Anarchic update news all over the world - 1.01.2018

Today's Topics:

   
1.  France, Alternative Libertaire AL Décembre - Fascism: Dark
      Times (fr, it, pt) [machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
2.  verba-volant: Athens, December 20, 2017: Action against
      electronic ticket (ca, gr, pt) [machine translation]
      (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
3.  Aotearoa New Zealand, awsm.nz: Interview: Alex Pirie (Part
      2) (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
4.  anarkismo.net: Interview with Embat: "Our responsibility as
      anarchists is to turn what is being forged into the street into a
      solid popular movement" by José Antonio Gutiérrez D. (ca, it)
      [machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
5.  anarkismo.net: Some ideas to understand fujimorismo by Cusco
      Libertario - ALB (ca, it) [machine translation] 
     (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
6.  Greece, APO dirty horse: NO BARS - NO RESTRICTIONS AND RACKS
     IN ALL NEIGHBORHOODS (gr) [machine translation] 
     (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)


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Message: 1






Temps obscurs offers a didactic analysis on the major issues of modern fascism, and can 
even be a valuable tool for any activist concerned with joining the fight against fascism. 
---- The work of Matthieu Gallandier and Sébastien Ibo, proposes to return to the modern 
fascist phenomenon, with a grid of materialistic analysis. It circumscribes this 
phenomenon more than Arendt does (evoking a "  totalitarian  " principle, perhaps too 
broad), and is part of the Marxist tradition of Daniel Guérin, who has managed to link 
fascism to a socio-economic totality. and determined policy. ---- To read also in the 
newspaper Alternative Libertaire December 2014, a presentation of the book Daniel Guérin, 
"  Fascism and big capital  " ---- The first chapter proposes a history of fascism. ---- 
Specificity of fascism appear: the first forms fascist policies, which appeared in France 
at the end of the XIX th century advocate modernization, unlike the traditional right, 
conservative. Gustave Le Bon, Barrès, Maurras, but also Boulanger, constitute the central 
figures of this French pre-fascism.

Specifically, the progressive development of Italian fascism and German Nazism after the 
First World War is described in the context of national socio-political difficulties, and 
especially during the formation of anti-worker militias. It can be seen then that these 
fascisms do not develop against capital, but on the contrary that they can first serve its 
intimate interests. The horror of the concentration and extermination camps, in the 
context of the "  final solution  ", as well as the specificity of modern anti-Semitism, 
are of course envisaged, as well as the tactical and cathartic function of violence. 
fascist (which eventually becomes part of state violence).

The development of fascism and Nazism, in Italy and Germany, in the 1920s and 30s, is 
inseparable from a crisis context: these ideologies propose a Keynesian revival policy, 
and advocate an interclassist alliance. They are primarily aimed at the working classes. 
Yet fascism in power eventually leads social policies favorable to the bourgeoisie, 
develops a primary anti-communism, and finally proposes an ultra-nationalist 
altercapitalism, set around a charismatic and authoritarian leader.

The authors insist that, by definition, this fascism can not be anti-capitalist, because 
strict anti-capitalism would end up undermining its principle of interclassist national 
unity (indeed, any coherent anticapitalism ends up developing social struggles against 
bourgeoisie, and also remains internationalist).

It is also the failure of the traditional bourgeois parties in the face of the crisis that 
has brought the fascists to power.

The second chapter returns to "   the new face of fascism   ". It offers a contemporary 
panorama. The crisis of 2008 contributes to barbarization of the exploitation, and to 
favor hard austerity policies. The "   third way   " that constitutes the altercapitalist 
extreme right finds a certain increase of energy.

Anti-Muslim racism (FN) and radical anti-Semitism (Equality and Reconciliation) define how 
these extreme rights determine their principle of national unity and interclassist 
alliance. The book distinguishes the great xenophobic far-right parties (FN) from the 
small street groups (Ayoub). The latter claim more the fascist heritage. But these two 
movements can also maintain intimate relationships. It is to this extent that the book 
considers that fascism remains a current phenomenon.

The book returns to the novelties of these extreme contemporary rights: an Islamophobia 
become structural. But also the pseudo-defense of the rights of women and homosexuals, 
used to develop the rejection of Muslims deemed "   homophobic   " and "   masculinist ". 
In reality, far-right ideology remains fundamentally Petainist, patriarchal and 
homophobic, but this superficial pinkwashing is only a means of spreading a virulent 
Islamophobia. Conspiracy, and the development of the Internet, are also data that redraw 
the contours of these extreme rights.

Finally, the book ends with a panorama of the territories of the extreme right: French 
far-right localities are analyzed, as well as the regionalist ideology that these currents 
carry. Then the international and geopolitical question posed by these extreme rights is 
briefly developed. As a necessary counterpoint, an inventory of the fights against fascism 
is finally exposed.

It is a pleasant book to read, didactic, without technical vocabulary, which is addressed 
to any person anxious to understand the great stakes of modern fascism, and of the 
contemporary extreme right. It focuses on the key points to remember, and can even be a 
valuable tool for any activist concerned with joining the fight against fascism.

Benoît (AL Montpellier)

Matthieu Gallandier and Sébastien Ibo, Dark Times, Nationalism and Fascism in France and 
Europe. Acratie editions, 164 pages, 13 euros.

http://www.alternativelibertaire.org/?Fascisme-Temps-obscurs

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Message: 2





Next, a communiqué issued by the Anti-authoritarian Site of the University of Social and 
Political Sciences for a march against the electronic ticket and all that entails for our 
life its introduction in mass transportation. ---- We are in a time of sharpened class 
differences and intentional impoverishment of lower social strata. At this time the State, 
in collaboration with the so-called "private initiative", launched another attempt to 
control public life. This time he put in focus the sector of public transport. The purpose 
of introducing the new electronic ticket system is the absolute control of a right that is 
already commodified. ---- From the outset the e-ticket goes beyond the commodification 
issue and enters a new field, imported from abroad, of societies in which the control of 
the populations is more advanced. They try to achieve normality in people's conscience and 
daily life, thus creating a very dangerous precedent for the violation of individual 
freedom, and achieving a victory of the liberal culture of control and vigilance.

Specifically, the fact that the social security number and the identity card are required, 
makes the identification of the owner of the electronic card is total. In this way, the 
possessor shares with the State all the information about his movements, with all that 
this implies. At the same time, it is unknown who and how they will manage this 
information, which concerns the daily lives of thousands of people, making a facet more 
transparent in our life.

Anyone who chooses not to pick the ticket to use the means of transportation will 
experience their physical exclusion from the use of these means. Despite all this, the 
reviewers will continue to exist, for no matter how technology advances, repression agents 
will continue to have work. In any case, no matter how advanced technology is, control 
requires the existence of people who impose it.

We as anarchists resist and will continue to resist every ticket, old or new, every kind 
of control, and we call on everyone to do the same.

Disobedience to any methodology whose purpose is control. Resistance by all means.

Passeata, December 20 , at 6:00 p.m., Monastiraki.

http://verba-volant.info/pt/atenas-20-de-dezembro-de-2017-passeata-contra-o-bilhete-eletronico/

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Message: 3





N:B: Here is part 2 of an interview by AWSM with social campaign activist Alex Pirie. This 
installment discusses neo-liberalism, asset sales and political labelling. Part 1 can be 
found here-http://www.awsm.nz/2017/12/06/interview-alex-pirie/ ---- AWSM: So that covers 
one aspect of your involvement. What's something else you've done? ---- Alex: Well, 
directly from that of course, Unite was very heavily involved with ‘Supersize My Pay" 
during that same period and just after. I was elected delegate for my worksite and 
eventually was elected onto the Executive Committee for English as a Second Language 
issues. I did that for a few years. ---- AWSM: Another issue that has been on the national 
agenda over the past decade or so has been that of asset sales. You've had some 
involvement in that. Could you elaborate on it a bit?

Alex: I became aware of it through joining workshops about campaigning. I was always 
around activists campaigning for things, so that gave me some courage and wish to become 
involved. I guess I was a bit more involved behind the scenes even though I did go on many 
marches. There was a new[centre Right]National Party government and they made that a 
cornerstone of their electoral promises or threats. It felt intrinsically wrong to so many 
people. As a side effect of that you had the TPPA[Trans Pacific Partnership Agreement]and 
global trade versus control. In the case of asset sales they would inevitably end up in 
the hands of the wealthy whether they be local or international and the spin off for "Mom 
and Pop Investors" just didn't ring true. Once you lose these assets you either won't get 
them back or you end up spending heaps of millions of dollars getting them back. So why go 
through that bother? Just keep it. We campaigned hard. I know we had a small effect. 
Although the government did sell assets I think they put the brakes on a little bit. It 
wasn't open slather.

AWSM: And you'd say the campaign was an influential element in that?

Alex: It's hard to measure. They could say for example that their priorities had simply 
changed, rather than admit to having been pressured. However the fact people were marching 
in the street meant they may have lost some of the appetite for it and when the initial 
sales showed that the government got very little bang for its buck they quietly admitted 
to themselves that maybe it wasn't working.

AWSM: There was a petition that got 250,000 signatures but you just saw adverts on TV 
going on about how wonderful having shares was.

Alex: Yes, for example, Mercury Energy..."Own a piece of your country" and so on. All that 
spin. I think we almost got enough signatures for a referendum but it just fell short, 
although that would have been non-binding. The positive side was the publicity so that's 
the way we chose to see it and that incoming governments may back away from it as a result 
of the publicity.

AWSM: The dilemma is though that you want a broad campaign but that results in a muddying 
of the water. You have people like NZ First and their right-wing populism and even 
outright fascists like the National Front infiltrating it. Is there any way of avoiding 
that? It is troubling, right?

Alex: It's a paradox. You want mass support. You want the message to get through to wider 
public consciousness. It's unavoidable that it will cover a wide spectrum of people.

AWSM: The TPPA is an ongoing saga. What's your take on that from its genesis till now?

Alex: It's conveniently had its name changed. Nice little publicity trick. Takes some of 
the heat off. It seems a ridiculous process that has gone on for years. These ‘go to' 
meetings that are seen as the be all and end all that must be attended because if they 
don't nothing will ever happen. There's huge pressure that ‘we' don't want to miss out. 
They agree to another meeting in six months and it seems to go on indefinitely. Every 
meeting is crucial apparently but they still haven't reached an agreement. I think it's a 
mess and whatever they end up with is going to be detrimental.

AWSM: What are you particular concerns with it?

Alex: Trade is only a very small part of it. Anyway it's a matter of who that trade is 
benefiting. If I could see conclusive proof that it might benefit ordinary people then 
maybe I could get behind it a bit more but it only seems to benefit the already wealthy by 
cutting down tariffs. The companies that trade can make heaps of money but will it be 
reflected in wage rises and conditions? No, I doubt it. That's part of my reason or root 
for being anti-Tory. I know it's not only them because in recent times Labour governments 
have promoted free trade as well but that's my main concern. There is also the ISDS 
clauses. When a government is being sued by a company, do you want tax payers money being 
used for that dispute instead of helping the plight of the general population?

AWSM: This ties into the phenomenon of neo-liberalism. How do you see that?

Alex: It ties into all of the things we've been talking about from wage conditions, 
working conditions, to trade, to government policy. Neo-liberalism is "Slash and Burn" 
which benefits those who are already wealthy and the corporate groups, it doesn't help 
society.

AWSM: A lot of your work around this is online, right? Do you get different responses or 
level of involvement compared to the face-to-face interaction in the other campaigning 
you've mentioned?

Alex: Yes there's a difficulty in getting engagement. We've done well on a number of 
issues to raise awareness but engagement is still a vexed issue because it's often the 
same people involved in numerous issues. It leaves the door open for them to be accused of 
being renta-crowd. That's unfair. These issues are all tied in so much that people tend to 
be interested in a broad range of things that effect social justice. The same people are 
so passionate, that's why their names come up. That's the issue for the broader movement. 
Awareness has improved but...enough to change a corrupt system that's disadvantaging a 
vast number of people? No.

AWSM: Is there a danger of seeing these things too hermetically? As an English teacher are 
you aware of the rhetoric being used? Do people understand the issues and how to express them?

Alex: People are troubled by the use of traditional language. So in terms of unionism we 
talk about the" rank and file members". What does that expression mean to a 19 year old? 
Unfortunately individualism has had an effect on society so you're trying to get somebody 
on board who sees themselves as an individual even if they aren't.

AWSM: One of the most effective successes of neo-liberalism has been that people become 
very atomised. They DO see themselves as individuals. There isn't that collective 
perception. The pendulum is swinging away from neo-liberalism in terms of the pure 
economics of it but in terms of the mind-set, the superstructure or psychology of it, its 
more entrenched?

Alex: Yes I would agree with that. It's hard to think of the bigger picture. That's where 
the struggle needs to work on in the future. It's not just about immediate gains such as a 
better paid job for myself but it's about society. The problem is that people who have 
very little money are focused on surviving. So they don't have the energy or mind space to 
be thinking of those things. The system has got people boxed in so much by the constraints 
of their situation and just getting by, so they don't have time for other things. When you 
tie in consumerism, there's the danger that it keeps people isolated. Likewise Facebook. 
It's very hard to keep yourself in the right mind-set 24/7.

AWSM: Also when you're outside the metropolitan centres in a country like this your 
physical environment doesn't encourage activism. There isn't a lot going on. That lends 
itself to a malaise or sense of just getting by.

Alex: And doing your own thing.

AWSM: Nevertheless do you feel you are currently getting successes in putting your message 
out about neo-liberalism online?

Alex: I like to think that opportunities will come up. Online things are great for 
awareness but not the best for organising and action. It's very easy to click a button but 
actually going to a march on Saturday is harder.

AWSM: Do you think there's the perception from digital natives and those who have grown up 
with the internet that clicking itself constitutes activism? They might not even see the 
need for a march because they've done ‘it'.

Alex: Yes "clicktivism". There's a lot of truth in that and I don't think its only 
youngsters, I think we are all prone to it.

AWSM: It does supply instant gratification or righteousness...."I've done my bit for the day."

Alex: There are constant petitions for worthy causes but I'm not sure about it. Movements 
like Action Station can make use of them. They recently presented one to the new Minister 
of trade about the new TPPA and the response was there is going to be public consultation. 
As we know that doesn't always mean much. The danger for the current government is that 
they got in to a certain extent because of feeling against the TPPA.

AWSM: We have a new government now. It's a Labour lead one. You used to be in the party 
but you're not now. So what happened?

Alex: I realised as an independent thinker and somebody who wants to get involved in NGO's 
in the future, it's helpful not to be a member of a political party.

AWSM: So it's a practical thing rather than a sense of disillusionment or ideological 
difference?

Alex: I joined so I could see inside the tent. To be fair there are lots of great people 
involved in the Labour party at the grassroots. My misgivings are with the parliamentary 
system itself. A party's role on paper is to represent the people but in reality it's to 
get elected and stay elected. Parties promise cheques they can't cash. My disillusionment 
is with the system. Now I can say what I like. If I was still with a party for example 
this interview would have a very different shape. If you are working for a party you have 
to tow the party line.

AWSM: So what label do you apply to yourself at the moment?

Alex: I hate labels! I've had so many placed on me. If you have a positive label it's a 
huge job living up to that. If you say "I'm a socialist-feminist" then they say "Oh but 
you did this, so you can't be". I don't like the constraints that labels put on people.

AWSM: Isn't there a danger in excessive pragmatism?

Alex: Yes. Another thing though is the way that labels separate people from working 
together who might otherwise have the same outlook. A lot of energy is spent in defending 
your turf. I will work with and respect anarchists, socialists, and those who are broadly 
Left. I'm somewhere on that spectrum. Mind you even that's problematic but basically I'm 
on the side of people who want better for society. I will work with people to achieve that 
goal.

http://www.awsm.nz/2017/12/27/interview-alex-pirie-part-2/

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Message: 4





In the days immediately following the elections of December 21 in Catalonia we have held 
this conversation with the companions of the Catalan libertarian organization Embat , in 
which we hope to deepen elements of judgment on the current crisis of the Spanish State 
and the situation of the Catalan procés, from the libertarian perspective. ---- 1. What is 
the meaning of the recent elections in Catalonia? What was Madrid's bet on them? ---- The 
Government of Mariano Rajoy tried to divert the focus of the independence movement from 
the construction of the Catalan Republic. Therefore, as soon as autonomy was suspended 
through the application of article 155 of the Spanish Constitution, regional elections 
were called. ---- Catalan society came from a very intense month of October that 
culminated with the proclamation of the Republic on October 27 and the general strike of 
November 8. However, the Government of the Generalitat did not intend to dispute the power 
of the Spanish state in the territory of Catalonia. He understood that this meant calling 
for the general mobilization of the people, which undoubtedly meant that the situation 
would get out of hand. In those moments it is almost certain that the popular 
self-organization would have provoked some clashes with the police occupation forces of 
unknown consequences. There was talk of a Catalan Maidan and that the State was willing to 
shed blood. There were threatening calls from the highest levels of the State to Catalan 
institutions and parties in this threatening sense.

So the elections seemed like a worthy solution to the main Catalan separatist parties 
(PDCAT and ERC) and were a way to return to democratic normality. They posed as the 
recovery of lost autonomy - obviating that this normality had been lost by proclaiming the 
Republic. These politicians sincerely hoped that the European Union would intervene in 
their favor instead of positioning themselves in a bloc with Spain.

On the statist or unionist side, in those weeks began a facelift of the Citizens option, 
which is a liberal populism, similar to Movimento 5 Stelle Italian, straddling the right, 
the far right or the center left. The Spanish media have bombarded strongly with this 
candidacy, which has been the most money spent on the campaign, receiving even the support 
of French politicians such as Emmanuel Macron and Manuel Valls and eventually became the 
benchmark for unionism. The Popular Party was deeply worn out in Catalonia and sank.

 From the election call the independence movement was anchored to defensive positions, 
based on political prisoners, with its president in exile or focusing on preparing a 
macro-demonstration of Catalans in Brussels seeking international recognition that never 
came. 2. What is the impact they think they will have and what balance do you make of them?

The elections have resulted in a victory for Ciudadanos, which was in the first position 
of votes, but can not form a government by not adding the necessary seats to govern. You 
can not even make it by agreeing with other unionist parties (Partido Popular and Partit 
Socialista de Catalunya). The most likely government will be that of the independence 
movement that should have the votes of the CUP or seek agreements with the Commons to 
expand the base.

These two leftist parties have come down because the entire campaign has been based on the 
national question and the strongest options on each side are not leftist. There is a 
paradox that a society where in all the surveys the population is mostly in the 
center-left, center-right parties win. It is the effect of the useful vote, which goes 
towards the options that government can form.

Returning to the issue, the independence movement was so mobilized that it has even taken 
more votes than October 1. But this time it has faced a unionism that focuses on a single 
option, Citizens, while they were in three parties, which among the three double in votes 
to Citizens.

However, the million votes that this force has achieved, Citizens, have generated concern 
these days in the Catalan left. In many cases, the vote comes from the working and popular 
Spanish-speaking neighborhoods of Catalonia. It is not a vote on a program, but rather a 
vote against the independence movement. Nor is it a right-wing party despite the fact that 
the extreme right here supports it tactically (the four fascist candidacies that are 
usually presented here stopped doing so so that their votes were here). Rather it is a 
liberal party that attracts a portion of the working class that believes in social 
advancement, entrepreneurship and all that, that attracts the population of other 
territories that live here in Catalonia, or even that can attract the population more 
humble that does not feel attracted by the independence movement. This population that 
sees the Spanish television channels and not the Catalans. In this sense there is a sense 
of arrogance or moral superiority on the part of Catalanism that alienates the population 
with fewer studies and lower socioeconomic capacity.

In any case, an independent republic with 1.7 million disaffected (the votes added of 
Citizens, PSC and PP) would seem of doubtful viability and guarantee of conflict in the 
medium term. But as we know that a large part of that number belongs to the working class, 
that is where the popular movement must enter. These days as a joke emerged in the 
networks a new country that would become independent of the hypothetical independent 
Catalonia based on the regions where Citizens had won. Even so, when reviewing the results 
it turns out that the independence movement grew in the metropolitan area of Barcelona (in 
those neighborhoods and working villages), while it decreased in some towns in the 
interior. This is argued as that the most bourgeois sectors of the independence movement 
abandon it towards the PSC,

3. Do you feel that the October push has been lost or is there a new process that is opening?

The loss of momentum is due to the lack of leadership of the independence movement as of 
October 27. In the first place, when the government of the Generalitat was removed and 
when the visible leaders of civil sovereignty were imprisoned, clarity of objectives was 
lost. In addition, the independence movement remained in a defensive position, basing a 
large part of its mobilization on political prisoners. All this after having proclaimed 
the Republic and not having defended or imposed it. This feeling remains in the 
environment and produces discouragement.

In addition, this independence movement has placed its hopes in international recognitions 
that never arrive. They are placed in the hands of third parties that are not willing to 
be involved in Catalonia because in fact this territory is a potential Pandora's box. We 
have already seen the electoral results of Corsica. Europe does not consider an 
independent Catalonia because it would be to give possibilities to a good number of 
secessionist movements of the Continent.

The most remarkable thing about the current situation is that if there are many doubts and 
disappointments at the macro level, at the micro level (on a personal or family scale) it 
is where a clearer disconnection with the Spanish state is reflected. It is in this sector 
where a popular movement of revolutionary intention could influence, because many people 
have made an important turn in their lives. The boycott of what comes from Spain is to a 
certain extent general in these people, and moves to several facets of life. For example, 
when the large Catalan companies moved the headquarters due to pressure from the Spanish 
Government and the great Catalan capitalists (supporters of the continuity of Catalonia in 
Spain) thousands of people took their savings from banks that had left the territory 
(about 10 . 600 million euros in the month of October) and a good part went to the ethical 
bank, which had not left Catalonia. Then cooperativism has suffered a boom. For example, 
the cooperatives of energy consumption, gas, internet, etc. they are receiving an 
avalanche of service requests from people leaving conventional capitalist companies.

Another aspect is the increasingly poor opinion that the European Union has among the 
independence movement. 6 months ago it was not considered that Catalonia left the EU; now 
the possibility of joining EFTA opens up.

This must be considered as a small turn towards anti-oligarchic positions. A good part of 
the voters of ERC and PDCAT (under the acronym Junts per Catalunya) share this vision to 
support these socioliberal parties. The issue is that this anti-oligarchic sentiment 
coupled with the fact that these parties have to agree with the anti-capitalist CUP, "pull 
to the left" of the independence movement, although perhaps sociologically it is not. Here 
lies the opportunity. It is not that people are becoming anti-capitalist, but that at the 
moment they are in a previously unpoliticized phase.

4. What is happening with grassroots processes such as CDRs?
Grassroots processes, committees or CDRs are still active. From our organization we have 
seen that they lost momentum due to the lack of clear leadership and above all to the lack 
of a program. Everything was almost paralyzed waiting for the elections, because it was 
understood as a decisive vote. After all, if the unionists had won (they call themselves 
"constitutionalists"), everything that was advanced would have been lost. Meanwhile, the 
CDRs have been one of the mobilizing actors of the little that could be mobilized. If the 
ANC went to Brussels to hold a demonstration, the CDRs remained in the village and in the 
neighborhood, mobilizing the political prisoners, for the implantation of the Republic, 
against repression.

And, what is more important, they have dedicated themselves to numerous acts of popular 
education, through lectures on economy, politics and society alternatives. In these 
alternatives, of course, there are proposals that are more specific and related to us. 
Surely we will soon see the fruit of this process, but the task of raising awareness is 
not banal.

What worries us is that with the disparity of positions in the CDR it is almost impossible 
to agree on a minimally ambitious and representative program. That is to say that it will 
be complicated to have a cohesive movement from the CDRs, if perhaps these (or some CDRs) 
will be part of a broader movement. 5. What is your position as anarchists in the face of 
what lies ahead?

What will come ahead will be more repression and more crisis. We do not believe that the 
government of Rajoy can be stable since it is subject to many pressures from all sides. 
Spain has been dodging bankruptcy for years and the government has now used the Catalan 
political crisis so that it does not talk about its own problems.

Our responsibility as anarchists is to convert what is being forged in the street into a 
solid popular movement to be able to face with guarantees the time that we have to live. 
We can not have a libertarian militancy based on the counterculture or the construction of 
a lifestyle society apart from the current one when the working class neighborhoods are 
thrown into the hands of populism. We can not continue having atomized revolutionary 
movements in a thousand collectives because that way we will not have any weight in 
society. Our function is to activate foci of social conflict, and this is done through 
popular organization based on material struggles (work, housing, defense of the territory, 
social rights, against speculation / gentrification, etc.) and social (feminism , 
minorities, immigration ...).

The Catalan popular movement must enter the most humble neighborhoods. It can not be that 
most activists of the social movements are not affiliated to the unions or that the 
neighborhood associations are in the hands of older people about to retire. The lack of a 
rootedness of organized leftist ideas or of social movements in many working-class 
neighborhoods is a breeding ground for populism. The popular movement that we envision is 
pro-independence because of the tactic of the moment, because it understands that the 
Republic will allow it to improve its position and improve people's lives, and from there 
it will be easier to build a revolutionary bloc.

https://www.anarkismo.net/article/30755

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Message: 5






The party of Pedro Pablo Kuczynski, current president of Peru has no majority in Congress. 
It has passed a motion of censure, promoted by the Fujimorist Popular Force party, 
precisely with votes from deputies of that opposition force. Soon after, he declared a 
pardon for Alberto Fujimori, imprisoned for crimes against humanity. Tens of thousands of 
people have taken to the streets to the cry of The indult is an insult! and demanding the 
resignation of all the corrupt. Two of his ministers have also resigned for the time 
being. ---- In this article from Cuzco Libertario Fujimorismo is explained as right-wing 
populism and how it can continue to count so strongly today. ALB ---- What makes a 
questionable character still have support? Is Fujimorism a postmodern neoliberal 
messianism? How to defeat a movement that is not based on rational arguments?

The Fujimori myth

All versions of what happened in the last decade of the twentieth century coincide in 
pointing to a historical figure, for better or for worse, called Fujimori. Some thank him 
for his "successes in economic policies" and have defeated terrorism. Others condemn their 
corruption and their repressive and authoritarian policy. But all continue to point out 
virtues and defects as belonging to the individual, as if another president had been in 
his place, he would not have had the same merits and defects.

The truth is that everything Fujimori did would have been done by anyone who was in his 
place. To begin with, he applied Vargas Llosa's economic program, shok included, which is 
why many supporters and advisers to the novelist ended up joining Fujimorismo. The 
Machiavellian advisor Vladimiro Montesinos was going to present himself to anyone, of 
course the "Chinese" was ideal, but looking into the distance, would not other candidates 
have succumbed to the presence of this individual trained by the CIA?

The defeat of terrorism was not even used in campaign by Fujimori himself, I clearly 
remember that he was talking about combating the recession to take away the basis of 
Sendero. The truth is that Sendero never reached the "strategic equilibrium" he 
proclaimed, he was defeated by the rounds in the countryside and with widespread rejection 
of popular organizations in the cities. His attacks of those years were only his drowned 
manotazos. The same policemen who fought against this in the 80s, would be those who would 
finally capture Gonzalo, a fact in which nothing had to do with the Chinese and less his 
adviser.

It happens that in the year 90, the population was desperate because of the economic 
crisis, Vargas Llosa offered neoliberalism as the only solution and the left suffered the 
effects of the world crisis of Marxism. Then a stranger appears who can grow in the polls. 
It is naive to think that the powers that be have not found out the past of such a "dark" 
character. His work and political background was enough to realize that he would be a 
useful ruler and easily manipulated by the powerful groups. These allowed the people to be 
hopeful with this "savior" and believed that he had defeated neoliberalism. Illusion that 
ended with the fujishok a month after taking office, however, Fujimorist support grew 
instead of decreasing.

It is interesting to compare what happened with Ollanta 16 years later, when, like El 
Chino, he did not fulfill his promise (Conga case). But this time he quickly lost his 
popular support. The years explain this difference in part (the disappointment was greater 
in a known script), and there is an additional factor:

Fujimorism is "the other Path"

One of the characteristics highlighted in the campaign of the 90 was that Fujimori was 
"chinito". His ethnicity weighed a lot on the people and was skillfully used by the 
candidate and more when it was already government. His companions were multi-ethnic, for 
the first time there was a congress full of brown faces and a Quechua-speaking 
vice-president. However, after the autogolpe of 1992, the vice president wanted to lead 
the democratic opposition by speaking in Quechua. The facts show that the Andean identity 
was not what weighed on the "cholos" of that time.

Fujimori had an origin and a discourse that was based on what came to be called "chicha 
culture". The subject of humble origin who came to triumph in the world of whites, as 
thousands of merchants, itinerant and migrants, had been searching. Succeed in the modern 
world, not change society or make it more just, only get a place of that "promise of 
Peruvian life", although to get it would have to commit abuses.

Fujimori dissolved the Congress and centralized power in his person, implementing a model 
that would be recurrent 20 years later: soft coups, dictatorships headed by civilians. The 
political parties opposed the measure, joining in this right and left. But the effect 
achieved was contrary, the population saw in them the union of all the guilty of the 
malaise of the country, and inclined them rather to support the dictatorship.

Then, with an improvised government that had the only doctrine to favor business, 
corruption was uncovered at levels never before seen. And it was this that ended up 
weakening the regime, its late years harassed by student protest and burying itself with 
its own authoritarian excesses. The re-reelection, the march of the 4 of them and the 
vladivideos liquidated a regime that only a year ago seemed very strengthened.

However, a large part of their social bases remained Fujimorist and are those that now 
support their return. This can not be explained only by the clientelism and the symbolic 
management that the Chinese had. His bases continued to be reflected in this leader who 
did not come from a political tradition but from a life experience similar to his, he was 
a "successful entrepreneur" to use contemporary terms.

 From the 90s, serious politicians and quite ideological, were replaced by politicians 
with characteristics of TV or film actors: people in which the public (the voters) are 
subliminally reflected, rejoicing in their triumphs as well as rejoicing in the triumph of 
a football team or the success of the beau of the novel. In both cases, these joys will 
not change the life of the viewer, but he feels a symbolic satisfaction that helps him to 
spend the empty and alienated life he has left. Nor does he dislike that his "heroes" win 
grossly high figures. Neoliberalism only brought these modes of spectacle to politics.

Similarities and differences of Fujimorism and other neoliberalisms

In Argentina, neoliberalism was implemented by Carlos Menem, an authoritarian and corrupt 
leader who ruled all 90 (he also became a friend of Fujimori), later tried and convicted 
of corruption. In Brazil he was initiated by Collor de Melo, who resigned due to 
corruption scandals. In Mexico was Carlos Salinas, whose brother Raúl was convicted of 
corruption at the end of his brother's term. As we see, corruption and authoritarianism 
were a constant in the neoliberal rulers of the decade. The difference is that no one 
built a social base capable of returning 20 years later, perhaps this is due to the 
authoritarian tradition more present in Peru than in those countries.

Most of Latin America had returned to democracy in the 1980s, but only in Peru did an 
unprecedented civil war break out. This explains why the fear of the return of terrorism 
is stronger than the fear of losing democracy. The Peruvian case is more similar to the 
Central American case, but in these countries, the guerrillas negotiated peace with the 
neoliberal governments. These guerrillas had been well seen by a good sector of their 
countries, unlike Sendero, which was not only questioned by the Peruvian left, but had 
also been criminally confronted. Furthermore, the absence of a "strategic balance" meant 
that there was no possible negotiation and Fujimori took care to build his image as the 
winner of terrorism, fomenting the fear of Sendero in the population. The war had ended in 
1993, but the repression justified the possible return of Sendero, a policy that is 
applied until today.

The same Chinese authoritarian model was applied by other governments in the following 
decade, but to counter neoliberalism. The case of Chávez in Venezuela and Evo Morales in 
Bolivia are symptomatic, they constructed messianic caudillismos stirring the fear of the 
return of neoliberalism. Although neoliberalism was never really abandoned, it did 
encourage the inclusion of large marginalized sectors of their countries, the case of the 
indigenous Bolivians is the most interesting. That is to say, the progressives did what 
Fujimori only preached but never fulfilled. And even then, it still has popular support.

Similarities and differences of the dictatorship and democracy

The fall of the fujimorato was a half-hearted victory, since the Constitution of 93 and 
the entire structure of the neoliberal state were maintained. The local politics were 
filled with small Fujimoris: authoritarian and corrupt leaders, who in some cases aspired 
to the presidency. This way of doing politics went on until the present and the Odebrecht 
case is just one example.

As for repression, more violence we have seen in democratic governments like Alan Garcia's 
second, than in the worst years of the dictatorship. Moreover, if we review the CVR 
report, we note that there were more violations of human rights in the government of 
Belaúnde than in Fujimori's, and that these events occur in a context of war, thus, these 
crimes are given to large scale at the beginning of the fujimorato, decreasing later.

What yes, the fujimorismo used the fear to the terrorism to repress any protest, arriving 
at selective assassinations that also weakened its image. These policies were modified 
only in part and thanks to the pressure of civil society, but it continues to be applied 
in social conflicts. In areas affected by megaprojects and extractive companies, there is 
no difference between the dictatorship and the current supposed democracy.

Another interesting aspect is the cultural one. It has prolonged the "chicha culture" that 
Fujimori took advantage of, the entrepreneurs continue to choose leaders in whom they are 
reflected even though there is no real link, they are content with works or with gifts, 
under the idea that all politicians are corrupt and therefore I prefer to choose a known 
one. There, a Fujimori is still the best option.

The prison of Fujimori increased this symbolic link of his followers, who expressed that 
the poor "chinito" is imprisoned despite doing good deeds, this is similar to defending 
the soccer player or gallant of the novel who may have committed crimes, but He forgives 
him for the "illusions and joys" that he made us live. The politics turned into spectacle 
is not exclusive of Peru, it occurred at the same time that the cultural level was 
intentionally lowered in all countries, it is a neoliberal policy.

Each generation has its fight

The generation that rebelled against the fujimorato actually did it against the system, in 
its own way and with the most affordable speech at the time: the recovery of democracy. 
Many of the youth then were involved in subsequent neoliberal governments, justifying that 
their struggle had been against an autocratic and corrupt regime with its own name, 
Fujimorismo.

Making a comparison between that youthful rebellion and the one against the Pulpín Law, 
there are apparent similarities but more differences. The "pulpines" rebelled against a 
specific law, with speeches more anti-system than their predecessors. They built an 
unprecedented experience in the country, the zones, which have been seen in other 
countries in recent decades but here seemed impossible. However, the pulpín spirit was 
largely absorbed by the antifujimorismo that prevented the election of Keiko Fujimori in 2016.

It is curious that a large part of the antifujimoristas are young people who did not live 
directly during the time of the fujimorato. But they know the fear that generated that 
period and avoid its possible return makes accept any government, as did the progressives 
in Brazil or Bolivia, presenting itself as the only option to avoid the neoliberal return. 
This fear competes with another greater and more pernicious, the fear of the return of 
terrorism, fear that favors the neoliberals in general, but more Fujimorism in particular, 
based on the idea that it was the Chinese who alone could defeat that threat .

In this scenario, confronting corruption with honesty to defeat the Fujimorismo does not 
work, because the population considers that all politicians are corrupt. Nor does the 
dichotomy democracy-dictatorship help, because in most of the inhabitants that dichotomy 
is invisible. Thus, the power of Fujimorismo is not in its actions or in its money but in 
its social bases and that is where democratic and left should work. Bases that seek strong 
leaders of "non-white" origins, that's why at the time Toledo was able to compete with 
Fujimori, although later his caudillismo was quickly emptied, as also happened to Humala. 
Other examples of these "possible rivals" are Antauro Humala or Goyo Santos.

But replacing one caudillo with another would only have a symbolic value, it would be 
Fujimori without Fujimori (something that Toledo promised in the 1990s). The issue is how 
we carry the teachings of the Zones and many others, to those neighborhoods beset by 
remnants of Path on the one hand, and Fujimorism today on the other. How we change the 
"progressive" paradigm, the search for personal success, to aspire that "chicha" 
modernity, for a more communitarian and libertarian paradigm. The fight is in the concrete 
experiences that we can build as alternatives to neoliberalism and its corruption.

Related Link:http://anarcochero.blogspot.com.es/2017/12/algunas-ideas-para-entender-al.html

https://www.anarkismo.net/article/30758

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Message: 6






[Suggestion for the  information event - discussion ---- at the offices of the SELMA 
association ---- Saturday, December 16, 2017] ---- Since its establishment, our assembly 
has been actively involved in the field of mass media transport. In January 2011, while 
there was ongoing mobilization of the MMM workers against a bill promoted by the Ministry 
of Infrastructure, Transport and Networks, we wrote that  only joint workers and 
passengers could stop restructuring and "rehabilitation" which means worsening labor 
relations, wage cuts, increase in tickets, reduction of routes and privatization . We have 
participated in numerous concerted local and central actions - interventions in common 
with other neighborhood assemblies and labor collectives, with the core of the project of 
free movement for all. Developments in recent months have been a further trigger not only 
to highlight the importance of e-ticket implementation as a decisive step in the process 
of restructuring urban transport but also to analyze crucial aspects  of capitalist 
restructuring more generally  .

In a first reading, as the implementation of the ministry - administration, contractor - 
contractor plans is being realized, there are increasingly numerous "dysfunctions", the 
all-known chaos: unbelievable discomfort, endless queues, irritation, fainting, 
personalized cards , impersonal cards, torn or even unprinted cards, allegedly "brakes" 
and "opinions" by the Protection Authority, deposits of open envelopes with personal data 
in ticket offices, timed readjustments Amma ... More October can only come to mind ever 
words like "achtarmas", "screwed up", "koulouvachata", "mess". Finally, to get to the OASA 
press release on November 14th, where  it is officially announced the "end of the time of 
the paper ticket" - from 16/11 "ceases its use completely" - and the "gateway of the 
grid", which starts gradually on Monday 20/11 at 4 of the 40 stations: Doukissis 
Plakentias, Airport , Agios Antonios and Eleonas (with limited traffic). As passengers, 
for the first time, both at the entrance and the exit, we find  closed bars . At noon, 
unions of the fixed-track media make a devastated concentration at Agios Antonios station 
and open them for a moment through the emergency switch, articulating a fragmentary reason 
revolving around security problems (after 3 days the bars are opened again, to be closed 
at Egaleo Station). While rotation at various stations continues, propaganda through the 
media triumphantly insists on the full  (with a variety of interpretations of the word) 
operation of the system until December 20th. We will then explain why this chaos alone  is 
not the dominant , nor the most important issue in this affair, attempting, somewhat 
briefly, a more comprehensive, more integrated approach.

Initially, it is obvious that the intensification in the ticket issuance section 
illustrates  just the  conditions  that sooner or later will be confronted by all MMF 
workers. Indicative of the direction is the intention of the administration to "exploit" 
the  EPAL apprenticeship institution  . The consolidation of suffocating working jungle 
conditions, spreading like gangrene in all branches, across all workplaces, comes along 
with the upgrading of  surveillance , overtly  autocracy , raw extortion . In order not 
only to bend any resistances but also to  co-operate  with the mechanisms of repression. 
That's why the pressure to  the workers assimilate the  co-responsibility fairy tales , 
turning themselves into self-sustaining defenders and accomplices of all-embracing 
practical policies and administrative leaderships. By pointing out here the existence of a 
  trade union bureaucracy  that at best bears the "corrective" role of "counselor". Such 
is the tragedy of autistic this class approach "cooperation" through supposedly flea 
markets to compromise, and when the board of the association stops workers dared to murmur 
something about "outstanding technical and operational issues" and "failure correction 
system", the fallen rain  threats  for  redundancies and  referrals to the prosecutor, 
directly from the well-known and other offenders - Minister Spirits. We are talking about 
an announcement of a board that not only clears all the tones that are not opposed to the 
electronic ticket, but has never deviate  for a moment  from the line of realistic 
interlocutor administration to find solutions ... by the public. But the answer was 
immediate and clear: targeting and terrorism! Cherry in the cake the conference on the 
present and the prospects of "public urban transport as a social good"  organized by the 
NRA this morning at the Auditorium of the Ministry of Infrastructure and Transport, with 
other presidents and managing directors from OASA, ATTIKO METRO, OSE and greetings from 
the Minister himself ... Clingy!

For all of us now, workers, unemployed, young people, pensioners, locals, refugees and 
immigrants, where public transport is a  basic social need , a new treaty is created, 
which includes barriers and tourniques, more cameras and special cards that need charging 
with products. A process that smiling faces in ads can finally do ... and through 
smartphone. The endless series of monotonous announcements that constantly remind them of 
the station loudspeakers are taken care of by the multi-choice product market. In our own 
world, however, the  real , the  poverty , the  fear , the anguish  for the tomorrow, the 
wild exploitation  and  oppression , what is the  framework  that is being attempted? How 
much are they looking to suffer  and what  consequences; Let's list briefly. Detailed 
recording and storage of countless personal data, monitoring, surveillance and mapping of 
all our movements, at will, immediate, violent, more effective exclusion of whole social 
groups, upgrading of suppression, elimination of every attempt of solidarity movements, 
other reductions of routes, , converting, in short, the MMMs into a privilege. All this 
with the view that a special body of inspectors will be foreseen - with the prospect of 
being taken over by an individual - for continuous supervision, escorting of cops and 
insured persons, until the adjustment to the required degree of discipline is considered 
sufficient in combination with the assimilation of the complementary culture 
sterilization. By stimulating phenomena of targeting and social automation,

This is clearly a further expression of the  more general dystopian model  that is 
reserved for every aspect of social activity. Achieving full, without the oldest 
"impediments" - so proclaimed conquests enshrined through hard struggles - alignment with 
the interests of the bosses and consumer market imperatives. With an indicative case of 
the new Metro Line 4, which is of direct concern to us. Part of the design is also the 
service of freight and tourist flows, in connection with the construction of giant 
consumer centers of corresponding conditions of personalization and bans. With catalytic 
effects on the environment, but also on the public open spaces in the neighborhoods. The 
bottom line is the gradual formation of one morea speculative fillet , another tempting 
privatization proposal, when judged by known raptors, all sorts of investors, as a 
profitable way of accumulating profits. The severity with which the restructuring of MMMs 
is being attempted at this stage is fully embedded in the  wider treaty of the 
increasingly ruthless antisocial and anti-labor attack of local and foreign political and 
economic bosses on the slaves of society, with many litigations.

As long as this attack sinks into poverty more and more, even by directing even against 
basic social needs, both the  strengthening of control and suppression areas becomes the 
central issue of power. Continuous measures of economic looting and stifling living 
conditions make up a  relentless  daily routine, any remaining illusions of alternative 
management politics dissolve with corruption, the vulgar trade of hope is abandoned as 
ineffective. State and capital seek to impose new conditions of  subordination to society, 
setting on every occasion a scenery of horror. Something that seems clear when in the same 
day we have wild wood and arrests in strike at Market In Ioannina (in the same place as 
the day before the strike strike, fascist burgers to shoot), the attack on the corridors 
of the peace courts to those who try to block the shame of the auctions, and pupils for 
focal students outside the Ministry of Education. They focus, of course,  with particular 
emphasis on the social - class resistances that appear unconcerned, unconstitutional and 
from the bottom. An exemplary example is the  criminalization  of the public intervention 
of neighborhood assemblies together with OSY and STASY workers outside the Rendis depot on 
Friday April 7, grassroots propaganda  and orchestrated cases of targeting  and 
sheltering  traffic workers and a neighboring neighborhood and class association agonist 
who followed. In the relevant communication, which we jointly issued eight neighborhood 
assemblies , we clearly and explicitly highlight the ideological framework of this 
repressive assault. The conclusions that we have drawn for the special treatment that we 
have reserved are highly enlightening, they steal our belief that  the barricades we are 
building open the way  out of the barbarity that we live in and are condensed in the next 
paragraph.

We manage to socialize the project of free movement without state-assimilated  demands. We 
do not even drift away from illusions to solve problems through the system that reproduces 
them and perpetuates them. Our bulkheads have proved to be  impervious  to the known 
manipulations of consensual extraction through manipulation and assimilation. We 
immediately  and  convincingly point out  that, with maneuvers and institutional 
"solutions," the real pursuit of every alternative policy of management is no more than 
the support, stabilization, and "salvation" of the regime. As we stand, with the power we 
draw from companionship  and  solidarity, against the forces of repression, so we stand 
also against those who, having tried to cure the cloak of the social-class movement in 
science, do not have the slightest resentment to resort to  brutal violence , having 
diagnosed that there is no possibility of chaining us institutions.

So, for our part, we continue with all our efforts to raise barriers against the 
imposition of the  electronic ticket , the further  commercialization  of MMMs and control 
  and  exclusion policies  . Against the transformation of our neighborhoods into  prisons 
  and the plunder of  our lives . Recognizing the dominant propaganda intensity incitement 
directional and premium a climate  of individualism  and  social cannibalism , insist even 
more firmly on the path of  collective struggle and action of  collusion of the social - 
class subjects, on the basis of our common interests. We seek  joint progress  with other 
neighborhood assemblies, refugee and immigrant colleges, student and student schemes, 
class unions, labor collectives. Especially with collectives of  transport workers , 
that's why we were also outside the Rendis depot. We do not forget that turning one hand 
over to another is not just butter in the bread of system design. It is also a condition 
that, combined with extreme utilitarianism and amoralism, leads to  fatal events , such as 
  state murder by Thanasis Kanautis on 13/8/13, following the terrorism suffered by 
volunteer chief inspectors.

We stand against the miserable crime of criminalizing and  imposing a "health zone"  in 
the workplace, attempting to target and defrauding the contestants, constructing class 
accusations against  class unions  (for example, prosecution against the Association of 
Witnesses and other workers food industry as it bothers its consistent, unshakable 
attitude and action against resignation, submission, mediation and assignment to 
"specialists"); repressive machinations against  occupied self-organized spaces (with the 
recent case of the occupation of Mundo Nuevo in Thessaloniki, for which a whole plan to 
curb its policy of action and challenge its open social character).

With weapons, class  solidarity  and bottom-up  organization  in workplaces, 
neighborhoods, schools, schools and everywhere, we continue vigorously and fightily to 
rebuild mounds  against the all-out attack we accept. We put  forward  our rights, 
interests, needs, desires, and take our lives in our hands. At each starting point, every 
stance, every path of social-class resistances, we forget that  as part of the wider 
struggle  against the world of exploitation, exclusion, control and repression,  we are 
struggling  to  build a tomorrow's society of  equality  and freedom!

Assembly of Resistance and Solidarity Kypseli / Patission
http://sakakp.blogspot.com | sakakp@gmail.com

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