Today's Topics:
1. France, Alternative Libertaire AL Décembre - Oil
Industries: On strike for ourselves and for the population (fr,
it, pt) [machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
2. Greece, liberta salonica: Update from intervention against
the white night in Thermi (16/12) and the strikes on Sunday 17/12
- Coordinate action against Sunday work and freed hours (gr)
[machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
3. Greece, liberta salonica: Intervention for the new
Penitentiary Code and the hunger strike of Roupa / Maziotis (gr)
[machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
4. Grece, Information on the 3rd Conference of the Anarchist
Political Organization By APO (gr) [machine translation]
(a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
5. US, black rose fed - Below and Beyond Trump: Power and
Counter-Power in 2017 (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
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Message: 1
Thanks to Macron orders, Total's management is already rubbing their hands at the idea of
abolishing CHSCTs, which defend the safety and health not only of employees, but of the
neighborhood. On November 23, all the oil sites were called to disengage. ---- As
elsewhere, calling for a strike in the oil industry is always a gamble. Do colleagues go
and walk ? Or get discouraged ? We sometimes have nice surprises: in 2016, against the
Labor law, nothing to predict the extent of the movement, with blockages of more than
three weeks sometimes. This year again, five out of seven oil depots went on strike -
unpublished. It was certainly to get internal negotiations, but it's a good start ! ----
On November 23, the National Federation of Chemical Industries (Fnic) of the CGT called
for a national strike to defend, despite the Macron orders, the primacy of the collective
agreement on company agreements. One way to improve the balance of power, although we know
that, as for truck drivers (see article above), a victory on this subject can only be
temporary.
The challenge of the collective agreement is the maintenance of wages, early departure
arrangements for shiftworkers, the prerogatives of health, safety and working conditions
committees (CHSCT) ... safeguards undermined today by Macron's authoritarian orders.
Risk of industrial accidents
The government and the French Union of Petroleum Industries (Ufip), the oil industry of
Medef - of which are the French subsidiaries of Total, Esso, Butagaz, BP, Shell,
LyondellBasell .... - refuse to date to respond to the requests of the CGT, which claims
that the content of the collective agreement for oil be preserved. On the contrary, the
leaders of Total already announce the disappearance of the CHSCTs for 2018, thanks to the
Labor XXL law which allows the merger of the representative bodies of the personnel into a
single rump body - the social and economic committee (CSE). It could be very expensive for
the community. Indeed, until now, the CHSCT's prerogatives make it possible, among other
things, to compel employers to guarantee the health and safety of employees, but also
surrounding populations. By breaking the CHSCT, we increase the risk of industrial
accidents - remember the chemical disaster of AZF, near Toulouse, in 2001.
Regarding wages, also framed by the collective agreement, the ordinances reduce the right
of employees to supposedly lower the cost of labor ... Remember that what " costs "
really expensive in the industry, it is is the capital, with dividends paid to
shareholders that sometimes represent up to 80 % of profits !
As we write these lines, the movement was well followed in the South, with 50 % to 100 %
strikers on the petrochemical sites. In Fos-sur-Mer (Bouches-du-Rhône), there were 60 %
of strikers on the Esso refinery, and 100 % on that of LyondellBasell. The Parisian
suburbs also worked well, with, for example, 60 % of strikers at the Total de Grandpuits
refinery (Seine-et-Marne), emblematic of the 2010 movement. Where the strike was too weak,
blocking actions halted the circulation of products.
Laurent (AL Auvergne), the 23/11/2017
http://www.alternativelibertaire.org/?Industries-petrolieres-En-greve-pour-nous-memes-et-pour-la-population
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Message: 2
Saturday 16/12: Intervention on the commercial streets of Thermi against the white night
---- On Saturday, December 16th, the municipality and the Association of Professional
Trade Thermi organized a white night for another year, as happened a week ago in
Oraiokastro. These barbers for the workers of the bosses and mayors took place this year
in a climate of intense debate for their expansion to other areas of the city, such as the
center. On Saturday night, the Coordination of Action Against Sunday Work and the
Liberalized Hours, carried out in Thermi intervention with text distribution in shops and
passers-by, banner posting and hanging banners in the central square where events took
place. ---- Sunday 17/12: Strike Blocks Against the Abolition of Sunday Holidays ---- For
another Sunday, workers in trade were asked to work while they are experiencing the most
exhausting period of the year starting with black friday on November 24 and continuing
with holiday and 3 consecutive Sundays (Christmas and New Year Eve). The holiday season
for commerce workers is synonymous with exhausting hours, unpaid overtime (officially the
black friday day recorded 23 violations in 98 department stores that were checked, but
apparently these are only the tip of the iceberg) and more intensification to meet the
targets that bosses put. Characteristic of their intentions is the effort at the
McArthurGlenn Discount Village at Spata Airport (but also in other malls) to inaugurate
after the black friday and the boxing day, opening on the 26th of December and probably on
January 2 . This move is now stopped, but it is indicative of the working age of the
working people in the trade.
Coordinating action against Sunday's work and liberated hours also gave Sunday a fight
with strike blockades. OIE has made a strike but has not made a symbolic presence on the
road, while the Union of Commerce Employees of Thessaloniki has made little intervention
in Notos and Public but without proceeding with exclusions and with an early withdrawal
before the peak time of consumer traffic. The Coordination and the collectives supporting
it initially blocked both Notos and Public but also H & M and benneton. Following the
withdrawal of the Union of Employees it was considered necessary to support the blockade
in Public and Notos and all the entrances of the shopping center housing two of the
leading companies in the industry and all anti-labor measures, were completely excluded.
The strike blocker lasted for over two hours and at the peak of consumer traffic.
Against the backdrop of the "indignant consumers" attacks that have embraced all the
neo-liberal arguments of capital and the media.
The public letter of the Association of Grand Merchants calling on the police to take
measures for the "smooth" operation of the market is paving the way for repression. It was
not, incidentally, the presence of a MAT cluster in Tsimiski from the morning. The
Coordination has treated the incidents of consumer attacks with coolness as many of them
are being made with the intent to intervene by the police. The role of the media, which as
crowds was waiting for statements, consumers who could not pass through to the well-known
propaganda at the expense of the struggle for labor interests and rights became again
apparent.
However, the workers themselves support the Co-ordination mobilisations and these will
continue on the following Sundays, which attempt to open stores starting in 2018 on Sunday
of January, when the rebate period will be inaugurated.
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Message: 3
On Wednesday 13/12 as a minimal sign of solidarity with the struggle of the prisoners
against the new prison code and the hunger strike that was then carried out by the members
of the revolutionary struggle, we interfered with texts, sprays and triciks at the office
of Elizabeth Symeonidou-Kastanidou , dean of the law school, and more widely in the fields
of law school. This professor specializes in matters of criminal and punitive law and has
repeatedly expressed her views on the correct practices of correction, supporting also the
action of her husband Haris Kastanidis, who was also the Minister of Justice (2009-2011).
---- Here is the text that was shared and posted during the intervention: ---- The
sharpening of exploitation and oppression also entails upgrading the repression ...
In mid-October the new Prison Code will be publicly consulted by the Ministry of Justice.
End of the same month the proceedings in the House begin, with the aim of, shortly after,
voting. The new Penitentiary Code is fully in line with the gradual and pre-determined
choice of capital and its policies for hardening the crackdown that always goes hand in
hand with the intensification of the conditions of exploitation and repression by the
state and the bosses.
In summary, the new Prison Code restores the operation of C-type prisons from the window,
allowing detainees to be detained in police stations and in "specially designed areas"
where they are accused of terrorism or attempted to escape. For those who do not know,
this entails the lack of preening and the lack of elementary socialization among them. At
the same time it useswith new, upgraded terms in the process of licensing or releasing
detainees, the notorious "bracelet" to increase the turnover of the state-owned company,
G4S. Together with the electronic surveillance bracelet that violates the right to private
life and which extends prison control more and more into society, the most frequent
application of the home-restraint measure comes along. Point to the times, but let's see
it, as the rulers see it: in both cases it remains essentially imprisoned, only now paying
itself and broken (in one case the cost of living in his home and the other the amount of
15 euros a day to give G4S to give him the wristband).It introduces new restrictions on
the use of educational leave, making it even more difficult to access their education
while virtually retaining the right of the prosecutor to block their permits. It obliges
prisoners to declare telephone numbers that they want to communicate beforehand so that
they can be electronically registered, thus limiting their contacts, while justifying with
new provisions the use of force of custodians and enabling the cancellation of wages (a
lenient penalty calculation for those working in prison) in the event of a disciplinary
misconduct. Certifies and clarifiesthat the humiliation of detainees with their full
embarrassment during inspections is what is required, at the same time as there are
suitable machines to detect substances and "illegal" objects. Finally, it opens the wayfor
the mandatory feeding of hunger strikers - on the order of a court official - if the
prisoner's health is at a critical point. The hunger strike is a last resort to a fight
whose violent interruption with the mandatory feeding process is even contrary to the
bourgeois concept of human rights (the UN has often given its opinion against this
practice, while expressing it also prohibits the relevant declaration of the World Medical
Congresses (Malta 1991, and Spain 1992 and South Africa 2006 revisions WMV), and may cause
a sharp deterioration of the already burdened striker's health. tees fight organized and
fighting against provisions which concern not only them, but all racers,
Removal of the prosecutor's veto, which cuts the prisoners' permits.
The withdrawal of the electronic surveillance or home restriction replacing the regular
leave and the dismissal.
The institution of 1/5 of the penalty for the normal leave (which is now a vicius of the
prosecutor's office).
The immediate withdrawal of Article 11 restoring prison C prison.
Ending the degrading occupation of the prisoner under the guise of investigation.
The withdrawal of the restrictions introduced by the new Penitentiary Code in the training
of detainees
Removing the electronic file of people who communicate with prisoners.
The withdrawal of Article 31 (3), which allows the mandatory feeding of a prisoner of a
hunger strike.
Finally, the deletion of the punishment clause in Article 67, which entitles the prison
council to deduct the beneficial calculation of penalty days
From 11/11, the anarchists Pula Roupa and Nikos Maziotis have begun a hunger strike
calling for 1) the withdrawal of Article 11 for the implementation of C prison, 2) the
removal of the isolation of Nikos Maziotis, 3) the minimization of the visiting hours
based on their frequency and 4) the creation of a special area for children.
As society is increasingly transformed into a universal prison operating solely for the
interests of capital and we continue to fail to stand collectively and militarily against
it, we recognize in the struggles of the prisoners a common starting point, a common
social and class oppression we are experiencing our common oppressors. The project of
emancipation of the exploited and the oppressed, the project of a world of freedom,
communality, solidarity, without classes and power, the project of a world without prisons
is becoming more and more timely, more and more necessary as the crisis deepens and it
sucks the last conquests of the struggles of the past, whether economic, social or "freedoms".
WINNING IN THE GUESTS OF THE DRAGONS AGAINST THE NEW SAFETY CODE
JOINT GAMES WITHIN THE COUNTRY AND IN CAPITAL
Solidarity Fund for Prisoners and Persecuted Fighters of Thessaloniki
Eleftherial Initiative of Thessaloniki
Collective of Anarchists from the East
------------------------------
Message: 4
The 3rd Conference of the Anarchist Political Organization - Federation of Collectives was
held on 25 and 26 November in the occupation of Mundo Nuevo, in Thessaloniki. During the
first day, in the context of the open debate on the political and social circumstances,
the conference was attended by observers, representatives of the libertarian Communist
Party of Libertatia from Thessaloniki and college Pelotos - on the road to communism and
anarchy from Xanthi, while a written greeting was sent by the anarchist college Kirara
from Arta. Also, the process of joining Cumulonimbus anarchist team from Corfu to APO was
completed. ---- In the first process, AP members' groups made political stances around a
number of issues. The War of World Domination, the Emergency, and Modern Integration as
the treaty in which the state and the bosses are attacked, the uprooting of huge ethnic
groups as a result of poverty and wars, the necessity of internationalist resistance and
solidarity in the direction of the formation of the international one from the bottom, the
state-capitalist attack on society and nature, the enterprise of salvation of labor and
social rights, the development of social and class the base resistance and the prospects
of interconnection of the individual races,
Then, the proceedings of the Conference continued with internal discussions of the
Associations of APO, which deplored the movement so far, the functioning of the
institutions and the special thematic groups, re-evaluated the political context and set
the directions for its movement organization for the coming period and ahead of the next
Congress.
Also, the pre-conferences dialogues were continued to strengthen the organization's
positions on education / education and the plundering of the natural world.
OD aims to contribute to the creation of a structured, broad and emancipated social and
class movement. A movement that will put obstacles in every attempt to manipulate, scape
and mediate social and class struggles. It will clearly raise the question of the social
revolution as the only realistic way out of the bottom to get rid of the sovereignty of
the state and capitalism.
ORGANIZATION AND RACE
FOR SOCIAL REVOLUTION, FREEDOM OF COMMUNICATION AND ANARCHY
Anarchist Political Organization - Federation of Collectivities
------------------------------
Message: 5
Prepared by members of the BRRN Analysis and Strategy Committee and approved by the
membership. ---- INTRODUCTION ---- This analysis was developed by ongoing discussions
among members of the Black Rose / Rosa Negra (BRRN) Anarchist Federation's Analysis and
Strategy Committee and sent as a discussion document to our August 2017 convention, where
it generated deep discussion and further feedback. It is organized into four sections: an
analysis of ruling class power, an analysis of social movements, a statement of basic
organizing principles in light of the current moment, and some suggestions for the
federation moving forward. ---- Its main points are that we see real potential to build
popular power and social anarchism in the coming period. The U.S. ruling class is
fractured, the political terrain has shifted dramatically, and there is mass discontent
with corporate politics as usual. This provides numerous opportunities for
pro-organizational revolutionary anarchists to intervene as social movements arise. At
present the mass discontent is being channeled by the institutional left - unions,
non-profits, and other institutions traditionally aligned with the Democrats - into
explicit reformism and electoral politics. We argue for promoting independent social
movements outside of the institutional left while putting forward within new and existing
social struggles the need to advance class struggle, collective direct action, direct
democracy, and a vision of libertarian socialism.
TENSIONS AT THE TOP
The US ruling class is experiencing a political crisis the likes of which it hasn't seen
in decades. The basis of the crisis are serious tactical divisions within US ruling class
interests around domestic control and stewardship, the decline of US global hegemony,
looming structural crisis stemming from the limits of neoliberal policy, the coming
climate catastrophe, as well as deep seated and wide-ranging popular discontent.
Furthermore, recent challenges to white supremacy have forced ruling elites to respond,
making their internal political crisis more difficult to manage. We've reached a point
where "the center can't hold." The ideological glue of centrist politics is coming apart
and significant segments of the population are polarizing, heading further left and
further right for alternatives - reflecting a broader pattern on a global scale.
The Trump presidency is both a symptom and cause of the divisions within ruling sectors,
widening existing cracks in the neoliberal edifice and fostering uncertainty. Major
sectors of state power, from the so-called "deep state" to established politicians, are in
open opposition to Trump and the ideological extremism present in his administration.
Elements of Trump's agenda that clash with longstanding liberal ruling class commitments
are successfully being challenged from within existing institutional channels, such as the
courts initially and temporarily blocking Trump's "Muslim ban." Other aspects have
widespread support within segments of the ruling class and a much greater chance of
success, including recently proposed austerity budgets, the call for "law and order"
policing, roll-backs of the welfare state, and loosening restrictions on fossil fuel
extraction and businesses regulation.
Overall, this picture of the Trump presidency is in line with what many on the left argued
before and after the 2016 election - that is, the extreme elements of the Trump agenda
would likely be checked by the structural limitations of the state and outside sources of
concentrated power. US ruling interests are worried how long those restraints will last,
or if broken, if they will break in their favor. Their main concern for the current moment
is the uncertainty and unpredictability the Trump administration brings, and Trump's role
in eroding US international leadership on economic and military matters. (See for example
China's attempts at leadership on issues of global climate change, or fret over Trump's
more outrageous rhetorical attacks on NATO).
The controversy surrounding Trump is a reflection of a broader crisis within the US
political class. Both the Republican and Democratic Parties are extremely unpopular and
unable to point in any clear direction. Nearly the entire GOP institutional leadership
opposed Trump during the election but were unable to prevent him from winning the primary.
They seem to be aware that Trump is causing major damage to the GOP brand but vacillate
between damage control and taking advantage of the chaos to push unpopular legislation.
The Democratic Party leadership seems deeply out of touch in the wake of Clinton's loss,
unable to present a vision beyond "we're not Trump," nor able to mount effective
resistance at this point. On the other hand, it is unclear where this moment of
illegitimacy for the two-party system will lead and we should not underestimate the
resiliency of capitalist institutions to reconstitute themselves.
Ruling class divisions like those mentioned offer political opportunities, but also
serious dangers. Instability plus Trump's authoritarian proclivities mean that the
possibility of international conflict or more severe forms of domestic "law and order"
repression should not be discounted. But Trump is extremely weak and isolated right now
and these developments are less likely barring a major unexpected event. At the same time,
leading sectors of US power are vocally and publicly supporting elements of militant
reformism, especially around climate change and wealth inequality. These ruling class
divisions provide political openings for libertarian socialists to push a revolutionary
social program, build its base, and establish itself as a revolutionary pole for liberation.
SOCIAL MOVEMENTS: POWER FROM BELOW
Social movements are similarly fractured and most seem to be moving toward some type of
retrenchment strategy in response to Trump. We see retrenchment as taking the form of
scaling back organizing efforts, while channeling grassroots energy into the 2018 and 2020
elections to undermine and oust Trump. Increasingly important is the separation between
popular resentment/action and the institutional left. While these forces appear to be
recalibrating, we should not underestimate their ability to capture and domesticate
popular discontent.
Trump's election and the growing visibility of the far-right have led to a tremendous
growth of popular engagement with progressive causes and activity, dwarfing any equivalent
gains on the Right. However, the institutional left has failed to build on deepening
public outrage, offering little beyond symbolic demonstrations, "get out the vote" efforts
and militant reformism. Whether its labor, Black Lives Matter (BLM), immigrant,
environmental, queer, or feminist struggles, the established leaders of many institutional
left organizations have called for or anticipate a period of retrenchment.
Since the militancy of the Baltimore rebellion, the Movement for Black Lives has put
together a "united front" behind a shared platform of demands that range from reparations
to community control. The organizations behind the M4BL Platform represent a broad
cross-section of black-led progressive non-profits, a reflection of BLM being increasingly
tied to the institutional left orbit, yet it's unclear how the platform is being advanced
or if the collective strength of the organizations behind it are being mobilized in any
meaningful way. Few seem to be engaged in the kinds of on-the-ground direct action
rebellions that initially catalyzed and electrified the struggle against anti-black state
violence, despite the endless string of black murders by police, while the Movement for
Black Lives Platform points in the direction of a more electoral or legislative strategy.
For the labor movement, union leadership appear to be pursuing two strategies. One group,
led by conservative building trades unions, favors "playing ball" with Trump in an effort
to promote nationalist and protectionist manufacturing as a way to create jobs. The other,
implemented by unions like SEIU, have preemptively laid off staff and shrunk their
campaign operations as they prepare for the worst under the new administration. Two
pending labor cases, Yohn v. CTA and Janus v. AFSCME, will likely make automatic dues
payment illegal for public sector unions, which represent the bulk of unionized workers,
and many in the labor movement see this a death blow. There are perhaps some signs of
militancy, such as calls by some SEIU workers to participate in May 1st "general strikes"
against the Trump agenda. But little materialized from these calls and this shows that
militants have their work cut out for them.
In the face of a union movement on the wane and out of a desire to create a revolutionary
pole within the broader labor movement, workers have joined the IWW in increasing numbers
since the economic crisis of 2008. In addition to its modest growth, the IWW's recent
activity among service workers, prison labor, and anti-fascist organizing points toward
the kind of labor movement that is needed in this moment.
The feminist "movement" is currently experiencing a contradiction in its activism and
practice, in which a feminist and anti-patriarchal discourse has become more widespread
among the population, yet its self-proclaimed political leadership remains closely aligned
with the Democratic Party. The "Women's March" in January 2017 was historic and inspiring
with an estimated 1% of the population participating. The March 8th "Women's Strike" held
more promise as an international call with a progressive set of demands, yet it had a
smaller turnout than the Women's March. Unfortunately this orientation will likely fail to
protect their number one policy agenda, defending Planned Parenthood and elements of the
ACA (Obamacare). These marches highlight two developments: First, a confirmation in the
bond between mainstream feminist organizations and the Democratic Party; and secondly, a
growing divide between reformist feminism and an increasingly militant anti-patriarchal
movement. These marches have opened a broader dialogue around feminism and the possibility
for building a feminist/anti-patriarchal movement aligned with the interests of working
class women, trans, and queers, as well as inserting a feminist politic within current
social movements. However, there is a need for coordinated and organized discussions to
propose a plan of action on a local and national scale.
The indigenous and environmental movements have experienced a dramatic growth in activity,
centered on militant defense of the land in confrontations with the oil and coal
industries. Key on-the-ground campaigns to block pipelines and coal trains, such as the
Kinder-Morgan Canadian pipeline, are moving forward. The struggle at Standing Rock, which
followed on the heels of Idle No More, galvanized widespread attention and solidarity
actions in urban areas. Standing Rock brought together a multi-generational and
multi-ethnic indigenous movement whose struggle for land and autonomy has motivated a new
generation of indigenous youth into militant political activism.
In the wake of Trump's election, much of the immigrant rights movement is on the
defensive, yet the nakedness of the anti-immigrant agenda coming from the White House,
most notably in the form of a renewed round of ICE raids, has begun to politicize a new
generation of undocumented youth. We have seen more public expressions of xenophobia
targeting immigrants of color. The purpose of this offensive by the state is to intimidate
undocumented workers, one of the most exploited and precarious sectors within the working
class. The increase in state policing has motivated some immigrants to leave the US, thus
reducing the pool of farmworkers, forcing the Trump administration to increase the issue
of H-2A (Temporary Agricultural Workers) visas. In addition, the escalation in
militarizing the US border is not meant to end immigration, but to traumatize undocumented
workers in order to further exploit their labor power.
We see two trends dominating the coming period: the use of militant reformism and
electoral efforts in the name of social democracy. While Trump is in office, major
segments of the institutional and radical Left (as with Socialist Alternative and their
uncritical support for Bernie Sanders) are going to advocate and channel activists into
electoral campaigns. While more moderate advocates of electoral struggles continue to
fight within the Democratic Party for more progressive candidates, others are clamoring
for the elusive independent party of the left. Democratic Socialists of America (DSA),
whose membership has surpassed 30K, are explicitly calling for this "inside-outside"
strategy, attempting to push the Democrats from within while building the base for a
future third party. Given that the left is experiencing rapid growth, a move towards
electoralism is a further shift towards reformism. Instead, we propose an offensive
program of building popular power - a distinct form of power exercised through combative,
self-managed social movements independent of the institutional left - that can win
meaningful reforms while laying the groundwork for pushing beyond them.
One other element needs to be noted here - the ominous presence of the far-right. In
response to BLM, diminishing returns on the "wages of whiteness," economic uncertainty,
and the perceived threat to US hegemony posed by immigrants/refugees and Islam, a vocal
minority of xenophobic, white nationalist, and proto-fascist forces have become
increasingly mobilized - emboldened by Trump's presence in the oval office. While the
strength of the far-right seems to be geographically uneven, the increasing use of
violence by the far right, particularly by lone-wolf actors who kill in the name of the
movement, is having a chilling effect for many. Through the alt-right and other forces,
what was once largely an internet phenomenon is now entering the public arena, with
varying degrees of success.
In response to the alt-right and other fascist forces, Antifa has grown in prominence as a
countervailing force, sparking renewed debates on the left over black bloc tactics. While
dramatic street confrontations are necessary at times, they can also lead to a
fetishization of militant tactics and lend to a dynamic of one marginal wing of the right
fighting with another marginal wing of the left. Nonetheless, fascist forces should not be
permitted to take root.
STRATEGIC PRINCIPLES MOVING FORWARD
Given this picture we argue that several strategic orientations are key in the current
moment for the larger left and organized political forces:
Build independent social movements from below: Popular anger is at an all-time high, but
there is very little movement being generated. The institutional left is not interested in
building power outside of tightly controlled channels. We need to build autonomous social
movement power (autogestión) independent of the institutional left in our workplaces,
schools and communities. To this end, we need to adopt strategies in specific sectors as
guideposts for social movement activity. In the same way that socialist organizations
argue for the need to build an independent political party, we should make our argument
for building independent social movements.
Push Offensive Campaigns: A surefire strategy to let the Trump agenda win is to fall onto
a defensive footing merely trying to prevent the many attacks on social programs, unions
and scapegoated populations. An orientation of permanent retrenchment and defense is a
failed strategy that the most conservative elements of the left have been pushing for
decades. Instead, moving struggle forward with offensive demands could turn the tables and
put major segments of power on the defensive, prevent the worst of many of the cuts, and
dramatically change the political climate.
Advance an explicitly libertarian socialist practice and program: The cumulative weight of
the 2008 economic crisis, Occupy, BLM, and the Bernie Sanders campaign, has laid the
groundwork for the growing appeal of radical politics in general and socialism in
particular. Growing discontent over the two party system and "politics as usual" has
created space to sharpen and deepen our criticisms of electoral strategies and the state.
Overt forms of state violence and repression against black and brown communities has
expanded critiques of the police, the prison industrial complex, and ICE, opening space
for advancing a broader anti-state, anti-racist and internationalist revolutionary
practice. In the face of cascading capitalist crisis and the failed history of state
socialism, there is a wide demand and audience for an alternative vision and a coherent
path forward.
For more background on Black Rose/Rosa Negra we recommend reading "Strengthening Our
Politics, Commitment and Growth" on our 4th national convention held in August 2017.
If you are interested in more "Anarchism 101" material, we recommend the article, "Who are
the Anarchists and What is Anarchism?" or the podcast with Mark Bray, author of Antifa: An
Antifascist Handbook and a member of Black Rose/Rosa Negra, appearing on Revolutionary
Left Radio. You won't be disappointed!
http://blackrosefed.org/below-and-beyond-trump/
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