Anarchic update news all over the world - part 2 - 6.12.2017

Today's Topics:

   
1.  France, Alternative Libertaire AL Novembre - April 1947:
      Renault strike ignites France (fr, it, pt) [machine translation]
      (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
2.  Poland, WORKERS' INITIATIVE: What about this pension? - Text
      of Poster of OZZ IP against extending the retirement age from
      2012 [machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
3.  [Chile] Santiago: Anarchist Celebration 100 years of the
      Russian Revolution - December 4, By ANA on December 2, 2017 (ca,
      it, pt) [machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
4.  anarkis.org: Anarchism in Indonesia BY VADIM DAMIER AND
      KIRILL LIMANOV [machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)


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Message: 1





In April 1947, the Boulogne-Billancourt Renault plant began a historic strike that would 
lead to the expulsion of communist ministers from the government. The PCF and the CGT, 
then in full patriotic fever, fought this strike until they could not help but accompany 
it. The movement started under the impulse of far-left groups active at Renault. ---- 
Assembly of strikers on the Place Nationale, April 28, 1947. ---- The immediate postwar 
period was for France a period at once of immense hopes and disillusioning 
disillusionment. From January 1946 to May 1947, the country is run by a government 
associating the Popular Republican Movement (MRP, Christian Democrats, distant ancestors 
of the UDF), the SFIO (ancestor of the PS) and the PCF.
The latter is then at the peak of its power: 800,000 adherents and adherents claimed at 
the end of 1946, and "  first party of France  " with 28.3% in the legislative. 
Politically, he pursues the Stalin-Patriot line that is his since 1935, but now with the 
authority of a government party. At a time when the "  revival of the fatherland  " comes 
first, the class struggle must be limited to the parliamentary games of the Party. But it 
must be banned from the places of production: "  the strike is the weapon of the trusts, " 
proclaimed the secretary general of the CPF, Maurice Thorez, and everywhere the communists 
must oppose it.

Their recent hegemony in the CGT allows them. At the congress of April 1946, the 
Stalinists affirmed their hold on a confederation, which claims 5.5 million union members, 
and marginalized the non-communist trade unionists (grouped around the periodical Force 
ouvrière ) and the Trotskyist and anarchist minorities. Having become a transmission belt 
of the government, the CGT becomes more and more like a yellow union. In large 
nationalized companies (Renault, EDF, Charbonnages de France ...), it co-manages 
production, pushes rates, ensures wage moderation, prevents strikes.

Revolutionary minorities, however, are not without influence. They meet a not 
insignificant echo in certain fringes of the youth and the proletariat disgusted by the 
institutionalization of the PCF and the CGT. It is this far left that, despite the 
Stalinist lead screed, will succeed, in April 1947, to ignite the powder, and this in one 
of the main bastions of the labor movement: the Renault plant in Boulogne-Billancourt.

The spark

On this factory of 30,000 employees, where the CGT claims 17,000 cards, the Stalinists 
believe that their hold is total. They underestimate the nuisance capacity of 
revolutionaries who are agitated in certain recesses. Thus the Communist Union (UC, 
Trotskyist) groups about ten active members in the "  Collas sector  ": the departments 6 
and 18 (manufacture of gearboxes, directions, gables) ; the small (about ten people) CNT 
anarcho-syndicalist is animated by an activist of the FA, Gil Devillard, in department 49 
(assembly engines) [1]; the PCI also has some activists.

It all started at the end of February 1947. At the initiative of the CU, open meetings 
tried to bring together the "  discontent  " of the stalino-employer regime. These 
meetings, in which the PCI, the FA, the CNT and even some Bordigists participate, bring 
together up to 60 people. It is soon decided to launch a unifying claim, previously 
brandished and abandoned by the CGT: an increase of 10 francs on the base salary. From 
mid-April, the claim begins to take in the Collas area. At the end of an improvised AGM, a 
strike committee is formed, in which a CU activist, Pierre Bois, begins to make himself 
known. [2]. On Friday, April 25, starting at 6:30 am, workers in the Collas sector 
disengaged, cut electricity, set up pickets and issued a call for mobilization to the rest 
of the plant.

Stalinists overwhelmed

The PCF and the CGT rush to kill the movement in the bud. "  This morning, a gang of 
Anarcho-Hitler-Trotskyists wanted to blow up the factory,  " exclaims Plaisance, secretary 
of the CGT, in an improvised speech at the entrance of the factory. Faced with these 
various calumnies the strike tramples until Monday 28, then it spreads suddenly. A meeting 
is called at the entrance of the factory by the strike committee. When Pierre Bois climbed 
onto the newsstand at Place Nationale to speak, the assembly listening to his speech was 
spectacular: 3,000 workers answered the call.

While the bonzes of the CGT and the PCF boycott the meeting, the national leaders of some 
organizations like the CNT, the tendency Front worker of the CGT (in fact the PCI) and the 
CFTC, came to express their support. The micro-car was brought by the Jeunesses 
socialistes. The next day, there are more than 10,000 strikers, soon 12,000.

In department 49, the strikers taken by the CNT run to stop the main engine, which 
controls the assembly lines. It comes to blows with the Stalinists who want to stop them. 
Libertarian Communist Gil Devillard is appointed to represent the department on the strike 
committee.

Gil Devillard

Activist FA and CNT leader in department 49, he is a member of the strike committee.
While all the press echoed the strike at Renault, the parade of the 1 st  of May is huge. 
The 100,000 copies of a special edition of Libertaire are sold in full. Eugène Hénaff, 
General Secretary of CGT Metallurgy, who came in person to the factory, was booed. The 
pressure on the Stalinists is enormous, especially since the base of the CGT participates 
in the movement. After a few days, she has no choice but to join in and immediately claims 
the direction.

The strike committee is finally not the weight against the CGT, which gradually takes 
control of the plant. On May 8, the government grants 3 francs increase. On May 9, the 
Stalinists have two-thirds return to work. Only the most combative ones remain in the 
fight. Departments 6, 18, 88, 31, 48 and 49 thus persist in a "  cork strike  " which 
paralyzes the rest of the factory and does not cease completely until May 15, once the 
government has granted a bonus of 1,600 francs and an advance of 900 francs for all and 
all employees.

The cold war is launched

However, for the PCF, the damage is done. His ministers were briefly obliged to show 
solidarity with the strikers. On May 5, they are expelled from the government.

Detached from their governmental obligations, the Stalinists unleash the bridle to worker 
discontent. In June, strikes broke out among railway workers, miners and elsewhere. That's 
good, Moscow is just decided to change tactics. The time is no longer for peaceful 
coexistence with the West, but for confrontation. The Soviets vilify the French and 
Italian Communists who since 1945 have let themselves go to "  parliamentary cretinism  ". 
The PCF feels obliged to prove itself and, wherever it can, launches "  Molotov strikes 
Whose objectives are often more in keeping with the plans of Soviet diplomacy than with 
the workers' demands. What does it matter: the class struggle regains its rights, even if 
it is on a new political chessboard: that of the Cold War.

At Renault-Billancourt and elsewhere, the Stalinists redo their yellowed coat of arms. A 
few months after the strike, the CNT disappears from the landscape, when its main animator 
leaves for training outside. The libertarian communist current will again develop an 
activity in the factory between 1949 and 1956, creating the group Makhno. For its part, 
the UC drives a union competing with the CGT, the Democratic Union Renault (SDR) which 
will have up to 406 members but is quickly marginalized. It disintegrates shortly after 
the split of the UC in 1949.

It is that the return of the Stalinists to the social struggles upsets the deal. 
Trotskyists and libertarians find themselves deprived of the space they have been able to 
occupy during the PCF's governmental parenthesis. For lack of prospects, the extreme left 
will gradually crumble and sinking into dissensions on the direction to take to get out of 
the doldrums - the PCI split in 1952, the FA in 1953. It will be necessary to wait until 
May 68 for that the revolutionaries find a national audience.

William Davranche (AL Montrouge)

THE EXTREME LEFT IN 1947

Internationalist Communist Party (ICP): A Trotskyist organization founded in 1944, the 
ancestor of the current Workers Party (PT) and the Revolutionary Communist League (LCR). 
Defends at the time the slogan "  For a government PS-PC-CGT  ".

Communist Union (UC): Led by the Romanian worker Barta, this Trotskyist group born in 1939 
is the ancestor of the current Workers' Struggle. He criticizes the PCI's policy as a " 
united front with Stalinism  " .

Anarchist Federation (FA): Founded in 1945, ancestor of the current Anarchist Federation 
and Alternative libertarian. Refuses to choose one of the two camps of the cold war and 
practices the so-called "  third front  " strategy : neither Stalin nor Truman.

National Confederation of Labor (CNT): Anarcho-syndicalist division of the CGT, founded in 
December 1946, heir to both the pre-war CGT-SR, and the Spanish CNT in exile.

Bordigists: Militants of the ultra-left Leninist and anti-unionist, claiming the thought 
of the Italian Amadeo Bordiga.

CHRONOLOGICAL REFERENCES

8-12 April 1946: Congress of the CGT in Paris: Stalinist hegemony. Split of 
anarcho-syndicalists.

13-15 September 1946: II th Congress of the FA in Dijon.

December 7-9, 1946: First Congress of the French CNT.

December 19, 1946: Beginning of the Indochina War.

March 30, 1947: Insurrection of Madagascar. The repression, atrocious, will kill 12,000 
people. In France, the Renault strike will eclipse the event.

April 24: The government reduces the daily ration of bread from 300 to 250 grams.

April 25: Start of the strike at Renault.

May 4: The communist deputies refuse to vote the confidence to the president of the 
Council Ramadier.

May 5: Communist ministers are excluded from the government.

May 19: End of the strike at Renault.

June 2: Start of the railway workers strike, soon followed by that of EDF-GDF, then by 
banks and miners.

September 30-October 5: Summit of nine European Communist parties, under the auspices of 
the Soviet PC, in Szlarska-Poreba, Poland. Adoption of the Zhdanov Cold War Doctrine. The 
Italian and French PCs are tanced for their "  parliamentary cretinism  " .

November 9-11: In Angers, III th Congress of the Anarchist Federation.

November 10: Start in Marseille insurrectional strikes that will shake the country for 
several months.

December 19: The trend Force ouvrière splits of the CGT.

April 12, 1948: Foundation of the CGT-FO.

April: New wave of strikes.

September-November: Wave of violent strikes.

October 4: Miners strike launched by the CGT.

October 16: The government has the wells occupied by the army. Very violent clashes with 
the strikers, in Saint-Etienne, Carmaux, Montceau-les-Mines and Alès.


[1] Gil Devillard, "  At Renault, to fight in the Makhno group, it was not easy !  " , 
Gavroche n ° 148, October-December 2006.

[2] Pierre Bois, "  The strike of the Renault factories  ", in The proletarian revolution 
of May 25, 1947.

http://www.alternativelibertaire.org/?Avril-1947-La-greve-Renault

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Message: 2





Lowering the retirement age or actually returning to the regulations from before the 
previous reform became a fact. Despite this, opinions on the pension system are diverse, 
which often results from different class positions of the participants in the debate. 
Often, specific arguments and analysis of the effects of lowering the retirement age are 
replaced by ideology. Business and politicians are still telling us that longer seniority 
was necessary because of the financial situation of the state, and the only alternative is 
to raise premiums or lower pensions. While the recent changes in the retirement age are 
highly opposed by liberal groups, a significant proportion of workers were relieved to 
retire at the age of 60 (women) and 65 (men). Where do these differences of opinion come 
from? Entrepreneurs have an interest in that the main proceeds to the state budget come 
from employees. In contrast, for employees, extending the retirement age often sounds like 
an extension of the sentence to a punishment. They are worried that they simply will not 
see a retirement benefit.

There are many industries in Poland where work is not easy, pleasant or well paid. At the 
same time, the people who work in them do not use any multi-employer agreements or the 
right to early retirement. For example, employees of production, agriculture, logistics, 
commerce, health care, gastronomy and many other sectors, who often perform walking or 
standing work, monotonous and burden the body due to physical effort or constantly 
repeating movements. They often work 10-12 hours a day, in harmful or difficult to bear 
conditions. Continuous control and shift work are another source of stress that 
significantly affects their health. Added to this is the destructive impact of night 
shifts. The so-called. "Nicks" can cause peptic ulcer disease after several years, 
increase the risk of cancer, adversely affect the eyesight and circulatory system, cause 
changes in the brain and many other diseases. According to research 9 out of 10 employees 
do not tolerate work at night time. Thus, a significant part of employees aged 60 is 
struggling with health problems and requires longer rest periods. In addition, most women 
bring up children and run a household, which means that they are charged with a second 
job, which they do free of charge. Men working on construction sites, machine operators, 
firefighters, welders at the age of 67 also find it difficult to perform their assigned 
tasks. Difficult access to medical care and its quality make it difficult to live a good 
old age in good condition. The argument of increasing life expectancy, which ruins pension 
systems, is therefore cynical and false. Employees are being blackmailed in many 
countries, that there is no other alternative than a longer, harder job. However, there 
are alternatives.

A continuation of the argument against the lowering of the retirement age is the fear of 
increasing the deficit of the Social Insurance Fund. There are opinions that in a few 
years there will be no money for any retirement benefits. This is not excluded. However, 
in order to increase revenues to the Social Security Fund, you do not have to burden 
employees with subsequent years of work. The required amount of these inflows can be 
achieved by changing the fiscal policy applied to employers. The majority of employees in 
Poland earn about PLN 3,000 gross (ie about PLN 2,100 net) or less. Not only are such low 
wages worsening the quality of their lives, they are also still trying to burden them with 
the consequences of low wages, which in practice means increasing the length of work. In 
2015, the average working time of Poles amounted to 1963 hours. Meanwhile, the Norwegians 
or the Dutch worked on average 1424 and 1419 hours, and Germany 1371 hours. Since we work 
from them more, there is no reason for us to earn less.

Low wages are not only a low level of life for individual employees, low pension 
contributions are paid on low wages, which results in low budget revenues. If 
entrepreneurs and not employees are responsible for low wages, then an alternative 
solution is created: ensuring higher wages for all employees, which will automatically 
increase budget revenues. In this case, an alternative to raising the retirement age is to 
create solutions that oblige entrepreneurs and the state to improve the position of 
employees, for example, to raise the minimum wage, change labor laws and regulations 
facilitating the organization of strikes, giving more PIP rights, etc.

Another issue is control over public finances. In previous years, billions of zlotys 
leaked from retirement accounts. Only in 2011, almost 8.5 billion of them have disappeared 
due to bad accounting. The so-called. the VAT gap is, according to some studies, up to PLN 
60 billion. As you can see, the problem is not the lack of money, only their unfair 
division, which results from the political situation prevailing in the country. Since the 
1990s, successive governments have been maintaining and even developing a project of 
Special Economic Zones, ie zones guaranteeing subsidies and tax exemptions for 
entrepreneurs. Among the criteria necessary to obtain public aid, there are neither 
working conditions nor the minimum wages of employed persons. A significant part of 
companies that use this form of support from the state offers junk employment and the 
lowest wages. Volkswagen itself in 2014. he received aid worth 30 million euros (including 
62.2 million zlotys from the state budget). An even bigger amount was added to the 
accounts of Mercedes. If it is so easy to find funds for business, financing our pensions 
should not be a major problem. If money is lacking, then it is necessary to change the 
policy of redistribution of wealth produced by employees. Possible solutions are 
redirection of the stream of money, which for years has been flowing into the pockets of 
entrepreneurs towards employees, even for their retirement. Another option is to check and 
commit subsidized facilities to provide employees with decent wages. If it is so easy to 
find funds for business, financing our pensions should not be a major problem. If money is 
lacking, then it is necessary to change the policy of redistribution of wealth produced by 
employees. Possible solutions are redirection of the stream of money, which for years has 
been flowing into the pockets of entrepreneurs towards employees, even for their 
retirement. Another option is to check and commit subsidized facilities to provide 
employees with decent wages. If it is so easy to find funds for business, financing our 
pensions should not be a major problem. If money is lacking, then it is necessary to 
change the policy of redistribution of wealth produced by employees. Possible solutions 
are redirection of the stream of money, which for years has been flowing into the pockets 
of entrepreneurs towards employees, even for their retirement. Another option is to check 
and commit subsidized plants to provide employees with decent wages.

Contrary to the opinion of the liberals, extending the retirement age is also not a 
response to the demographic and aging problems of the society. Instead of fighting the 
symptoms, the causes of the problem should be solved. The number of births will not 
increase if employees are forced to work longer. It is necessary to change social policy. 
The 500+ program is a step in the right direction, but it does not solve all problems. It 
is necessary to support care work at the institutional level (increasing expenditures for 
running nurseries, kindergartens, schools, community centers, extracurricular activities, 
canteens), providing employees with access to cheap rental housing, facilitating the 
combination of paid work and childcare eg reduction of working time while maintaining the 
same pay. There are currently regulations, which to a very small extent make it easier for 
parents to reconcile work and care. Experience shows, however, that employers care about 
them without any problems. For example, a recipe that allows refusal of night work for 
parents of children under 4 years can be easily avoided in practice. For example, after 
the pressure of parents, Amazon created a special change for them, in such days and hours 
that for most it is more uncomfortable than working at night. In addition, often from our 
activists and activists from various commissions there is information about an unjustified 
refusal to take advantage of a day off for childcare. In this situation, having a child 
becomes a problem for employees. It can only change the empowerment of employees towards 
employers. Experience shows, however, that employers care about them without any problems. 
For example, a recipe that allows refusal of night work for parents of children under 4 
years can be easily avoided in practice. For example, after the pressure of parents, 
Amazon created a special change for them, in such days and hours that for most it is more 
uncomfortable than working at night. In addition, often from our activists and activists 
from various commissions there is information about an unjustified refusal to take 
advantage of a day off for childcare. In this situation, having a child becomes a problem 
for employees. It can only change the empowerment of employees towards employers. 
Experience shows, however, that employers care about them without any problems. For 
example, a recipe that allows refusal of night work for parents of children under 4 years 
can be easily avoided in practice. For example, after the pressure of parents, Amazon 
created a special change for them, in such days and hours that for most it is more 
uncomfortable than working at night. In addition, often from our activists and activists 
from various commissions there is information about an unjustified refusal to take 
advantage of a day off for childcare. In this situation, having a child becomes a problem 
for employees. It can only change the empowerment of employees towards employers. For 
example, a recipe that allows refusal of night work for parents of children under 4 years 
can be easily avoided in practice. For example, after the pressure of parents, Amazon 
created a special change for them, in such days and hours that for most it is more 
uncomfortable than working at night. In addition, often from our activists and activists 
from various commissions there is information about an unjustified refusal to take 
advantage of a day off for childcare. In this situation, having a child becomes a problem 
for employees. It can only change the empowerment of employees towards employers. For 
example, a recipe that allows refusal of night work for parents of children under 4 years 
can be easily avoided in practice. For example, after the pressure of parents, Amazon 
created a special change for them, in such days and hours that for most it is more 
uncomfortable than working at night. In addition, often from our activists and activists 
from various commissions there is information about an unjustified refusal to take 
advantage of a day off for childcare. In this situation, having a child becomes a problem 
for employees. It can only change the empowerment of employees towards employers. In 
addition, often from our activists and activists from various commissions there is 
information about an unjustified refusal to take advantage of a day off for childcare. In 
this situation, having a child becomes a problem for employees. It can only change the 
empowerment of employees towards employers. In addition, often from our activists and 
activists from various commissions there is information about an unjustified refusal to 
take advantage of a day off for childcare. In this situation, having a child becomes a 
problem for employees. It can only change the empowerment of employees towards employers.

Two possible scenarios emerge in the discussion on the retirement age: longer retirement 
age and dissatisfied employees, but a more stable FUS budget or a more favorable 
retirement age and potential problems with payment of benefits. Meanwhile, the issue of 
retirement age is not as one-dimensional as it is presented. The problem is that in the 
debates on this subject, the only entity responsible for the financial condition of the 
pension fund are employees. Admitting that the employers and politicians who create fiscal 
policy are responsible for it opens up a number of new opportunities for us. Perhaps it is 
true that in the future we will face problems related to the Social Security crisis.

Kornelia Piotrowska

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Message: 3





The first uprising generated in Russia in 1905, where the nihilist and anarchist movement 
were protagonists in the front row, was the primordial gestation for that in 1917 to 
triumph the revolution and the companions jailed and imprisoned in 1905 could return to 
the street to work by the conquered revolution . But another danger was born in the ranks 
of the revolution: MARXISM, theory and action of the Bolsheviks: the traitors of the 
revolution, they ended up burying it since the logical evolution of Marxism in all its 
forms is the authority and of no authority would be born the total freedom . We invite you 
to the day of celebration of the Russian revolution from a purely anarchist point of view 
that will take place on Monday, December 4 from 7:30 pm in the House of Libertarian 
Communism, Nataniel Cox 1910, Franklin subway.

ANARCHIST CELEBRATION 100 YEARS OF THE RUSSIAN REVOLUTION: THE HURRICANE OF MARXISM, THE 
TRACTION OF FOICE AND THE HAMMER.

>  Projection: Nestor Makhno, a peasant from Ukraine.

>  Lecture: The deception of Marxism, the betrayal of the sickle and the hammer.

>  Freedom Fair.

When?  Monday 4 December from 7:30 p.m.

At where?  House of Libertarian Communism, Nataniel Cox 1910.

Free entry.

Organized and convoked: Grupo La Conquista del Pan

FB:  https://www.facebook.com/events/1748755868753572/

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Message: 4





The left-wing movement in the Indies clearly emerged through the influence of the Social 
Democrats and the Dutch Socialists. But only a few ideas about Anarchist are known.[1]Even 
so one of the first to criticize the colonial system in the Indies was the 
author-anarchist Edward Douwes Dekker, known by his pseudonym as 'Multatuli' (1820-1887). 
He worked in 1842-1856 within the Dutch East Indies colonial administration, where he 
became acquainted with the brutality of colonialism and made speeches, artworks and 
articles that attacked, and tried to arouse public opinion against the invaders. At the 
beginning of the 20th century, Multatuli texts had a significant influence on Anarchist 
and syndicalist workers in the Netherlands.[2]
The grandson of Multatuli, Ernest François Eugène Douwes Dekker (1879 - 1950), a mixture 
of European-Indonesian families, became one of the anti-colonial movement fighters in the 
Indies. During his journey to Europe in 1910-1911, he established contacts with radical 
fighters for the liberation of the colony, including with Shyamaji Krishnavarma India, 
which later described him as "political anarchist", which carries out the tactics of 
individual movements and murders. In Het Tijdschrift magazinepublished by EFE Douwes 
Dekker in Java since 1911, articles from leftist writers and foreign radicals were 
published, including Krishnavarma and the Indian anarchist Har Dayal. The publisher in the 
self-emphasis he wrote, reminiscent of the limitations of workers' rights in Europe 
itself, and he does not believe that parliamentary democracy can be useful as a way to the 
society he wants to create. He hinted at the possibility of using revolutionary methods of 
violence, although he added that the proposed revolutionary path did not always use the 
method of violence. In February 1913, he publicly wrote that the resistance to colonialism 
was a moral task, for no matter how "soft" the colonial regime, the system was always 
based on inequality, injustice and privilege of the rulers, and therefore colonialism is 
inevitably a form of despotism and tyranny. As a method of struggle, EFE Douwes Dekker 
mentions demonstrations, agitation, revolutions, passive resistance, strikes (especially 
in communications and transport), boycott and rebellion. He welcomed the modern 
revolutionary movement in various countries of the world and, supporting anarchist and 
socialist propagandists in Europe, welcomed sabotage and syndicalism, condemned reformist 
socialism. He calls Jesus Christ "a great anarchist" and a fighter for 
freedom.[3]Nonetheless, in 1912 Douwes Dekker founded E Douwes Dekker mentions 
demonstrations, agitation, revolutions, passive resistance, strikes (especially in the 
areas of communication and transportation), boycott and rebellion. He welcomed the modern 
revolutionary movement in various countries of the world and, supporting anarchist and 
socialist propagandists in Europe, welcomed sabotage and syndicalism, condemned reformist 
socialism. He calls Jesus Christ "a great anarchist" and a fighter for 
freedom.[3]Nonetheless, in 1912 Douwes Dekker founded E Douwes Dekker mentions 
demonstrations, agitation, revolutions, passive resistance, strikes (especially in the 
areas of communication and transportation), boycott and rebellion. He welcomed the modern 
revolutionary movement in various countries of the world and, supporting anarchist and 
socialist propagandists in Europe, welcomed sabotage and syndicalism, condemned reformist 
socialism. He calls Jesus Christ "a great anarchist" and a fighter for 
freedom.[3]Nonetheless, in 1912 Douwes Dekker founded condemning reformist socialism. He 
calls Jesus Christ "a great anarchist" and a fighter for freedom.[3]Nonetheless, in 1912 
Douwes Dekker founded condemning reformist socialism. He calls Jesus Christ "a great 
anarchist" and a fighter for freedom.[3]Nonetheless, in 1912 Douwes Dekker foundedIndische 
Partij , there is no anarchism in its program, nor in the activities of this organization.

Three couples in Indonesia (Soewardi Soerjadiningrat, Douwes Dekker, Tjipto 
Mangoenkoesoema). Dock. National Awakening Museum
Unions that emerged in the Indies from the first decade of the twentieth century were 
influenced by Marxist socialists, who in May 1914 formed the Indies Social Democratic 
Society (ISDV). Members of the association also worked actively in the colonial and naval 
army, who joined the union were members of the low-lying Dutch East Indies fleet. During 
the First World War-a group that called itself the " Union of Soldiers and Sailors " ( 
Union of Soldiers and Sailors), in November 1918 committed an army and naval rebellion in 
Surabaya, also undertook the formation of a Deputy Council of Soldiers and Sailors. Apart 
from the hegemony of Social-Democracy within this movement, there are also references to 
the anarchist influence in it, though not entirely clear from the source, whether they are 
proponents of conscious anarchist ideas, or this definition refers only to the sentiments 
of the anarchist word itself.

There was a report on the actions carried out by sailors in Surabaya, the action took 
place on May 7, 1916, caused by dissatisfaction of treatment by superiors, nutrition and 
poor health care, as well as lack of cleanliness and anger because of the torment of the 
war . Local newspaper, Soerabaijasch Nieuwsbladmentions that: a "very young sailor with a 
clear anarchist idea" tried to convince his colleagues not to stop the lawlessness. The 
demonstration was held without the consent of the Sailor Union leadership and led to a 
clash with police. During the firefight, 5 people were injured. The Social Democrats 
barely managed to stop the protests. In the next wave of repression, one of the organizers 
of the movement was sentenced to 8 months in prison, followed by the dismissal of 47 other 
sailors.[4]The head of the Dutch Labor Union in the lower ranks criticized his branch in 
Surabaya for not quickly abstaining from the action, and Dutch Social Democratic Labor 
Party leader Pieter Jelles Troelstra mumbled that there had been a 'loss of control' over 
his leadership in the union,Union of Soldiers ).[6]While the commander of the Royal Dutch 
East Indies Army , Van Rietschoten, dismissed the fact that the military joined the unions 
and associations that made the "anarchist propaganda."[7]

Propaganda works in the Indies were carried out by many Christian anarchists and 
Tolstoysians who organized the Movement for Clean Life in the Netherlands in 1901. On 1 
January 1907, the movement began publishing Levenskracht Magazine on a monthly time scale, 
edited by Dirk Lodewijk Willem van Mierop (1876 - 1930), who is one of the Union of 
Religious Anarcho-Communists . The publications advocate nonviolence, life in nature, 
natural dress, vegetarianism, and so on. Through the publication, active agitation was 
also performed in the Dutch East Indies, where in 1923 a branch of the movement was formed.[8]

Chinese anarchists tried to spread the revolutionary idea among the Chinese population in 
the Netherlands. Zhang Ji, who later participated in the Tokyo Asian Solidarity Society in 
1907, spent some time in Java, where he translated parts of an English book, " The History 
of Java ." He also fueled the resistance of Chinese immigrant groups against Dutch 
colonial rule. His translation was published in the Zhongguo ribao newspaper , published 
in Hong Kong as part of the Chinese revolutionary newspaper.[9]

The work of Chinese anarchists in the Indies began before the First World War, local 
activists worked and established close contacts with anarchist-anarchists in China, the 
Philippines and Malaya (Malaysia). Initially, different revolutionary ideas clustered 
around the Chinese reading house, which began to open throughout the Indies since 1909 and 
became a kind of political association against the Dutch and Chinese authorities, then 
created newspapers (" Hoa Tok Po ", " Soematra Po ", etc.).[10]After the overthrow of the 
monarchy in China in 1911, anarchists focused on organizing the workers' movement and 
spreading the idea of social revolution. They do work, in particular, through the 
"Workers' Party" ( Gongdang /Kungtong ), which in fact is not acting as a political party, 
but rather as a kind of workers association or trade union organization. At the initiative 
of the Communications Bureau of the South Asian Workers' Party (South East Asia) based in 
Singapore, its branches were established in Dutch East Indies cities such as Makassar 
(Celebes), Batavia, Surabaya (in Java) and Kupang (west of Timor Island).[11]

Apparently, the first anarchist cell appeared between 1914 and 1916, as demonstrated by 
the Review of the Anarchist Movement in the South Seas . In the notes, published in the 
Chinese anarchist publication in 1927, it was stated that in the Indies there were "many 
comrades doing their best to spread propaganda in the form of a newspaper called 
Minsheng[People's Voice]in the ports of Southeast Asian islands."[12]]The Minsheng 
newspaper was founded in 1913 in southern China by an anarchist, Liu Shifu, and published 
until 1916 and also in 1921. The newspaper is widespread also among Chinese outside of China.

Liu Shifu, a figure of the twentieth-century Chinese revolutionary movement and the 
Chinese anarchism movement in particular.
Former Chinese League activist Bai Binzhou (Pai Pinchow), who previously initiated the 
Batavia newspaper Hoa Tok Poe , and another anarchist, Wang Yuting (1892 - 1967), arrived 
in 1918 from Kuala Lumpur and published a newspaper anarko-communist Zhenli Bao in 
Semarang.[13]In 1918, an anarchist Liu Shixin, Shifu's brother, began editing the 
publication of Soematra Po newspaper in the Deli area of Medan.[14][15]

According to Liu Shixin's memoir, he went to Southeast Asia in the summer of 1918 with a 
group of 6 or 7 men. Initially they stopped in Singapore, but then they moved to Sumatra 
to propagate socialism. " They have no plans and concepts of the organization as a whole, 
with a very bad practice ." Soon they attracted the attention of the local police, who 
called them " Bushiwei " ("Bolshevik").[16]

In 1919, in the Indonesian archipelago, a small group called the Society for the Truth of 
the Southern Seas based in Singapore was formed, they were spreading material about 
anarchism.[17]Prominent figures in the Society of Truth , as Chinese researcher Li Danyang 
said, were Liu Shixin.[18]In April 1919 in Semarang, Chinese workers created the "Labor 
Party", which was actually in anarchism. The magazine is the previously mentioned Zhenli 
Bao , published twice a month. The active agitation in this newspaper is echoed by an 
anarchist named Wu Dunmin, who lives in Malaya England. To the British authorities in 
Selangor he explained during the interrogation that Zhenli Baopublished by the "Labor 
Party" with a view to "promoting human rights". But actually, he is openly spreading 
anarchist ideas in this publication. Thus, in an editorial on May 1, 1919, he clearly 
welcomed the worldwide working-class struggle and the achievement of the socialist 
movement, stating that in order to achieve "a free and happy communist land of mutual 
help" the workers must shake "the shackles created by the rich ", then after that embodies 
anarchism.[19]That same year, Bai Binzhou and Wang Yuting founded the Sanbaolong Yuebao 
newspaper[Voice of Semarang], published until 1922.[20]

Anarchist work is also done through the local branch of the Chinese Labor Union, or the 
"Working Party" in Surabaya and other cities.[21]According to British intelligence, the 
Dutch East Indies authorities in the 1918-1920s experienced major problems with Chinese 
anarchist communities in Java, Sumatra and Sulawesi. Through police search and with 
numerous confiscated documents, showing local Chinese anarchist relations with 
anarchist-anarchists in China and Singapore.[22]After that, in 1918, by the East Cost of 
Sumatra Institute, the activities of some workers' organizations show they have "economic 
motives" with certain "political foundations". Particular attention was paid to the 
distribution of Chinese and Malay newspapers, which expressed "revolutionary and socialist 
ideas". Also rioting in the plantation was accompanied by repeated attacks on Dutch 
administrators.[23]

In response to the intensity of the propaganda, the Dutch authorities detained two editors 
of Soematra Po in March 1919, including Liu Shixin (in English document he appeared as 
Shek Sam), and other anarchists in Medan, as well as Zhong Fen in Makassar, on the 
pesantren island . The reason for the arrest was the "suspicious documents" found by 
police, with a plan they called the "Bolshevik main propaganda campaign".[24]After 52 days 
of detention, Liu Shixin was deported from the Indies for spreading the idea of 
anarcho-communism and the Russian revolution. In the summer of 1919, he returned to 
Guangzhou.[25]Arrested in Java, Wang Yuting and Bai Binzhou were deported to Hong Kong in 
early September 1919.[26]Zhong Fen and other active agitators are also deported.

Chinese workers from Swatow await their contract preparation by immigration officers at 
the Medan employment inspectorate, Belawan around 1920-1940.
Regardless of this repression, it did not allow the Dutch East Indies government to 
obliterate the anarchist movement. Demonstrated in 1920-1921 in Sumatra, a wave of strikes 
erupted on the railway line of the Deli Railway Company, as well as the next greatest 
strike that erupted in early September 1920. Five thousand contract laborers and 10,000 
civilian railway workers demanded a raise. Join also in strikes, postal and telegraph 
employees. In addition, local farmers sympathize with strikers, supplying rice and other 
food.[28]Some of the participants in the strike demanded retaliation against Dutch 
colonial officials.[29]Many troops were drawn into the Deli area, the cannons were 
directed to the building where the assembly was held.[30]Intending to thwart the strike, 
the local government arrested ten activists initially, accused them of breaking the 
contract, and hundreds of workers were imprisoned along with those arrested, saying: "In 
prison we will give better food than at the company." The result is that those arrested 
were released.]Under the threat of dismissal of all participants of the strike, after 15 
days of struggle, the long struggle ceased and ended.

The strike's inspiration campaign, according to the authorities, was Zhang Shimei an 
anarchist-communist from Fuzhou (in Fujian province in China), who came to Medan from 
Singapore.[32]His biographical details, cited in various sources, are said to be distorted 
because of his rebellious nature.[33]It is known that he spoke with phases in Malay, and 
the government was afraid Zhang would continue his anarchist propaganda even in custody. 
Therefore, he was exiled to New Guinea. In 1923, he was pardoned by a royal amnesty and 
deported to Singapore.[34]

The decline of the anarchist movement in the Indies was due not only to repression, but 
also to the disappearance of the movement in neighboring Malaya. Although as far back as 
1926-1927, the branch of the Hong Kong Mechanics Workers Union operating in the East 
Indies supported syndicalism.[35]

One of the last traces of the presence of Chinese anarchists in the Indies was Fu Wumen's 
activity, which fascinated various anarchist publications between 1918 and 1924, and in 
September 1928 came to Surabaya. Until 1929, he was listed as chief editor of Dagong 
Shangbao newspaper .[36]However, there was no evidence of his participation in the 
anarchist movement during this period.

In the Netherlands, some young Indonesians have contacts with Dutch anarchists. Having 
found themselves in a much more liberated environment than under the colonial regime in 
the Indies, many young men built relationships with left-wing political forces (including 
Social Democrats, revolutionary socialists, and Communists), and took part in the work of 
the League International against Imperialism and Colonial Oppression, which at its 
congress were also anarchist anti-militia speakers.[38]Some youths showed an interest in 
anarchism. Among them, for example, the first prime minister of the Republic of Indonesia 
(1945-1948) Sutan Sjahrir. As a friend of Salomon Tas-former chair of the Social 
Democratic Student Club, Sjahrir had made direct contact with him after he came to 
Amsterdam in 1929-his new friend "moved further and further to the left to search for his 
radical counterparts", until he finally met a handful of anarchists living in the commune. 
However, Sjahrir, according to Tas, quickly moved from here and was interested in 
socialism in a "more practical" form.[39]After Indonesia gained independence, Sjahrir 
became the leader of the Indonesian Socialist Party.

The fact that the young Indonesian nationalists ultimately disagreed with the Dutch 
anarchist, was no accident. Although anarchism is against and against colonialism, it is 
critically critical of the idea of creating new national states. The Dutch anarchist 
stressed that national independence would not eliminate the position of exploited workers 
in the colonies, but would only replace the oppression of the invaders with oppression by 
their own bourgeoisie, their own military, and so on. Speaking at an anti-colonial 
congress in Brussels in 1927, the representative of the Antimiliter International 
Commission, anarcho-syndicalist Arthur Müller-Lehning, warned the oppressed people not to 
follow Western example by creating new countries. He urged them to renew social life in 
the spirit of eliminating class.[40]And in the League Congress against Imperialism in 
Frankfurt am Main (1929), the delegation of the International Anti-Militarist Bureau, an 
anarchist named Bart de Ligt, stated that the struggle should not only be waged against 
colonialism and "white" imperialism, but also against nationalism between the oppressed 
countries; not for the power of the national bourgeoisie, but for "a free and open 
international world ... of all languages and races." He attributed the nationalist 
struggle to create independent states with the desire of the elites of the states to 
dominate. "Everywhere in the world we see the emergence of a genuine bourgeoisie who longs 
to create its power on the basis of the exploitation of the vast masses with its country." 
This new class must have fought there for national independence, yet at the same time 
building a new economic system borrowed from the white bourgeoisie ... "- that is the 
explanation of the Dutch antimilitarist. He called for a struggle against militarism in 
the liberation movement, and also called for anti-imperialism, which, as demonstrated by 
experience in China, can only lead to new Chinese imperialism. His position of opinion is 
clear, he supports unarmed and non-militant movements.[41]It is clear that such statements 
can be unpopular among activists seeking to create their own national bourgeois state.

At the time of the proclamation of Indonesian independence in 1945, there was no sign of 
any anarchist movement in any form in this country. The new state political elite uses the 
label "anarchism" to condemn their opponents. After 1945, workers began spontaneously 
seizing railroads, industrial and plantation companies, establishing control over them, 
and local authorities dubbed this movement "anarcho-syndicalism." As the researcher Jafar 
Suryomenggolo pointed out, the term is borrowed from the literature Marxist to describe 
the dangers and risks of workers who are out of control of their country, but the label is 
not intended to describe the actual process of workers' control, but to reject and 
perceive the phenomenon of the working class movement. Abdulmajid, who became the leader 
of Indonesian students after Hatta's departure, and other socialists "brought" the 
anarcho-syndicalist expression of the Netherlands. As in February 1946, Vice President 
Hatta publicly attacked "syndicalism," speaking at an economic conference in Yogyakarta 
that the companies had passed state control.[42]President Soekarno, in turn, feared an 
"anarcho-syndicalist" tendency in the Indonesian Labor Party created by unions.[43]But 
this charge has nothing to do with the real anarchist or anarcho-syndicalist movement. 
"Spoke at an economic conference in Yogyakarta that the companies had passed state 
control.[42]President Soekarno, in turn, feared an "anarcho-syndicalist" tendency in the 
Indonesian Labor Party created by unions.[43]But this charge has nothing to do with the 
real anarchist or anarcho-syndicalist movement. "Spoke at an economic conference in 
Yogyakarta that the companies had passed state control.[42]President Soekarno, in turn, 
feared an "anarcho-syndicalist" tendency in the Indonesian Labor Party created by 
unions.[43]But this charge has nothing to do with the real anarchist or 
anarcho-syndicalist movement.

Known, anarchism reappeared in the archipelago in the 1990s. In 1993-1994, an Indonesian 
punk scene emerged. Slowly, the passage turns to anti-dictatorship and anti-fascist 
activities; they build relationships with social movements and with the labor movement. As 
described by Indonesian activists, the anarchist movement emerged around 1998. "At that 
time anarchy was identical to punk, and some people in the community began to pay more 
attention to anarchist ideology and values. Since that time, anarchist discourse has begun 
to evolve among individuals and collectives in the punk / hardcore community, and then in 
a group of activists, students, wider workers, ... "Discussions began about how to create 
groups and organizations in a non-hierarchical and decentralized way. First of all, small 
magazines began to be published, in which various social movement issues were addressed: 
questions about feminism, anarchist values, anti-capitalism, social resistance, 
antiglobalization, ecology, and so on. Access to the Internet also facilitates the spread 
of anarchism. The serious problem of the time was the lack of anarchist literature in the 
Indonesian language, and small pamphlets about Mikhail Bakunin, E. Goldman, R. Rocker had 
been translated and published ...[44]

The participation of young Indonesian anarchists in the social movement begins by 
distributing food to the needy (Food not Bomb), supporting demonstrations and doing 
anti-fascist works. So, in August-September 1999, the activists of the Bandung Antifasis 
Front supported the struggle of striking workers from the Rimba Aristama factory, holding 
solidarity and demonstration action. In December 1999, representatives of radical youth 
anti-fascist groups from across Indonesia held the first meeting of the "Antifasi 
Nusantara Network" in Yogyakarta, which had anarchist movement orientation.[45]

Beberapa kongres diadakan. Kelompok-kelompok itu belum begitu stabil, sering hancur dan 
diganti dengan yang baru. Pada akhir tahun 1990'an dan pada awal tahun 2000'an, Komite 
Aksi Rakyat Tertindas dan Anti Fasis-Rasis Action ada untuk beberapa waktu di Jakarta, dan 
ada info-shop Brainwashing Corporation yang mencoba menyebarkan informasi tentang 
anarkisme dan juga teori-teorinya. Di Bandung, kolektif konter-kultur aktif, melakukan 
aksi langsung "dalam kehidupan sehari-hari"; "Forum Bantuan Reksa Dana/Mutual Aid Forum" 
ada di Malang. Pada tahun 2001, sekelompok anarkis dari Jawa Barat memproklamirkan 
(berlawanan dengan orientasi budaya yang berkembang) gagasan untuk membentuk sebuah 
"anarko-platformis" dan gerakan anarko-sindikalis.

In the early 21st century, anarchist movements in Indonesia remained dispersed; Different 
groups and individual activists follow different versions of anarchism and tactical forms. 
Nevertheless, they can join in their efforts to undertake joint projects, such as holding 
a demonstration on the big day. Thus, in this organizing process, on May 1, 2007, groups 
such as Affinitas (Yogyakarta), Autonomous Network (Jakarta), Apokalips (Bandung), Urban 
Autonomy Network (Salatiga), individual activists from Bali and Semarang, people from the 
Jakarta punk band coordinate. This unification is to initiate a particular movement called 
"Anti-Authoritarian Network". The May Day Action of 2007 garnered over 100 people and 
marked the emergence of anarchism in public view. After that,

Arrest of Anti-Authoritarian Network participants by police in Jakarta, 2008.
On May Day 2008, 200 people took part in anarchist demonstrations. Although the group from 
Bandung ("Apocalypt") and Salatiga ("The Melawan Syndicate") refused to support it, this 
demonstration was conceived by the collective in Jakarta and the "Affinity" of Yogyakarta. 
The action was aimed at big companies ending clashes with police near billionaire company 
building and politician Aburizal Bakrie. Participants in the action were arrested. The May 
2008 repression slowed the growth of a young anarchist movement in the country. Several 
groups broke up. Even so, new activists and groups emerge and continue to participate in 
social struggles, including in the form of radical, clashes, acts of sabotage and 
occupation. In 2010, anarchist groups operate on the island of Java (in Jakarta, Bandung, 
Jogjakarta, Pati, Surabaya, Rembang, Randublatung, Salatiga, Porong), Sumatra (in 
Palembang, Pekanbaru, Medan, Ace), Kalimantan (in Balikpapan), Sulawesi (in Makassar, 
Manado and Gorontalo) and in Bali.[47]Some Indonesian anarchists are now interested in 
anarcho-syndicalism.[48]Thus, in early 2010, a group of activists in Surabaya, Jakartadan 
and other districts created a small initiative, called Workers Power Syndicate, which 
claimed to be anarcho-syndicalist and in 2012 helped employees of the Garmondo Jaya 
garment factory in Bogor during a labor conflict.[49]

In 2016, with the support of Anarcho-Syndicalist Federation Australia(ASF Australia), 
Anarko-Syndicalist Workers' Brotherhood (PPAS) is organized. PPAS describes itself as a 
"libertarian labor movement" based on the principles of anarcho-syndicalism, announcing 
its purpose "a society based on freedom, mutual aid, federalism and self-administration", 
as well as to fight for the improvement of the day situation -day community of 
workers.[50]The Anarcho Syndicalist Workers' Brotherhood called on all unions and 
"interested" individual activists to join him. Members of the group took part in May Day 
demonstrations in 2016 and 2017. On 1 November 2016, PPAS also participated in a workers' 
demonstration in Surabaya demanding low wage rates. In 2017, PPAS includes local groups in 
Jakarta and Surabaya, as well as some independent union members of the Uber (KUMAN) 
driver. In the same year of 2017, the uber driver union (KUMAN) entered the first serious 
labor conflict with Uber company, seeking to increase salaries and improve working 
conditions; strikes and demonstrations were organized. The action was supported by 
anarcho-syndicalist International, International Workers Association (IWA). At the IWA 
call on 7 September 2017 in a number of countries around the world, solidarity action with 
Uber Indonesia driver struggle is run.

Translated by Jojoz Kurohota from the article entitled "Anarchism in Indonesia" which can 
be accessed at  libcom.org .

Footnote

[1]The famous anarchist Max Nettlau even believes that in Indonesia, it seems, "only 
communist propaganda is available". Cf. M. Nettlau. A Short History of Anarchism . London, 
1996. pp. 259.

[2]JM Welcker. Eduard Douwes Dekker // Biografisch Woordenboek van het Social En de 
Arbeiderbeweging in the Netherlands . 5. 1992. pp. 45-58 - 
http://hdl.handle.net/10622/5E1ECE1F-ED0F-4D66-89F3-2726DFACF952

[3]K. van Dijk. The Nederlands Indies and the Great War, 1914-1918 . Leiden, 2007. pp. 
47-50. Members of the Indian Social Democratic Union called Douwes Dekker an "anarchist 
nationalist" (cf. Socialisme en Indonesi ? . Vol.1 De Indische Sociaal-Democratische 
Vereening, 1897-1917 Bronnenpublicatie / Bewerkt en ingeleid door F. Tichelman Dordrecht, 
Cinnamisson, 1985. ?.187). Dutch Social Democratic leader Henri van Kohl called it 
"anarchist of action" (cf. JW Schilt.100 jaar Indonesische onafhelijkheidsstrijd: Ernest 
Douwes Dekker en de Indische Partij // website "NPO Geschiedenis" -

http://www.npogeschiedenis.nl/nieuws/2014/februari/Ernest-Douwes-Dekker-Indische-Partij.html).

[4]RL Blom, Th. Stelling Niet voor God en niet voor Vaderland. Linkse soldaten, matrozen 
en hun organisaties tijdens de mobilisatie van `14 -` 18 . Amsterdam, 2004. pp. 741-743.

[5]Ibid. Pp. 745-746.

[6]Ibid. Pp. 780, 782.

[7]Ibid. P. 809.

[8]P. Hoekman. Dirk Lodewijk Willem van Mierop // Biografisch Woordenboek van het 
Socialisme en de Arbeiderbeweging in Nederland . 6. 1995. P.142-147 - 
http://hdl.handle.net/10622/8749DD55-7ED7-40E5-A629-96EEEB93561E

[9]RE Karl. Staging the World. Chinese Nationalism at the Turn of the Twentieth Century . 
Duke University Press, 2002. p168.

[10]A. Claver. Dutch Commerce and Chinese Merchants in Java. Colonial Relationships in 
Trade and Finance, 1800 - 1942 . Leiden; Boston, 2014. pp. 197-198.

[11]Socialisme en Indonesi ? . Vol.1. ?.41. The "Labor Party" (Gongdang), which is a 
mixture of trade unions, and workers' defense / protection organizations, first appeared 
in China in December 1911, but was destroyed by Yuan Shikai in 1913. However, his 
organization began to be re-created in 1913 by the Chinese in Southeast Asia. In 1917, 
after the liberation of Guangzhou from the forces of North China, there, with support from 
the "Workers Party" operating in Southeast Asia and Hong Kong - the Overseas Chinese 
Industrial Federation was formed, which became the basis of Guangzhou's "General Workers 
Union".

[12]Ou Xi. Nanyang wuxhengfu zhui yundong zhi gaikuang // 
http://raforum.info/spip.php?article1992[18.10.2015].

[13]CF Yong. The Origins of Malayan Communism . Singapore, 1997. P.19.

[14]The newspaper "Soematra Po" ("Somuntaplap Po" / "Sumendala Bao") was founded in 1908 
(cf. Huaqiao huaren baike quanshu: xinwen chuban juan Vol.6, Beijing, 1990. P.474) or in 
1909 (cf. A. Claver, Op. Cit. ?.197) by members of the League of Unions. Since the end of 
1914, it was first published by the Kuomintang as a weekly newspaper, and after 1924 as a 
daily newspaper entitled "Sumatra Pin Po". After the Second World War was guided by the 
Chinese Democratic League. In 1960 it was closed by the Indonesian authorities.

[15]Guang Xushan, Liu Jianping. Zhongguo wuzhengfu zhui shi . Changsha, 1989. pp. 152; Lu 
Zhe. Zhongguo wuzhengfu zhui sixiang shi . Beijing, 1994. pp. 111; CF Yong. Op. cit. P.15.

[16]Wuzhengfu zhui sixian ziliao xuan. Vol.2. Beijing, 1984. P.935. Chinese anarchist 
Tanzu In confirmed that Liu Shixin "get to Indonesia to edit" Sumendala Bao "" (Fang Tanzu 
In - http://www.xzbu.com/1/view-328258.htm)

[17]Kitayskie anarhisty i internazionalnyi anarhicheskiy kongress // Anarhicheskiy 
Vestnik. 1923. No.5-6. Pp. 76-77; J.-J. Gandini. Aux sources de la revolution chinoise: 
les anarchisres. Paris, 1986. p. 170.

[18]Li Danyang. AB hezuo zai Zhongguo gean yanjiu: Zhen (li) she jian zita // Jindai shi 
yanjiu (Modern Chinese History Studies) . 2002. No 1. pp. 50. - 
http://jds.cass.cn/UploadFiles/zyqk/2010/12/201012141215396273.pdf.

[19]CF Yong. Op. cit. P.23-27.

[20]Wenshi ziliao cungao xuanbian: shehui // Zhonnguo renmin zhengzhi xeshang huiyi: 
Quanguo weiyuanhui: Wenshi ziliao weiyuanhui . Vol.25. Beijing, 2002. pp. 21.

[21]Report respecting Bolshevism and Chinese Communism and Anarchism in the Far East // 
British documents on foreign affairs: reports and papers from the Foreign Office 
confidential print . Part II. From the First to the Second World War. Series E, Asia, 
1914-1939. Vol.26. October 1921 - February 1922.[Bethesda, MD], 1994. p. 72.

[22]Ibid. ?.72, 74.

[23]AL Stoler. Capitalism and Confrontation in Sumatra`s Plantation Belt, 1870 - 1979 . 
2nd. ed. Ann Arbor, 1995. pp. 62-63.

[24]British documents on foreign affairs: reports and papers from the Foreign Office 
confidential print . Part II. Vol.23.[Bethesda, MD], 1996. pp. 289.

[25]Ou Xi. Op.cit .; CF Yong. Op. cit. P.15.

[26]CF Yong. Op. cit. P.19.

[27]Reporting respect Bolshevism and Chinese Communism and Anarchism in the Far East / / 
British documents on foreign affairs .... According to British intelligence, during a 
search conducted by the Dutch authorities in 1919 in Semarang, the documents were 
confiscated, including a circular from the "Society of Truth" to the local branches and 
directions of the "workers party" of Guangzhou. Zhong Feng is considered an important 
figure in the "working party", who also got to know his work in Singapore, Penang and 
other cities in Malaya. After that, Zhong Feng and "Shek Sam" (arrested in Makassar) and 
expelled from the Dutch East Indies.

[28]Yugo-Vostochnaya Aziya: ocherki ekonomiki i istorii . Moscow, 1958. P.157.

[29].CF Yong. Op. cit. P.17.

[30]Ye.P. Zakaznikova. Rabochiy klass i nacionalno-osvoboditel`noye dvizheniye v Indonezii 
. Moscow, 1971. P.91.

[31]Ibidem.

[32]Known also as Zhang Hungcheng, Chung Honsen, Chung Wansen, Chung Ximei or Wong Tekchai.

[33]CF Yong noted that Zhang Shimei worked in Singapore in 1920-1921 and came to Medan in 
1921. He organized a trainer strike against the Dutch authorities, after being arrested 
and jailed for 3 years (CF Yong Op.cit .17). According to a Chinese anarchist source, 
Zhang was the "motor" strike of an electronics technician in 1920 and was sentenced to 6 
years in prison (Ou Xi Op.cit.). Finally, it is possible to find information that Zhang 
Shimei led the workers' movement in Java in 1920 and that he was arrested later and 
deported from the Dutch East Indies to China in 1924 
(http://anti-generationism.blogspot.com/2010/07 / blog-post_5310.html).

[34]Ou Xi. Op.cit. According to CF Yong, Zhang Shimei returned to China in 1925 and joined 
the Communist Party. In December 1927, he participated in the Communist Party revolt in 
Guangzhou, and was searched by the Kuomintang. In January 1928, the Chinese Communist 
Party sent him to Malaya England to establish the South Sea Communist Party's Provisory 
Committee. He was arrested in Singapore on 8 March 1928 and sentenced to life imprisonment 
(CF Yong Op.cit P.17).

[35]Ye. Yu. Staburova. Anarhizm i rabocheye dvizheniye v Kitaye v nachale XX v . // Kitay: 
gosudarstvo i obshchestvo. Moscow, 1977. pp. 213.

[36]Liang Yingmin. Fu Wumen - Xinjiapo huawen bao ren - 
http://www.chinaqw.com/node2/node116/node117/node163/node820/node825/userobject6ai46284.html.

[37]R. Rocker. Anarcho-Syndicalism . London, 1989. P.165.

[38]For contacts of Indonesian students in the Netherlands with leftist organizations and 
international anti-colonialist movements see, eg K. Stutje. Indonesian Identities Abroad. 
International Engagement of Colonial Students in the Netherlands, 1908 - 1931 // BMGN - 
Low Countries Historical Review. 2013. Vol.128-1. Pp. 151-172.

[39]R. Mrázek. Sjahrir: Politics and exile in Indonesia . Ithaca, 1994. P.59, 61.

[40]A. Müller-Lehning. Der soziale und nationale Befreiungskampf Indonesiens // Die 
Internationale. 1929. April. Nr.6. S.15-17. In particular, four Indonesian students from 
the Indonesian Association took part in the congress: Indonesian independent 
vice-president M. Hatta, N. Pamunchak, Gatot and Subarjo (see K. Stutje Op.cit.). A number 
of prominent European anarchists participated in League activities against imperialism and 
its congress in Brussels and Frankfurt, despite the Communist Party's strong influence in 
the movement. "... Thanks to the League, for the first time we made real contact with the 
colonial society ..," Müller-Lehning explained in a letter to Indian anarchist MP Acharya 
on August 15, 1929. "We are trying to work within the League for so long, only, not 
because we are so happy to work with the Communists, but because we believe that if not, 
we will lose all contact with the colonial society "cf. H. Piazza. The Anti-Imperialist 
League and the Chinese Revolution // The Chinese Revolution in the 1920s: Between Triumph 
and Disaster, L .; NY, 2002. P.174).

[41]B. De Ligt. Die wesentliche Einheit des Kampfes gegen soziale Unterdrückung mit dem 
Kampfe gegen Militarismus und Krieg // Die Internationale. 1929. October. Nr.12. S.1-6. In 
the League Congress, Hatta was also present

[42]J. Suryomenggolo. Worker`s Control in Java, Indonesia, 1945-1946 // Ours to Master and 
to Own. Worker`s Control from the Commune to the Present . Chicago, 2011. p. 222.

[43]GA van Klinken. Minorities, Modernity and the Emerging Nation. Christians in 
Indonesia, a Biographical Approach . Lejden, 2003. pp. 193.

[44]Cf .: Interview mit AnarchistInnen aus Indonesien // Von Jakarta bus Johannesburg: 
Anarchismus weltweit . Münster, 2010. pp. 238-247.

[45]Black Flag .[2000]. No.219. P12.

[46]Interview mit AnarchistInnen aus Indonesien ...

[47]Ibid.

[48]It should be noted that in 2006, two Indonesian trade union associations (FSPNI), 
which contacted IWA in March 2005, and parts of the federation, the National Trade Union 
Center, established in 2005) were requested to join IWA. They work with the World 
Federation of Trade Unions. These organizations are not accepted at the IWA, because they 
are not syndicates of anarcho-syndicalist or revolutionary syndicates, they express their 
support for UNO, the International Labor Organization, and they have liberated 
non-federalist functionaries and structures. Congress XXIII M. T.T. in December 2007 
formally rejected FSPNI membership (See: XXIII Congress International Workers Association, 
Manchester, 8, 9 & 10 December 2006// International Workers Association Archiv. BI003, 
Dec. 18, 2007. p. 50).

[49]Indonesian syndicalists fight for justice at PT Garmindo Jaya KNH - 
https://libcom.org/news/indonesian-syndicalists-face-30092012

[50]PPAS - Anarcho-syndicalist Workers' Brotherhood. Home - http://ppas.online/en/home/

[51]Uber Driver Strike in Indonesia - 
https://libcom.org/news/uber-drivers-strike-indonesia-23082017; Solidarity with UBER 
drivers! // International Workers Association - Asociación Internacional de los 
Trabajadores - http://www.iwa-ait.org/content/solidarity-uber-drivers

http://anarkis.org/anarkisme-di-indonesia/


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