Today's Topics:
1. [Greece] Rouvi konas: Video: Attack against Novartis
headquarters in Athens, By ANA (pt) [machine translation]
(a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
2. France, Alternative Libertaire AL #279 - Marx or Keynes ?
The development of capitalism is no longer epoch (fr, it, pt)
[machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
3. freedom news - Greece: Free Transportation For All: A
paradigmatic anarchist campaign in the difficult years of Syriza
(a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
4. Greece, liberta salonica: Anarchist Federation CELEBRATION
IN THE PAMBLANIAN WORLD OF INTERNATIONAL
SOLIDARITY -- THE
PROLETERS DO NOT HAVE A PATRIDA [machine translation]
(a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
5. France, Alternative Libertaire AL - Milf Daniel Guérin (fr,
it, pt) [machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
6. anarkismo.net: anarchist-federation.gr - THE PROLECTORS DO
NOT HAVE A PATRIDA - Calling on the Transylvanian
path 10/3/2018
Thessaloniki (gr) [machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
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Message: 1
Today, Sunday, February 25, 2018, at 06:00 a group of comrades of the anarchist collective
Rouvikonas attacked the headquarters of Novartis in Athens using hammers and bottles with
paint. ---- Novartis is a multi-billion dollar multinational company doing business in the
pharmaceutical industry. This monstrous company is accused in many countries around the
world of cases of corruption, drug market manipulation and money laundering. ---- In
Greece, the so-called Novartis Gate involves politicians, directors of the health sector
and several hundred doctors. The total loss of the public health sector caused by the
company's activities is estimated at $ 28- $ 50 billion over a period of ten to fifteen
years ---- We take this action to declare our opposition to such activities, as they are
contrary to the public interest.
> Attack video here:
https://www.liveleak.com/view?i=c5c_1519571978#vxPHajc8dK5kyQUw.99
Related Items:
https://noticiasanarquistas.noblogs.org/post/2017/12/26/grecia-anarquistas-atacam-embaixada-de-israel-en-atenas-com-bombas-de-tinta/
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Message: 2
The Keynesian left goes astray, believing that the crisis of investment and activity
results from the simple greed of the holders of capital. It is not enough to move the
masses of money from tax havens and securities portfolios to the state and wages to stem
this crisis. It is the capitalist system that must be challenged. ---- After thirty years
of exceptionally strong growth in the wake of - or because of - World War II, the economy
turned around in the capitalist economies of the late 1970s. The latter then began to
decline for many decades. The radical left attributes this situation to the ideological
shift operating in the 1980s under the name of " neoliberalism ". ---- According to this
left, the ruling class would have set up a vast financial system whose purpose would have
been to capture the collective wealth at the expense of productive investment, employment
and wages. The flight of capital into speculation would then deprive society of its
resources and the State of its room for maneuver, irresistibly generating debts and
deficits. For their part, the liberal parties in power would mask the reality of this
shareholder coup d'etat, replacing the sempiternal denunciation of social costs. Judged
too high, they would cut the employers of the means to play their social role of creator
of wealth.
Irretrievably doomed to crises
Marx has developed a theory of capitalism that makes it possible to vigorously challenge
this reading of events. Liberal and social-democratic critics are similarly false.
According to him, capitalism is irremediably destined to crises whose intensity must
necessarily reach, at certain times, unsustainable levels. His analysis involves the "
wealth " of " work ".
However, contrary to an all too common interpretation, it is not a question of wealth and
work in the general sense but of their specifically capitalist form, as it is carefully
stated in the first chapter of Capital . The author establishes that " capitalist wealth "
represented by " goods " and represented in " money " depends on the " amount of labor
power " spent on manufacturing.
This type of wealth grows when this type of work also grows. The work in question here is
the " abstract labor " reduced to a simple quantitative expense of muscle strength, nerve
and brain as opposed to the " real work " quality, which refers to technical skills. This
quantification by the abstract " time " of work is the objective element of the
commensurability of the goods and thus bases their exchangeable character on the market.
However, each particular capitalist strives to reduce the amount of labor involved in the
production of his own goods in order to improve his position in the competition. We can
imagine what would become of the
value and money if all production was fully automated: it would result in a world where
the socializing function of the merchant exchange would no longer play. In the current
technological context, the overall increase in work has become insufficient. For their
part, emerging economies whose production relies on technical devices lower than those of
the advanced economies do indeed involve more human labor, but on the basis of precarious
wages confined to slavery.
The downward trend in the rate of profit, a well-known central motive for Marxism,
reflects the relative problems of the increasing technological replacement of human labor.
The extension and deepening of capitalist relations can slow down this decline. Similarly,
the reduction of salary costs and the lengthening of the working day. Another way out is
the massive devaluation of capital which, after having caused the criminal devastation of
civilization through great crises and wars, allows a new cycle to begin.
Bankruptcy is only postponed
The situation has become critical again, we said. Indeed, the microelectronic revolution
that took place at the turn of the 1970s-1980s tipped the system of accumulation of value
into inextricable difficulties. An ever greater amount of capital has been idle, which has
pushed the capitalist intelligentsia to implement the famous financialization of the
economy. Its function was to drain the savings made available to concentrate it and try to
assign it to more or less promising industrial and commercial activities. Having learned
from the failures of the past in crisis management and fearing their disastrous social and
political consequences, Financial engineering has been sophistication sophistication to
push the diagnosis of bankruptcy as far as possible. The expansion of globalization and
free trade will not suffice.
In the context of monetary interventions based on the manipulation of interest rates or
the purchase of public and private bonds, credit and indebtedness have been able to swell
in such extravagant and unseen dimensions, fueling speculative bubbles fueled market
production. US public debt now exceeds $ 20 trillion and China's debt accounts for 250 %
of its GDP ! The growth of this beginning of the millennium could be doped in a totally
artificial way. But thus, and contrary to the speeches of the left-wing parties, finance
has not been the enemy of a fundamentally healthy trading order; it turned out to be a
providential crutch, and for that reason represents a blunt condemnation of capitalism itself.
Regulation illusions
The Keynesian left goes astray, believing that the crisis of investment and activity
results from the simple greed of the holders of capital. It is not enough to move the
masses of money from tax havens and portfolios of securities to the state and wages to
stem the crisis. In fact, the labor expenditure punctually increased as a result of these
movements should increase again, and so on perpetually - which the new technical standards
of production no longer allow. Faced with the bad figures once in power, the left sooner
or later renounces the thunderous promises held the day before. It is only in the
situation of a collapse of the markets that state interventionism and the repatriation of
capital will return to the agenda, and that with the consent of the possessing classes. It
can also be ended the period of fiscal license that benefit the major groups involved in
the trade war. This re-regulation will not constitute a policy " of the Left "but simple
rational measures to save capitalist relations. They will not bring about general
well-being, only a lesser temporary evil called for certain subsequent degradation.
Nevertheless, he will always be in the world to salute in this poor event the final
victory of reason. Let us remember that the tutelary figures of the reformist left: Keynes
and Roosevelt, are part of the wake of the most disheveled liberalism.
Need for the anti-capitalist break
Capitalist wealth does not lend itself to " sharing ." As it consists of commodities, it
proceeds through " exchange " and therefore requires continued pressure on wages. The
class struggle finds its objective foundation here. The slogan of sharing " wealth
"Keynesian reformulated in the desire to see capital reinvested in activity and employment
has become totally obsolete. The concentration of money in the hands of a few large groups
as well as its artificial swelling by the processes of globalized finance give the
impression that profitable investment would always be possible and capable of initiating
self-sustaining growth. But this impression is false and we must go beyond a hara on the "
rich " By bearing the iron of the criticism against capitalism and its fundamental
structures (merchandise, abstract work, money, state, etc.), in other words against the
illusory accommodations of the reform and against any belief in a lasting compromise of
class which thinks to be able to return a certain fringe of the protest movement. The
crisis of capitalism is not the crisis of the established power, which could even be
reinforced and find support if necessary on its wing " left ".
Wil (AL Paris North East)
In summary:
Editorial: The Marxian dimension of anarchism
Alain Bihr (sociologist): " Even insufficient, Marx remains necessary ! "
Political economy: The usefulness of Marxian criticism for libertarians
Basics: Capitalist logic in eight basic notions
the value
the work force
salary
domestic work
the capital gain
the trend decline in the rate of profit
crisis
restructuring
Marx or Keynes ? The development of capitalism is no longer epoch
On the borders of Marxism and anarchism, councilism
Proudhon, the instigator denied
Bakunin, the critic heard
Daniel Guérin, returned from " libertarian marxism "
The " other communism " remains relevant
http://www.alternativelibertaire.org/?Marx-ou-Keynes-L-amenagement-du-capitalisme-n-est-plus-d-epoque
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Message: 3
In early 2016 in Athens, a far-reaching campaign begun with a fairly modest announcement:
"Free Transportation for All". The campaign started with a few initial actions that
grabbed headlines, such as the intervention at the OASA (Athens Mass Transit System)
office and the destruction of ticket machines at several stations. Since then, the
campaign has seen its massification, with several large demonstrations, leafletting and
persistent and costly sabotage that the police are unable to stop despite their best
efforts. The campaign appeals even to the transport workers, igniting resistance among
them. ---- This campaign is notable for several reasons, the first of which can justly be
described as tactical reproducibility meeting strategic coherence. The sabotage of ticket
machines, whether in the underground system, on buses or trams, is an act that a group of
just a few determined comrades can undertake with a little preparation. No one has to wait
for a demonstration or a discussion at the assembly. It is also an act that is hard for
the police to investigate. The only group of people so far who have been charged for such
crimes have been found not guilty. Moreover, several groups have gone to the trouble to
publish very clearly their different methods of sabotage. These range from removing the
front of the bus ticket machine with a small drill, smashing them with hammers, putting
polyurethane foam or gum in the vending slots, or even simply covering them with stickers etc.
This has importance for several reasons: according to various establishment sources, these
machines are valued at several thousand euros each, not including the time and labour
having to replace them and the income lost from potential tickets. When we remove or
damage machines from buses or stations, we already achieve economic damages in the range
of tens of thousands, if not hundreds of thousands of euros. This doesn't include whatever
it costs to get a security company or the police to guard the infrastructure. All this to
be paid for by already bankrupt transport company, in a technically bankrupt country.
The point is that by causing this damage, commuters are allowed to go on for free, and the
entire goal behind the new ticket machines ( and the inevitable future privatization) is
lost, as no investors will be interested in a system threatened with such a constant drain
of resources. Moreover, one of the primary functions of the postmodern globalized state is
to ensure the smooth capitalistic transport of commodities and individuals, and such a
campaign directly menaces this role.
Overall, the campaign has met with some interest and support, although it needs more
sustained collective effort from the wider movement to become as dangerous as it could be.
The main issue though is that the campaign has not met with the full comprehension it
deserves, and this is primarily what this piece aims to rectify.
At any rate, this confusion over the struggle is due largely to needed changes in
collective thinking, as we enter the period where the old leftist methods of struggle no
longer have much relevance in postmodern realities. Organizing in the party or trade
union, marches around parliament, elections and referendums, posing demands to the state:
all these have less and less meaning in our world. This campaign serves as a practical
example of the new objectively anarchistic trends and tendencies in postmodern struggle,
coming as it does in the period of attempted pacification and assimilation of the movement
under the government of Syriza, which hastily modernized Greek capitalism (for instance,
in its promotion of lifestyle consumption) and effectively dissolved the previous
anti-austerity struggles, thus very quickly creating the conditions for small minority
resistances: similar to other pacified West European societies.
This needed change in orientation makes sense if we want to study reality, not blinding
ourselves with (most frequently Marxist) ideological preconceptions, but in searching for
real political tendencies of our time. If our mentality becomes one where we see political
conflict in general, and mass sabotage in particular, is in our era now oriented around
causing economic damages, not around frontal confrontations with the riot police, nor
around purely symbolic, pacifist and legalistic actions, nor even around a mythologized
working class collectively striking in its factories. Indeed if conditions are those of a
supposed ‘social factory' then this is sabotage of the expanded model of domination.
It is also worth noting that this is a type of radical campaign that has also been seen
elsewhere in different countries recently, for instance in the past few years in Brasil,
in Spain, in France and in Italy further back in the past. Therefore this is the Greek
anarchist expression of a global trend of struggle in postmodern conditions, which focus
on uniting metropolitan masses, outside of political parties and trade unions, in a
decentralized and anarchist fashion, through protests and direct actions over themes of
transportation. It also links the recent past of the Greek movement with the present.
For instance, in the years after 2008, there was widespread sabotage of ticket machines
and tram lines, and it became something of a widely accepted social norm to share
undergtound or bus tickets or just to ride for free in Athens. The new ticket system is a
direct response to this. Therefore it is not enough to have made such a beginning, this
new world also has to protect itself, and in many instances this means it has to go on the
offensive when it reaches a certain inevitable maturity, in order to protect itself and to
spread its goals further. Defense and offense, openness and firmness, are not seen as
contradictory in this correct appreciation of events, but as flowing into each other at
certain points of development.
If we begin with a serious study of these facts, we see that the groups and individuals
participating in the campaign are running circles with the police, who now rush to protect
the underground stations, then the buses, and again back to the underground. The targets
are well-chosen, as it is nearly impossible to protect them all. There have been also
attacks on other parts of the broader supply chain of servicing the transport network (as
for instance the arson of a building with computing equipment recently), and this is
related to the same postmodern social developments of new anarchist methods of struggle.
This also provides for yet another vivid demonstration of class justice and the function
of the state, as anyone on the street can see such huge governmental effort spent to
enforce and protect an almost unbelievably malfunctioning, intrusive new system with
waiting in long lines while all other things are left to crumble on their own.
This also provides an interesting lesson in postmodern communication, and relation to the
media: because in picking a good target with clear actions, free publicity is provided as
the metropolitan masses circulate through metro stations- broken machines are seen by
thousands of commuters every day, the situation in itself speaks volumes. In brief, a
leaflet or an assembly speech is not the only way to communicate with the larger society.
Additionally, these well-targeted actions are a lesson in gaining control of the
establishment media, as they are forced every now and again to report on the damages, or
new changes in the police or security guards at the stations or on buses. This comes
purely from a well-run campaign, and the media attention has nothing to do with being
presentable, leftist rhetoric, or playing by the rules. It all flows from a correct
strategic appreciation of the present situation, and creating a favorable relation of forces.
II.
We could also ask here, whether quizzically or critically, is "free transport" actually a
realistic demand? Well, it is, and this is what makes for a part of the coherence of the
campaign. The reality of such a proposal is already shown in the farcical reality of "tree
transport", that actually exists already for politicians, generals, and now cops. If
anyone wanted to discuss hypothetical scenarios, it is all too clear and has been pointed
out in some of the texts from the campaign that somehow money could be easily found by
switching roles around. Therefore there is no question of hard realities, it is a question
of priorities, of which values are being promoted. In many countries and several larger
cities in Europe, transport in the center is provided for free: for instance, in the quite
innovative city of Tallinn, capital of Estonia. This is also a small country suffering
from austerity, but while keeping to such an outlook, also finds free transportation more
cost-effective in the long run. This is also the case in several cities in Holland,
Belgium and France as well. Therefore there is no reason, even in capitalistic terms, why
such a development should be declared impossible in Athens.
However, hypothetical alternatives and proposals aside, the campaign does not petition the
state or reformist politicians. Its great strength, and what shows the correctness of its
anarchistic position, is that it already creates these zones of free transport. Its ends
and means directly connect; there is no grand gulf between before and after, it is simply
a progressive increase in spreading these liberated spaces. The terms shift from the idea
of a sudden and total victory, with a grand distinction of before and after the revolution
in the leftist sense (or the messianic sense of the apocalypse) to a long-term struggle
over slowly negating different portions of various networks of control. From the historic
formal declarations of victory like in October 1917, we today move to slowly expanding
zones of autonomy in different fields. This is because in the postmodern world of atomized
consumers and digitized networks, the goal is not the one of absolute prohibition or
permission, but of increasing partial access or promoting an ever larger denial of access
or functioning. With determination and directed efforts, these small functions grow into
knock-on effects that go through networks, rendering them more and more functionally
inoperative. That is to say a certain threshold is reached beyond which they are no longer
justifying basic expectations of performance, and thus are neutralized.
In this specific case, there is almost certain knowledge that such a metropolitan
transport system will always be having its machines destroyed, it will always be leaking
money, it will always be a problem for the police to protect. The goals of increased
control and profitability for the transport system will have been lost, after the
expenditure of an immense amount of political capital, time, money and effort. These are
some of the postmodern terms of analysis we are proposing for evaluating victory and
defeat in specific struggles, and it is this struggle specifically that allows us to begin
concretely grounding such a new way of thinking and acting. Since there have been no
lasting revolutions yet made in postmodern conditions, there is no cause for any typical
assurances or Marxist certitudes borrowed from the past or abstract theories. On the
contrary, the value of this struggle is also that it demonstrates the importance of
letting the actual developments speak for themselves, to the extent possible.
III.
In passing, with things becoming unpleasant, unhappy and unproductive in general, it
becomes clear that the positive role of praise, admiration and constructive proposals,
have been almost completely abandoned. With this text we are trying to move in a more
positive direction, in a small but practical sense- but far more important it is to point
out the practical fields of radical endeavour, which already have a positive and practical
character, and which have survived the assimilation efforts of Syriza, and this campaign
is a primary one. Therefore it is worthwhile to spread the example of these polymorphic
tactics that have allowed anarchists to make a successful struggle with broad appeal, even
in the difficult times of attempted assimilation under a leftist government.
Moreover, this campaign has great and large potential to respond to general movement
problems. Through its decentralized and open nature; its unifying and positive
potentialities, which can fit into the fragmented nature of the anarchist space today, and
help to revitalize it. For instance, many of the campaign's texts have had a positive or
encouraging tone, and many have focused on spreading the technical practice of sabotage,
wanting to spread skills rather than keep them for themselves.
As well, the variety of different groups participating have stuck to anonymity or
pseudonymity, thus ensuring there is not a personalized, group-focused, or otherwise
self-referential character to the campaign. Because the campaign is open, any group or
tendency can participate as they like- all they have to do is accept that no one group or
tendency manages the campaign. This form, instead of a hierarchical leftist model with
generals and followers, is anarchist, and much more like an open-source software, or a
patch of common land: everyone can do what they like, and bring what they want. So, to
make such a potential list, e.g. there is the obvious anarchist reality of the struggle,
but if some also support communization or communism, they have every reason to support
such a campaign, which focuses on spreading these free relations, but in a realistic,
non-governmental way, first in sectors of society where such a demand makes immediate
sense. Or, if people are more in favor of individualistic themes, then this is a campaign
against a clearly dystopian, digitized state control. If people want direct action, they
can make it happen. If people like demonstrations, they can arrange these; or if others
prefer a focus on workers, they can propose to form committees of struggle outside the
control of unions.
There is something in the campaign for everyone, and this pluralistic reality makes for
the present importance and great continuing potential of the campaign, especially as "the
new normal" of Syriza begins to be destabilized. A window of opportunity is open, and this
campaign is a great weapon in the hands of the movement to send Syriza off with a strong
kick, and to defend and strengthen itself against tentatives of assimilation.
Such a successful campaign does not simply react or run after events, but shapes them. It
does not reflexively negate any and every proposed metropolitan infrastructure project as
typical in left-oriented groups, rather it has picked the most critical one and also comes
forward with its own content, its radical anarchist proposals, and makes them a reality.
It is not philanthropy, but solidarity, helping ourselves get free at the same time as the
larger society. This campaign in its coherence is also showing the rest of society the
correct relation: it is anarchy that is leading resistance to austerity and authority,
even in the difficult times of a leftist government.
In short, anarchy is seen, in practice, to have more realistic proposals for resistance
than the remnants of a collapsing left, and already points to greater potential changes,
transcending the purely defensive struggles of leftist character, to an offensive and
anarchistic spreading of freedom and revolt. It is bypassing the limited, isolated and
sectoral form of foredoomed leftist struggles, and becoming a real force for spreading
anarchy, in particular among the transport network, but in general throughout the metropolis.
Thus, "Free Transportation For All" has both the content and the form of an anarchistic
campaign. The content is very clearly of a popular character for free transport, with
anti-state, non- parliamentary focus, direct action and sabotage. The form is open to all
who wish to participate, and this makes it so different from the other campaigns
traditionally run by leftist parties, which are only about gaining new recruits,
profoundly unstrategic pseudo-resistance to austerity, or micropolitical parliamentary
games. In its very existence, in the connection between pluralistic form and radical
anarchist content, the link between means and ends, Free Transportation For All is a
living example of anarchist practice, of a different world struggling with all its might
and intelligence to get out of the present. . .
So, in closing, this text is dedicated to those groups and individuals who have made Free
Transportation a reality- and most especially, to our last great hope, the young
generation, and the success they can hope for with such a new type of political campaign,
new ways of thinking and acting in the new year and the new times we are entering.
Athens, February 2018
https://freedomnews.org.uk/greece-free-transportation-for-all-a-paradigmatic-anarchist-campaign-in-the-difficult-years-of-syriza/
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Message: 4
The re-emergence of the Macedonian issue was a rare opportunity for every kind of
nationalist and fascist dwelling to take a place in public speech and to try to promote
its murderous political plans. The nationalist rallies in Thessaloniki and Athens served
this very purpose. It was also obvious to the most naive, that the supposedly
uncomplicated and non-political character of the rally, advertised with so much diligence
by the media, was just a sheep that under the beast hid it - and as it turned out, it did
not take him much to feel certain and to reveal his real face. Somehow, the useful idiots
turned into dangerous idiots. It is obvious that several tendencies of the far right and
nationalist space consider it time for a parliamentary party of the far right beyond the
neo-Nazi Golden Dawn. It is also obvious that the ideology of national unity, which seeks
to instill reconciliation with class and social inequality and oppression, benefits not
only these circles but almost all the sovereignty, as the spread of the nationalist poison
breaks the social basis and distracts it from its real problems and interests, especially
during periods of capitalist crisis.
The results of this effort should not satisfy the organizers of the 2 rallies. In spite of
the dirty crowns following the rallies, world crowd or mindset approached that of the 1992
rallies, and of course not even touched at least ten percent of the 1,500,000 ceiling they
wanted to achieve in full mobilization right-wing and nationalist circles. Nevertheless,
several thousand framed and participated in the nationalist delirium. This fact has
inevitably raised the question of whether all those who participated in patriotic fascist
fiestas are all. The answer, in our view, is that they may not all be fascists, but they
are the social backing of fascism and nationalism, and it is certainly the most receptive
to these ideas, a potential to be exploited. And this is more prominent than anything
else: the Fascist rallies have been attacked in places of struggle, and all those who have
been demonstrating with them have been attacked, those who have washed them in squares by
legitimizing their public presence.
In the Thessaloniki Nationalist rally on 21/1 fascist troops attacked the Free Social
Space School (where they were repressed) and the Libertatia Occupy (where the cops covered
the arson of the building). They also attempted to attack the anti-nationalist
concentration of Kamara while the Golden Dawn also denounced the Jewish Holocaust
Memorial. In Athens on 4/2 they attacked the Free Self-Managed Theater EMPROS (where they
were also repelled by the guardianship). However, the anti-fascist reflexes of the
movement did not allow them to further expand their activities as all the kinematic spaces
were protected, while anti-fascist patrols and patrols existed in Exarchia and Agios
Panteleimonas.
Over time, the Balkan peoples have paid much of their nationalism. At this juncture we
have an absurd requirement on the side of the border to have the Greek state the main
reason for naming another nation-state. A demand tempered by the EU's willingness to
integrate the Republic of Macedonia within it and the need for NATO to expand its sphere
of influence. On the other side of the border we see a growing nationalism that aims to
create and consolidate their own "national myth" and often takes totally ridiculous forms,
but clearly not even more ridiculous than our "own" nationalism. A look at the photos of
the two rallies confirms the verdict.
The oppressed and the exploited have nothing to divide between us. Our oppressors are
common and have the same name, regardless of their nationality, and these are the state
and the capital. The only thing that nationalism manages to do is to separate and distract
them from the bottom by facilitating the bosses, and that is precisely the service that
offers sovereignty, that is why it is systematically promoted and planted on the social
basis. We, for our part, will strive to dissolve every separation on the body of the
oppressed and exploited. So we must fight together with the oppressed and the exploiters
of all countries to create a common internationalist front that will raise a barrier to
nationalism and fascism, which will fight against the state and the capital, which will
thunder that it will not let our bosses separate us on the basis of nationality, color,
sexual orientation, sex, religion, or any other dividing line. Who will fight for an
a-state, a-class, non-national life.
NO NAME WATCHES US
NONE NEITHER GIVES US
WHO MORE MIGHT YOU LIFE THE LIFE, THAT WAS DROPPED WITH NATION AND SEX
NO FAASTIC ATTENTION WILL NOT BE RESPONSIBLE
PAMBALIAN STATE OF INTERNATIONAL SOLIDARITY
THESSALONIKI
SATURDAY 10/3
12:00, KAMARA
Anarchist Federation
anarchist-federation.gr
info@anarchist-federation.gr
twitter: witter.com/anarchistfedGr
https://libertasalonica.wordpress.com/2018/02/25
------------------------------
Message: 5
To say that Daniel Guérin is an important militant figure is a euphemism. The one who
worked so much to deconstruct colonialism, capitalism, fascism and homophobia - and to
articulate Marxism and anarchism - died 30 years ago. To evoke his fights, go to Le
Lieu-Dit on Saturday, April 7th. ---- Friends, family, activist organizations and
publishers related to Daniel Guérin join forces to organize, on April 7, 2018, a special
day with debates, sale of books, film screening, presentation of editorial projects and
university research. The event will be held at the café "Le Lieu-Dit", 6 rue Sorbier in
Paris 20 e . ---- 14h - 19h: Thematic debates ; testimonials with unpublished photos ;
---- sale of books and discussions with publishers ---- 19h: Dinner ---- 21h: Screening of
films ---- The day is organized around several themes and formats:
4 thematic debates
Decolonization
Libertarian Communism
Sexuality
Daniel Guérin historian
Edition
Publishers of works by Daniel Guérin will present and propose for sale their books.
Reissue projects will be discussed with all participants of the event.
witnesses
People who knew Daniel Guérin (friends, activists, family) will discuss personal aspects
little known. A collection of photos of the family archives, showing Daniel Guérin from
cradle to the latest militant battles, will be presented for the first time to the public.
Cinema
The film of Patrice Spadoni and Laurent Muhleisen "Daniel Guérin (1904-1988), fighting in
the century" will be screened in the evening, as well as excerpts from other films on
Guérin and unpublished film documents.
For any information, suggestion or proposal to participate, write to adrien7105@gmail.com
http://www.alternativelibertaire.org/?Trentenaire-Daniel-Guerin-7692
------------------------------
Message: 6
The re-emergence of the Macedonian issue was a rare opportunity for every kind of
nationalist and fascist dwelling to take a place in public speech and to try to promote
its murderous political plans. The nationalist rallies in Thessaloniki and Athens served
this very purpose. It was also obvious to the most naive, that the supposedly
uncomplicated and non-political character of the rally, advertised with so much diligence
by the media, was just a sheep that under the beast hid it - and as it turned out, it did
not take him much to feel certain and to reveal his real face. Somehow, the useful idiots
turned into dangerous idiots. It is obvious that several tendencies of the far right and
nationalist space consider it time for a parliamentary party of the far right beyond the
neo-Nazi Golden Dawn. It is also obvious that the ideology of national unity, which seeks
to instill reconciliation with class and social inequality and oppression, benefits not
only these circles but almost all the sovereignty, as the spreading of the nationalist
poison breaks the social basis and distracts it from its real problems and interests,
especially during periods of capitalist crisis.
The results of this effort should not satisfy the organizers of the 2 rallies. In spite of
the dirty crowns following the rallies, world crowd or mindset approached that of the 1992
rallies, and of course not even touched at least ten percent of the 1,500,000 ceiling they
wanted to achieve in full mobilization right-wing and nationalist circles. Nevertheless,
several thousand framed and participated in the nationalist delirium. This fact has
inevitably raised the question of whether all those who participated in patriotic fascist
fiestas are all. The answer, in our view, is that they may not all be fascists, but they
are the social support of fascism and nationalism, and it is definitely the most receptive
to these ideas, a potential to be exploited. And this is more prominent than anything
else: the Fascist rallies have been attacked in places of struggle, and all those who have
been demonstrating with them have been attacked, those who have washed them in squares by
legitimizing their public presence.
In the Thessaloniki Nationalist rally on 21/1 fascist troops attacked the Free Social
Space School (where they were repressed) and the Libertatia Occupy (where the cops covered
the arson of the building). They also attempted to attack the anti-nationalist
concentration of Kamara while the Golden Dawn also denounced the Jewish Holocaust
Memorial. In Athens on 4/2 they attacked the Free Self-Managed Theater EMPROS (where they
were also repelled by the guardianship). However, the anti-fascist reflexes of the
movement did not allow them to further extend their action as all the kinematic spaces
were guarded while anti-fascist patrols and patrols existed in Exarchia and Agios
Panteleimonas.
Over time, the Balkan peoples have paid much of their nationalism. At this juncture we
have an absurd requirement on the side of the border to have the Greek state the main
reason for naming another nation-state. A demand tempered by the EU's willingness to
integrate the Republic of Macedonia within it and the need for NATO to expand its sphere
of influence. On the other side of the border we see a growing nationalism that aims to
create and consolidate their own "national myth" and often takes totally ridiculous forms,
but clearly not even more ridiculous than our "own" nationalism. A look at the photos of
the two rallies confirms the verdict.
The oppressed and the exploited have nothing to divide between us. Our oppressors are
common and have the same name, regardless of their nationality, and these are the state
and the capital. The only thing that nationalism manages to do is to separate and distract
them from the bottom by facilitating the bosses, and that is precisely the service that
offers sovereignty, that is why it is systematically promoted and planted on the social
basis. We, for our part, will strive to dissolve every separation on the body of the
oppressed and exploited. So we must fight together with the oppressed and the exploiters
of all countries to create a common internationalist front that will raise a barrier to
nationalism and fascism, which will fight against the state and the capital, which will
thunder that it will not let our bosses separate us on the basis of nationality, color,
sexual orientation, sex, religion or any other dividing line. Who will fight for an
a-state, a-class, non-national life.
NO NAME WATCHES US
NONE NEITHER GIVES US
WHO MORE MIGHT YOU LIFE THE LIFE, THAT WAS DROPPED WITH NATION AND SEX
NO FAASTIC ATTEMPT WILL NOT BE RESPONSIBLE
PAMBALIAN STATE OF INTERNATIONAL SOLIDARITY
THESSALONIKI
SATURDAY 10/3
12:00, KAMARA
http://anarchist-federation.gr/archives/1683
https://www.anarkismo.net/article/30861
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