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zaterdag 30 december 2017

Anarchic update news all over the world - 30.12.2017

Today's Topics:

   


1.  Aotearoa New Zealand, awsm: WAIHOPAI SPYBASE PROTEST CAMP
      (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   

2.  France, Alternative Libertaire AL Décembre - Africa: A
      colonial currency, the CFA franc (fr, it, pt) [machine
      translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)



3.  Britain, MEDIA, an Hostile biography of Class War life long
      activist Ian Bone. (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   

4.  Greece, Anarchist Federation liberta salonica - Market In:
      Another case of boss terrorism (gr) [machine translation]
      (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   

5.  France, Alternative Libertaire AL Décembre - Read: Grojean,
      "The Kurdish Revolution" (fr, it, pt) [machine translation]
      (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   

6.  FA Lyon, Documentaire VOSTFR: The antifascists (fr)
      (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)


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Message: 1





The disastrous Trump Presidency raises the urgent question - why is New Zealand still an 
active and willing part of the US Empire? The US intelligence and nuclear war machine 
controls the NZ Government Communications Security Bureau. The GCSB is now legally allowed 
to systematically spy on New Zealanders; as well as routinely spying on any number of 
other countries, on behalf of the US National Security Agency (NSA). And the NSA spies on 
everyone. It is essential that more pressure is put on the Government to put an end to the 
anti-democratic and destructive activities of this NZ spy agency. ---- New Zealand's role 
as an American ally is being steadily reconstituted. But our most significant contribution 
to Washington's global effort to manipulate world business and diplomacy is, and has been 
for 30 years, the Waihopai electronic intelligence gathering base, located in the Waihopai 
Valley, near Blenheim. It is controlled by the US, with NZ (including Parliament and the 
Prime Minister) having little or no idea what goes on there, nor any control.

First announced in 1987, Waihopai is operated by the GCSB in the interests of the foreign 
Powers grouped together in the super-secret Five Eyes Agreement (which shares global 
electronic and signals intelligence among the intelligence agencies of the US, UK, Canada, 
Australia and NZ). Its satellite interception dishes intercept a huge volume of civilian 
telephone calls, e-mail and computer data communications, including Twitter, Facebook and 
the like.

Five Eyes is the reason for the existence of both the GCSB and Waihopai. Former PM John 
Key said that NZ's ongoing military involvement with the tragic consequences of US policy 
in the Middle East is "the price of belonging to the club" i.e. Five Eyes, which is 
accountable only to its own constituent agencies, not governments, and certainly not 
citizens. Getting out of Five Eyes is vital to NZ becoming a truly independent nation

Join us for the weekend of anti-war protest at this spy base. Come prepared for roughing 
it and camping out. We provide the food (we cater for vegetarians but vegans will have to 
bring their own). Bring sleeping bag, groundsheet, a tent, torch, water bottle, eating 
utensils, clothing for all weather and temperatures, and $40 (or $20 unwaged) to cover 
costs. No open fires.

How to find our camp at Onamalutu: Take Highway 6 out of Blenheim (the Nelson road); cross 
the Wairau River bridge, take the first turn left into Northbank Road. Drive approximately 
6 kms (15 minutes) to the bridge turn off to DoC's Onamalutu camp (turn right at sign, 
into Onalmalutu Road and follow for 7 kms to camp site). It is a public camp with basic 
facilities. ABC has to pay a fixed charge per head.

Waihopai does not operate in the interests of New Zealanders or our neighbours. It spies 
on both. It has no proper oversight or control from our Government.

Basically, it is a foreign spy base on NZ soil and directly involves us in America's wars 
and America's cynical manipulation of business and diplomatic affairs.

Waihopai must be closed!

The Waihopai spy base protest is organised by the Anti-Bases Campaign, Box 2258, 
Christchurch 8140, abcorg.nz http://www.converge.org.nz/abc

http://www.awsm.nz/2017/12/28/waihopai-spybase-protest-camp/

------------------------------

Message: 2





The CFA franc still lives and keeps sub-Saharan Africa under colonial control. This 
survival of French imperialism keeps African states in a state of underdevelopment thanks 
to the interference of monetary institutions and public men without morals that oppress 
the African peoples. Who will be able to overthrow this ghost of colonialism? ---- The CFA 
franc is the most obvious and aberrant symptom of French colonialism in sub-Saharan 
Africa. That until today France alone has managed to keep the monetary control of its 
former colonies is enough to explain the story of a failed decolonization, that of 
Françafrique with its dictators, as indestrônables as the CFA, which are maintained thanks 
to the former metropolis, with its concession companies, Rougier, Total, Bouygues, and 
Bolloré, who take over for their benefit the management of essential areas of savings. The 
neocolonial set is cemented by the CFA.

The racist arguments of the CFA franc

The arguments of CFA defenders are primarily racist. Indeed, to claim that without the CFA 
Francophone African countries would sink into monetary chaos is to postulate that Africans 
are unable to manage their currency, as they are unable to govern themselves, to build 
themselves, to manage their economy. In a sense, it is true of the government class that 
has been imposed on them since the 1960s. This class has been promoted for its 
carelessness, its venality, its docility, its total inability to conceive and apply a 
policy of independence and development. The price to pay was the elimination of those who 
were conscious, upright, unruly and fully competent. These have been driven out, 
persecuted, murdered. The list of violence against them is long and it is not closed.

The facts challenge the racist argument. The majority of African countries not only do not 
pay the CFA, but they are much better off in all respects than those who are supposed to 
benefit. If we take the example of Côte d'Ivoire and Ghana, two neighboring countries, 
comparable in size, population and resources, we note that Ghana ranks 146th on the Human 
Development Index and Côte d'Ivoire. 'Ivory 177 e. The GDP of these two countries is 
respectively $ 4,293 per capita for Ghana and $ 3,719 for Côte d'Ivoire. Moreover, in the 
CFA zone, Côte d'Ivoire is considered as a leading country, which gives an idea of the 
delay of the whole area. The last four countries in the world ranking are four countries 
in the CFA zone: Burkina-Faso, Chad, Niger, Central African Republic.

The first economist who thoroughly analyzed the functioning of this currency and its 
deleterious effects is the Cameroonian Joseph Tchundjang Pouémi. His book Money, servitude 
and freedom. The monetary repression of Africais exceptional in more ways than one. 
Published in 1981, he remained unique, isolated, unknown for thirty years. Today that 
works against the CFA flourish, it remains very little known, rarely cited by those he has 
preceded in time and none of which has equaled. This masterful work, produced by a 
visionary African intellectual, has been and is still under wraps. His author disappeared 
promptly, found dead at his home in Douala on December 27, 1984 at the age of 47 years. 
The authorities called suicide what is obviously a murder by poisoning. Chundjang had 
jeopardized a system whose mystifying power could not withstand the slightest dispute.

An episode of Data Maw about the CFA franc.

The monetary system as a means of oppression

Beyond the extreme and particularly caricatural case of the CFA franc, expression of 
French colonialism, Tchundjang analyzes the world monetary system as an instrument to 
oppress the poor countries and means to keep them underdeveloped, contrary to the façade. 
He calls the IMF "   Instant Misery Fund   "long before the international financial 
institutions imposed their structural adjustment plans in the 1990s on states 
over-indebted by the costly fantasies of their megalomaniac dictators implemented by 
foreign companies charging for a price that was a multiple of the real cost: gigantic 
Yamoussoukro cathedral in the Ivory Coast of Houphouët-Boigny, lavish coronation of 
Bokassa in the Central African Republic, oversized airport in the Cameroon of Biya, etc. 
The African peoples pay this, under the constraint of the World Bank, the deprivation of 
hospitals, schools, housing, means of communication, worthy of the name. The facts, here 
too, are more eloquent than any speech and largely confirm the theses of Tchundjang Pouémi.

France, patron of the CFA franc, is not left out. When the debt crisis occurred in 1990, 
it unilaterally broke a fundamental commitment to the existence of this currency, fixed 
parity with the French franc, and devalued 100% of the CFA the 1 st January 1994, doubling 
the cost of access to imported products for the inhabitants of the CFA zone, while the 
price of their productions, mainly agricultural, and their resources, wood, oil, precious 
metals, is divided by two . The shock has a deadly effect on the economies concerned with 
large sections of society falling into poverty and an explosion of corruption in the 
public service that makes state services the main nuisance in people's lives. Alassane 
Ouattara, then Prime Minister of Côte d'Ivoire, is the pillar on which France relies to 
impose this ruinous devaluation to Houphouet-Boigny and the other heads of state of the 
CFA zone, who, corrupt but not crazy, did not want it. The same Ouattara, became President 
of Côte d'Ivoire thanks to the French army,"   Security   " , probably by antiphrasis, for 
Africans.

Today, in French-speaking Africa, there is a wave of criticisms of the CFA bringing 
together very diverse actors, politicians like Kako Nubukpo, former Minister of 
Prospective of Togo, economists, academics, researchers, as Demba Moussa Dembélé at Senegal.

Kako Nubukpo, in conference.

Shake the straitjacket by popular protest

This current, which has taken hold of the somewhat French-Beninese demonogue known as the 
Kemi Seba, has spread like wildfire in Africa and the African diaspora. The popular 
protest rising is likely to finally shake the shackles that paralyze African countries 
subject to this colonial currency. But to get rid of it, if it is a necessary condition, 
will not be enough to free these countries from all subjection. There are reforms that may 
change the form but not the substance of this situation.

We must listen to the lesson of Tchoungang Pouémi, whose vision goes well beyond the CFA. 
He gives the example of South Korea which, in 1960, was after Côte d'Ivoire in terms of 
development - today before France in terms of human development. This country, ruined, 
devoid of resources, has put everything into the work and intelligence of its people. He 
invested by focusing on domestic savings. He sacrificed everything to education, higher 
education and research. These were the good ingredients of a tremendous catch-up in the 
world rankings.

Africa by delivering its economy to foreign multinationals is in the opposite direction. 
It requires a radical reversal. Who will know how to do it  ?

Odile Tobner (Survival)

Monetary slavery of the CFA franc
The franc of the French colonies of Africa (CFA) was officially created under this name in 
1945. In fact, this currency already existed before the Second World War. In 1960, France 
imposed it, by means of monetary agreements leonines, with the new states coming from 
French West Africa (AOF) which constitute the zone of the Economic union and monetary West 
African (UEMOA), with its central bank of States of West Africa (BCEAO), which issue the 
franc of the West African financial community and those of French Equatorial Africa (AEF), 
which constitute the Economic and Monetary Union area of Central Africa (CEMAC) with its 
Bank of Central African States (BEAC), which issues the Central African Financial 
Cooperation Franc. The whole forms the franc zone.

The CFA franc has a fixed parity with the French franc. In 1960, a new French franc is 
worth 50 CFA francs. The convertibility of each of the two CFA currencies with the French 
franc is total, but they are not convertible between them. In return, African states must 
deposit their foreign currency assets in a French Treasury operating account, which 
distributes them according to their needs. This account can theoretically be creditor or 
debtor. In fact this reserve can not be less than 50% of their assets. A representative of 
the French State sits on the board of directors of each of the two issuing banks. It has a 
right of veto since decisions must be taken unanimously.

In the early 1990s, the reserves tended to become negative. France decided to devalue 100% 
of the CFA franc. A French franc is worth 100 CFA francs. Moreover, the total 
convertibility disappears. Transactions must pass through bank accounts. The Banque de 
France no longer changes CFA notes. When switching to the euro, France requires the CFA to 
follow the franc. The value of the CFA now depends on that of the euro.This very binding 
system between groups of countries, European and African, whose economies have nothing in 
common, is a real monetary slavery for Africans, who can not have no initiative in their 
own economy.

http://www.alternativelibertaire.org/?Afrique-Une-monnaie-coloniale-le-franc-CFA

------------------------------

Message: 3






Truth about the rabble bringing fear to our streets: Working class warriors? No, middle 
class spongers and so-called academics ---- Age hasn't mellowed university graduate Ian 
Bone - he's full of resentment ---- Almost all his life has been devoted to waging war on 
the rich ---- All the while he has been claiming benefits funded by their taxes ---- So, 
what does the bitter graduate think of the cereal cafe protest? ---- Age has not mellowed 
university graduate Ian Bone. He may now be a 68-year-old grandfather, but he is full of 
burning resentment. Almost all his life has been devoted to waging war on the rich while 
claiming benefits funded by their taxes. ---- His father was butler to Sir Gerald Coke, 
grandson of the Earl of Leicester, and the family lived in a bonded cottage on a family 
estate in Hampshire. Young Ian hated the rich children ‘from the big house' for calling 
his father ‘Bone' and grew up with an abiding contempt for the upper classes.

After finishing a degree in politics from Swansea University, he announced to his 
horrified parents that his choice of ‘career' was to be an anarchist, and that he would 
fund it by claiming the dole.

‘I thought I might as well be unemployed so that I could be a full-time radical 
revolutionary and the State would pay me to do it,' he explained later. ‘I never thought 
about having a job or a career. Jobs and material possessions have never loomed large in 
my life.'

He lived in Bristol, playing in a band, drinking heavily and staying in rented flats. He 
also became a founding member of Class War, a group dedicated to the violent overthrow of 
state structures, and published newspapers in support of the cause.

He moved to London in the 1990s, still claiming benefits, and now lives there in a 
£330,000 home with the mortgage paid off, which belongs to his partner Jane Nicholl, 64.

She, too, is an anarchist and was arrested last year for setting fire to an effigy of 
Boris Johnson on Guy Fawkes night. The charge was subsequently dropped. Ian's anger about 
his childhood has not been eased by his immense good fortune and charmed life on benefits. 
Far from it, judging by the pictures and messages he has posted on social media.

When Baroness Thatcher died in 2013, he used his blog to summon an army of followers to 
celebratory street parties, and published an image of the former prime minister's head 
being cut open with a meat cleaver. Next to the image he wrote: ‘The best cut of all.'

In other film clips posted on YouTube, he rails against the Royal Family and urges 
‘violent action' to achieve his aims.

More recently, Bone - who has five children with two former partners - posted pictures of 
himself angrily brandishing a walking stick during a protest against the so-called 
gentrification of London.

Last week, he was the key figure behind a vicious mob attack when riot police and 
helicopters were deployed after more than a thousand people descended on a fashionable 
part of East London to protest against a trendy cafe selling breakfast cereals from around 
the world for up to £4.40 a bowl.

The protest was organised by Bone's Class War group, which urged followers of its Facebook 
page to join in.

Last week, he was the key figure behind a vicious mob attack when riot police and 
helicopters were deployed after more than a thousand people descended on a fashionable 
part of East London to protest against a trendy cafe selling breakfast cereals from around 
the world for up to £4.40 a bowl

‘Our communities are being ripped apart - by Russian oligarchs, Saudi sheiks, Israeli 
scumbag property developers, Texan oil-money twats and our own home-grown Eton toffs,' 
went Class War's cry.

‘We don't want luxury flats that no one can afford, we want genuinely affordable housing. 
We don't want pop-up gin bars or brioche buns, we want community.'

The community in the part of East London that Class War targeted on Saturday night was 
nothing short of terrified as the mob descended.

And what was striking is that it wasn't just unemployed ne'er-do-wells such as Bone who 
responded to the call, but a motley crew which included well-dressed youngsters with 
iPhones as well as university academics - of whom more later.

With police helicopters buzzing overhead and dozens of riot officers deployed on the 
ground, the mob headed for an establishment called the Cereal Killer Cafe, which is run by 
33-year-old twins from Belfast.

While cafe staff locked the doors and barricaded themselves inside, hundreds - many of 
them masked and carrying burning torches - gathered outside, threw paint at the premises 
and daubed the word ‘scum' on the window.

As families with young children cowered, the protesters managed to break in and threw a 
smoke bomb.

Riot police rushed to the scene while the protesters chanted obscenities, burnt an effigy 
of a policeman and smashed the windows of a nearby estate agent.

‘They are violent bullies and we want them prosecuted,' says Alan Keery, 33, who founded 
the cafe with Gerry, his brother, last year. ‘We're a small business. We work hard. They 
see us as an easy target. They see us as the face of gentrification.'

The brothers describe themselves as ‘very working-class' boys from Belfast, who left 
school at 16 and worked for years in shops, pubs and clubs before opening their own venture.

Jasiminne Yip, the owner of Regimental Vintage, a nearby boutique, was caught up in the 
violence, which began as she was closing for the night.

‘At first I thought it was a pub crawl,' she told us. ‘I heard some of the group, most of 
them in their twenties, speaking very loudly in very posh accents and shouting general 
profanities in every direction.

‘I barricaded myself in my shop because the situation looked dangerous. I saw a small dog 
running past the group and some of them were attacking it - kicking at it. One person was 
trying to hit it with their skateboard.'

The attack on the cafe was just one of a series of violent incidents across London this 
year. Bottles and missiles were hurled at police, estate agents' windows were smashed and 
flames leapt into the night sky during recent disturbances against luxury developments in 
Camden, North London.

Similar scenes took place in April in Brixton, South London, with violent protests against 
the ‘gentrification' of the area. Tear gas had to be used as protesters stormed Brixton 
Town Hall.

That same month, the annual Property Awards at the Grosvenor House Hotel in central London 
were disrupted by 200 demonstrators claiming to be angered by a lack of social housing, 
while branches of Foxtons estate agents have had their windows smashed because they are 
considered to represent the evil of gentrification.

Bone and his cronies are planning more anarchy tomorrow outside the Jack the Ripper 
Museum, a new tourist attraction on Cable Street, in the East End of London.

Class War has denounced the museum as being the work of ‘a rich businessman who glorifies 
the brutal murder of working-class sex workers. It is also a symbol of gentrification'.

But in fact this has nothing to do with ‘class war'. Besides Ian Bone, the other main 
agitators are also drawn from the ranks of the middle classes and the university-educated.

Perhaps the most preposterous of them is Dr Lisa Mckenzie, 47, a research fellow at the 
prestigious London School of Economics, where such academic posts attract salaries of 
about £40,000.

Denying that she is middle-class, she ludicrously compares the cereal protest to the 
struggles of the Suffragettes and Nelson Mandela.

This from a woman who lives in a £1,300-a-month flat in the achingly trendy Limehouse area 
of London and posts details on her Facebook page of holidays to far-flung destinations 
such as Barbados, Las Vegas and Jamaica as well as New York, Milan, Rome, Paris and Barcelona.

A mother of one with her hair dyed bright red, she studied sociology at Nottingham 
University and went on to gain funding for a Masters degree and a PhD.

She claims - without a hint of irony - that taking part in the riots is all part of her 
job. ‘I'm always on protests because I write about them,' she says. ‘I'm there but this is 
research, too.'

Her research work for the LSE concerns ‘the precarious nature of particular groups in our 
society and the vulnerability they experience'. She is also looking into ‘social 
cleansing' in East London.

The daughter and granddaughter of miners, she honed her hatred during the miners' strike 
of 1984-85 in which Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher crushed Arthur Scargill, leader of 
the National Union of Minerworkers.

‘Our community was absolutely decimated by the Conservative government,' she told the BBC 
this week. ‘I am now an economic migrant to the South East. Social cleansing is happening 
in London.'

In her 2009 academic thesis, called Finding Value On A Council Estate, she complained that 
cases such as that of Baby P - the appalling torture and killing of a 17-month-old boy by 
his mother and boyfriend - were ‘used by the media and politicians to make way for a 
barrage of accusations, suspicions and stigmatisations regarding those who live on council 
estates, especially mothers'.

She stood as a Class War candidate in the General Election in May this year in Iain Duncan 
Smith's Chingford and Woodford Green constituency, where she won just 53 votes.

The previous month, she had been charged with criminal damage and threatening behaviour 
after placing a notice bearing the slogan ‘New Homes For The Rich' underneath a picture of 
a cemetery on the East London home of Taylor McWilliams, a wealthy American friend of 
Prince Harry. She posted on Facebook a smirking selfie of herself after her magistrates' 
court hearing, at which she pleaded not guilty and urged ‘everyone' to attend her next 
hearing for a ‘day out' when it takes place later this month.

On the march against the Cereal Killer cafe, she carried a placard bearing the slogan ‘We 
must devastate the avenues where the wealthy live'.

She insists that not all the protesters that night were academics like herself. Yet they 
included Dr Simon Elmer, a former professor of art history, who wore a latex pig mask to 
hide his identity.

Dr Elmer describes himself as poet, writer, photographer and propagandist. He has worked 
as visiting professor at the University of Michigan, and has taught at the universities of 
London, Manchester, Reading and Roehampton.

He now lives in fashionable Stoke Newington in North London, where he runs an online 
publication called The Sorcerer's Apprentice: Poetry, Community, Sacrifice.

Asked about the aims of the protest, he was not amused. ‘Your idiotic attempts to bring 
the issues of gentrification and homelessness down to the supposed class origins of the 
protesters[are]worthy of the schoolyard at Eton.'

He added: ‘The cereal cafe wouldn't be there if there weren't people who could afford, and 
have the inclination, to spend £4 on a bowl of cereal. The cafe isn't just a cultural 
symbol of gentrification, it's an instrument of the economic colonisation of the area. The 
question is, will you write it? And I think we both know the answer to that.' Another 
well-heeled supporter of the mob was Adam Barr, 23, who grew up in a four-bedroom house in 
the East Yorkshire village of Cottingham, where his father is a company director, and who 
now studies history and Chinese at the University of London.

Despite his privileged background and the opportunity to attend university away from home, 
Mr Barr was oblivious to the irony this week after he hit out at the ‘invading hordes' who 
have taken over London, ‘driving up rents and driving out people who have lived here for 
years'. Anybody who dares to question the motives of Class War is abused, it seems. After 
someone asked how the group could justify saying it wanted ‘to see the rich dead', an 
un-named anarchist on its Facebook page replied simply: ‘Hah! Hah! Hah!' and called 
supporters of new businesses ‘maggots' and ‘cxxxs'.

What, then, does Ian Bone, the bitter graduate son of Sir Gerald Coke's butler, think of 
the cereal cafe protest? For a man who has never worked, he professes an unerring 
understanding of the working classes, but his overriding message seems to be one of 
self-congratulation.

Attacks on business premises, he said, were ‘fxxxxxx great. We will drive the fake 
elements out and repopulate with the proper working-class people rather than fxxxxxx 
yuppies and millionaires. They can go and fxxx themselves.

‘Our idea was to parachute behind enemy lines. Our aim was to seize control of the streets 
in Shoreditch for six hours and we effectively did. Look, we don't like rich people. We'd 
like to drive them all out of London and repopulate with the proletariat. Got it?'

Confirming that he had never had a job - ‘Why would I want to work for a capitalist? Work 
is boring,' he said - he added that he was delighted ‘shops are talking about closing down 
and moving out' and that ‘people are scared of us coming to the area. That's fxxxxxx 
brilliant'.

Meanwhile, the cereal cafe brothers, who prefer the virtues of hard work and enterprise to 
living off the State, spent last week tidying up and trying to put their business back 
together.

------------------------------

Message: 4






In the "Market In" supermarket chain, a long-term labor struggle is taking place, with 
1,400 employees of the company already buying the supermarkets "Karidides" (formerly 
"Arvanitidis") from the retailer "Market In" claiming their accrued earnings " Karipidis 
"and the safeguarding of their jobs. ---- "Karypidis" has a rich resume in the gangs, the 
impudence and exploitation of the workers. At first, Karypidis Bros bought the supermarket 
chain "Arvanitidis" in 2014, which was threatened to close because of its huge debts to 
IKA. As soon as the chain was transferred, the debt of EUR 18,250,000 of the previous 
property to IKA was "settled" as grace, with the immediate involvement of the former 
secretary of IKA P. Spyropoulos. For history, let's say that Spyropoulos was acquitted for 
his "initiative" in court. With the signing of a franchise agreement (expired in February 
2016) with Carrefour-Marinopoulos, Karipidis entered the market with the sign of 
"Carrefour-Marinopoulos" in order to regain the lost confidence of the suppliers in the " 
Arvanitidis ".

The 1,400 employees of the "Karypidis" chain of stores are currently unpaid for up to 25 
months. Their jobs are in the air. They find themselves among unemployment and employers' 
hostage. They do not even get the sluggish retirement allowance nor are they entitled to 
unemployment benefit. The PD. No 178/2002 protecting workers in the event of the transfer 
of undertakings, establishments, parts of undertakings or businesses has not been complied 
with. Supermarket chains such as "Discount Markt", "Masoutis", "Market In" have bought out 
shops of "Karypidis", but overturning the above PD. In July, the Areios Pagos decided that 
the long-term non-payment of salary does not change the worst of working conditions, once 
again confirming how justice is class. He is in favor of the powerful,

The "Karypidis" employers are already suffering a death, which clearly has to do with the 
status of oversight and over-exploitation on the part of the employers themselves. On 
11/7, a 42-year-old working at a shop at the supermarket chain "Karypidis", in Giannitsa, 
put an end to her life. She remained unpaid for 15 whole months. Long-term unpaid work and 
subsequent poverty led her to suicide. Those who speak of accidental and isolated 
incidents, for the sake of the evil hour, turn to ignorance of their substance. The 
essence that is inherent in capitalism, that is, the barbarity of capital reproduced by 
the extraction of surplus value from human labor and results in the devaluation of our 
lives. At the time when employers talk about accidents at work, imputing responsibilities 
to workers, for us these are clear murders that burden the bosses. For bosses, 
profitability does not account for human lives, hence rudimentary or non-existent security 
measures.

The successors of the "Karypidi" chain are obliged by law to settle all the outstanding 
claims of the previous employers. These include the payment of accruals and the 
safeguarding of jobs. Still, the "Market In" employers were adamant and with tricks did 
nothing of all.

At the moment, on the backs of the workers at the supermarket "Karipidis", a blatant 
exploitation, which, among other things, involves the element of mockery. The Government 
of SY.RIZ.A. is investigating the manipulations of Kafididi Brothers in an attempt to mend 
the cracked, quasi-leftist profile that had been pre-election while perpetuating the 
deprivation of the social majority by voting against anti-labor laws in line with the 
requirements of local and international capital. It laughs at the claims of the strikers 
of the company or tries to inactivate their mobilizations, sometimes through conferences 
with their trade union leadership and sometimes using MAT.

Returning to the retail chain management under the "Market In", throughout 2017, through 
actions and appeals to the courts, 1,400 employees continued their struggle, having to 
deal with the suppression of MATs at the request of the boss, attacks by his henchmen, but 
having a strong solidarity movement on their side.

During the strike that took place in front of "Market In" in Ioannina from the SSE of 
Ioannina and left-wing clubs and organizations, in the framework of the nationwide general 
strike on 14 December, 15 shopkeepers, many of whom are declared goldsmiths attacked to 
the strikers, but they were successfully repelled. This move is not a thunderbolt but it 
is essentially the aggressive escalation of employership against struggling workers. 
Already on 26/10 and 29/11 the police attacked the strike of the shop, capturing in the 
first case 3 and the second 12 workers, who were working to pay for their accruals and 
claim stable jobs.

Throughout this history, the forces of the bourgeoisie camp have worked together. The boss 
of the company recruited all his available allies to suppress and end the workers' union 
struggles. Institutional justice has once again proved its urban sign, as warrants for 
workers were issued, and the same day raids took place in their homes. Cops and fascists 
have ratified their role as the loyal "dogs" of the bosses, by attacking trade union 
strikers. At the dawn of December 15th, goldsmiths of the "Market In" owner at Ioannina, 
Ramos, attacked Molotov at the offices of the Liberation Union Union, the Unconventional 
Trend Trade Union (SYND.KAT)

The struggle of the workers at "Market In" in Ioannina paid off. The court in front of the 
pressure that the strikers have been doing all this time has decided to temporarily reset 
11 employees to the store. However, this decision will be re-examined in 2018, leaving a 
lot of questions. At the same time, of course, employers owe EUR 7,000 per person to 13 
employees, who still do not pay off.

The imposed working age is a result of the downward policy of downgrading, forced by the 
violent restructuring of capital. Work creches occupy more and more space in modern 
working reality. Exhaustive working hours, unpaid labor hours, precarious and intensified 
work - mostly insured - and the lack of security measures, on the one hand, kill workers 
on a daily basis, with bosses richer on their backs, on the other hand they escalate with 
the shameful event of the killings of workers.

Resistors of the working class are now facing a huge threat, as with an amendment to the 
dictation of the 3rd evaluation, the approval of 50% + 1 of registered members as a 
condition for the strike by primary societies now stands instead of the current guarantee 
of the majority of the members present at the general assembly of the association. 
Essentially, this arrangement makes it impossible for strikes to be declared, offering 
generously to the bosses the "gift" of unimpeded - from the workers' mobilizations - the 
extraction of surplus value.

In order not to be bastarded and blessed by the bosses, whether large or small, and the 
consensual, bureaucratic, bureaucratic trade unionism that engages peace with our class 
enemies, it is imperative to organize an intransigent, militant trade unionist base. Put 
our labor interests ahead and take our lives in our hands without hierarchies, mediations 
and paternalisms. Prepare the fierce general strikes of lasting, linking them with a 
revolutionary project that will contribute to collective and individual emancipation, to 
the end of man-to-person power, to social self-management.

On Saturday, 23/12, we made paints and tricycles at the Market In store on Andreas 
Papandreou Street in Kordelio. In the past few days, we threw tics and distributed texts 
to the workers and the neighborhood, both in Kordelio, Ano Touba (PAOK stadium) and 
Venizelos (where there are shops in the "Market In" chain). In this way, we chose to 
target the "Market In" employers, while sending a message of practical solidarity to the 
employees of the shop and to the partners of the SSE of Ioannina. As long as pieces of our 
order are struck by the burglary and arbitrariness of the bosses, we will contrast class 
solidarity and self-organization in the workplace so as to stop every hit we accept,

SOLIDARITY IN THE MARKET IN WORKING WORKERS AND IN THE FREE UNION OF IOANNINA

DIRECT PAYMENT OF BENEFICIARIES AND REPAIR OF KARIPIDI WORKERS

MARKET IN BOX

ADMINISTRATIVE TAX ORGANIZATION IN THE WORKS OF THE WORK BY A BASIS

PHASES AND AFFECTS IN THE PATH OF THE PATH. I WANT THE GLOBAL PROLATE

Eleftherial Initiative of Thessaloniki - member of the Anarchist Federation

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Message: 5





No, it is not the umpteenth book to exalt the courage of Kurdish fighters. It is not a 
fabric of malicious buxtees in the Jean-Pierre Filiu, nor a servile storytelling pro-PKK. 
It is even less a neocolonialist platform in the Kouchner, which would see in the Kurdish 
cause only a pawn on the geopolitical chessboard. ---- Olivier Grojean's book is simply a 
nice effort to synthesize, sober, based on the counting of twenty-five years of 
sociological work conducted by researchers and researchers - often German - on the PKK and 
its movement. He confronts the evolution of his ideology with the reality of his 
practices, with the permanence of his functioning, with his interactions with the civil 
society and with the diaspora, scrutinizes the discipline in his fighting units, the rise 
of the women, the report to the icon Abdullah Öcalan, its founder and chief executive ...

The book is very informative, provided you do not misunderstand: it does not offer an 
exact vision of what is the Kurdish left in 2017. On some subjects, it suffers from the 
lack of sources dating from less than fifteen or twenty years. Many descriptions or 
analyzes are valid for the years 1990 or 2000, and the book, despite its caution, does not 
always discern to what extent they are still worth today. On the other hand, it provides 
good genealogical understanding keys.

Thus the "   theory of the new man  " in the resistance will be released from his former 
personality colonized. Grojean finds it in the writings of Öcalan and other PKK leaders 
and brings it closer to the thought of Frantz Fanon. This theory clearly marked the 
practice in the 1990s, when the PKK, distancing itself from Marxism-Leninism, sought to 
elevate its doctrine to the level of a civilizational enterprise. What about twenty years 
later ? The author does not venture to measure it.

The same is true of the emancipation of women, an emblematic theme of the Kurdish left. 
Olivier Grojean dissects the ambiguities of Öcalan's "  theory of the free woman  " at the 
end of the 1980s, interweaving it in the anticolonialist struggle. This theory brought 
both unprecedented promotion of women, breaking with patriarchy, and a somewhat disturbing 
essentialism. Thirty years later, what remains in the vast movement of Kurdish women, who 
has been able to rub shoulders with other feminist thoughts ?

Among the most interesting chapters will be the one on the "  convergences between 
political projects  " of the PKK and the Mexican EZLN ; the one on the "  empowerment of 
the environmental cause  " ; "  The societal economy  " in Rojava ; the "  PKK- controlled 
areas " in Rojava, Sinjar and Maxmur ...

William Davranche (AL Montreuil)

Olivier Grojean, The Kurdish Revolution. The PKK and the utopian factory, La Découverte, 
2017, 256 pages, 17 euros

http://www.alternativelibertaire.org/?Grojean-revolution-kurde-pkk-utopie

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Message: 6





Film info: A low-intensity war is being fought on the streets of Europe and the aim is on 
fascism. This critically acclaimed documentary takes us behind the masks of the militants 
called antifascists. In 2013 a group of armed nazis attacks a peaceful demonstration in 
Stockholm where several people are injured. In Greece the neo-nazi party Golden Dawn 
becomes the third largest in the election and in Malmö the activist Showan Shattak and his 
friends are attacked by a group of nazis with knives and he ends up in a coma. In this 
portrait of the antifascists in Greece and Sweden we get to meet key figures that explain 
their view on their radical politics but also to question the level their own violence and 
militancy. For more info, screening license or contacts: http://www.theantifascists.se 
http://www.facebook.com/theantifascists http://www.instagram.com/theantifascists
https://www.youtube.com/watch?time_continue=3358&v=XYHnd4boUoM

http://etincelle-noire.blogspot.co.il/2017/12/documentaire-vostfr-antifascists.html

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