trade Union Association
eseioanninon.squat.gr/
https://www.anarkismo.net/article/30687
------------------------------
Message: 4
Like every year, Prague did not go on November 17 without several public events, referring
to the events of 1989, which, in Czechoslovakia, as one of the last East European
countries led to the end of a single party's rule. Though it did not show up at the time
of the rise of capitalism, in this regime we were lullabies of the songs about the
restored freedom and the truth and love that prevailed over lies and hatred. ---- On the
Národní trída and Wenceslas Square there were mainly those who did not complain about this
turn of events, and with the empty "celebration" it would be enough with the only
"analytical tool" and that, if possible, the lack of co-ordination with communism might be
possible. On the Bridge again, those who would most probably want to return to the time
before the Bolsheviks took over, when the order and order was supervised by the Berlin
Protector and the Czech Collaborative Government. Nearly a hundred of the locally visible
Nazis had known that the times of numerous neo-Nazi marchs were there. However, there is
no great reason to celebrate, considering that part of their agenda has successfully taken
on somewhat mainstream subjects. The eternal DSSS chairman Tomas Vandas, Michal Buchta
from the Slovenian organization "Youth Minors", spoke to the ministry, "Wake up, Czechs!
Wonder! ", Matthew Heimbach of the American Traditionalist Worker Party, which is the
opening of the Nazis and does not even try to hide it, only packs the radical left-wing
rhetoric of the white race, and the well-known ex-Ladisim Malý, the ex-janitor. The former
Vandas party leader Miroslav Sladek arrived. At the end of the day, about 20 drunken Nazis
went to Na Príkope towards Republiky Square, where they apparently expected a collision
with the left-wing demonstration. Almost traditionally, they set off on a trip with the
Czech flag, which they held upside-down, before one of the sharper ones called them:
"Guys, thirst, let's have it in reverse." From time to time this funny, though aggressive
party stopped the cordon of cops, eventually two of them detained and the rest broke. only
there packs the rhetoric of the radical left in the robe of the white race, and the
well-known, ex-Ladisim Malý, the ex-threatened exod. The former Vandas party leader
Miroslav Sladek arrived. At the end of the day, about 20 drunken Nazis went to Na Príkope
towards Republiky Square, where they apparently expected a collision with the left-wing
demonstration. Almost traditionally, they set off on a trip with the Czech flag, which
they held upside-down, before one of the sharper ones called them: "Guys, thirst, let's
have it in reverse." From time to time this funny, though aggressive party stopped the
cordon of cops, eventually two of them detained and the rest broke. only there packs the
rhetoric of the radical left in the robe of the white race, and the well-known, ex-Ladisim
Malý, the ex-threatened exod. The former Vandas party leader Miroslav Sladek arrived. At
the end of the day, about 20 drunken Nazis went to Na Príkope towards Republiky Square,
where they apparently expected a collision with the left-wing demonstration. Almost
traditionally, they set off on a trip with the Czech flag, which they held upside-down,
before one of the sharper ones called them: "Guys, thirst, let's have it in reverse." From
time to time this funny, though aggressive party stopped the cordon of cops, eventually
two of them detained and the rest broke. where they apparently expected a clash with
left-wing demonstration. Almost traditionally, they set off on a trip with the Czech flag,
which they held upside-down, before one of the sharper ones called them: "Guys, thirst,
let's have it in reverse." From time to time this funny, though aggressive party stopped
the cordon of cops, eventually two of them detained and the rest broke. where they
apparently expected a clash with left-wing demonstration. Almost traditionally, they set
off on a trip with the Czech flag, which they held upside-down, before one of the sharper
ones called them: "Guys, thirst, let's have it in reverse." From time to time this funny,
though aggressive party stopped the cordon of cops, eventually two of them detained and
the rest broke.
Some anarchists and anarchists have supported this event organized by RFK feminist
Christians, Young Greens, Socialist Solidarity, and the recently established Queer
Anarchist Group (QAS). In an invitation to an event called "We want to live, do not dare!"
Among other things, it was worth saying: "But what do we really have to celebrate? While
1989 opened borders, we still hear the calls after their closure and the creation of
impenetrable territory framed by national identity. It has brought us democracy and free
elections, but it is the one who can afford to buy media and pay a magnificent electoral
campaign. Although we can work freely, but only under the pressure of neo-liberalism,
often for a salary that barely covers monthly costs, without the assurance of long-term
contracts. (...) We do not think it normal for anyone to come back from work in such a
state to have no energy to enjoy their free time,
The demonstration itself was preceded by a workshop a few days before it was held, in
which anyone interested in the Clinic of the Autonomous Social Center could participate in
the production of banners. The slogans appeared like "Straight Salaries, Equal
Opportunities", "Live, Do Not Drop! For Free Work "or" Reciprocity instead of dominance ".
On the Republic Square, where the demonstration started at 2 pm, more than 200 people
gathered. They listened to short speeches of the organizers, but also representatives of
Women 365 or Team Like At Home. All the speeches reflected the fact that the freedom that
is so much spoken on November 17 is a mere illusion in the situation of homeless,
life-threatening or working under unenviable conditions. RFK has lent itself to such an
understanding of Christian morality, which serves only as a legitimation of suffering and
has not been criticized by the mention of Archbishop Duke of Prague. "This exaltation of
suffering then serves as a tool of the ruling system, be it a medieval state of the state,
fascist Italy, or globalized capitalism." QAS stressed again that "capitalism could never
work if it did not convince us that there are different kinds of people,
Shortly after the speeches, Hybernská Street headed for the SŽDC, where the participants
expressed their clear support to the Clinic, which this institution is trying to destroy,
even though it has many other possibilities not to do so. At Senovážné námestí, the
program of the event enriched the happening refusing to serve as a parking lot. Jindrišská
street was the Czech Post where the working conditions of its employees were discussed.
The next steps led Vodicková to the National Class, where they chanted: "Your children
will be like us!" The event was finished at the Coal Market around 6 pm, where Vegan
goulash and tea were prepared by the Social Cooperative of the Roof.
Although the beginning of the demonstration was very calm, during the march he gained
volumes by chanting passwords on the topic of labor, against capitalism, sexism and
racism. It felt how important it was for the present preservation of the Clinic as one of
the few places of truly free organization. Even so, it was clear that action of this kind
was lacking in the charge of earlier years. And maybe we will not be far from the truth
when we think it's partly that in our everyday lives, most of us have to suffer, and there
is no power to really live, organize, protest, and create the conditions for the growth of
a movement that is aimed at society where they are the fruits of freedom for all, not only
for those who reach them financially.
https://www.afed.cz/text/6762/17-listopad-bez-patosu
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