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woensdag 14 maart 2018

Anarchic update news all over the world - 14.03.2018

Today's Topics:


      AND       FASCISM (

2. It does not stop voting if you want to decide
      [machine translation] (



4.  [Spain] Police seize the posters of the CNT for the 8M
      strike in Valladolid By ANA (

5.  "Challenges to Women's Liberation - A Look Through Women's
      Games in Chiapas" by Group Against the Patriarchate of the APO
      (gr) [machine translation] (

6.  Greece, Thessaloniki, anarchist-federation: THE PROLETARS DO
      NOT HAVE A PATRY - Calling on the path of the Balkans (gr)
      [machine translation] (

7.  France, Alternative Libertaire AL #280 - Clermont-Ferrand:
      Collective reflection on street harassment by AL Auvergne (fr,
      it, pt) [machine translation] (

8.  France, Alternative Libertaire AL - Clash of March, In
      March, general counterattack! by Youth Secretariat (fr, it, pt)
      [machine translation] (


Message: 1

To commemorate March 8th, International Women's Day, we compiled a list of the top ten 
films that feature women who challenged patriarchy and capitalism. Finding films with 
female leads that fit this criterion was difficult since the majority of biopics about 
individuals or movements revolved around a male revolutionary story line. Here are ten 
movies that center the role of women in the labor movement and the fight against 
capitalism, and always resisting the patriarchy. ---- 1. Salt of the Earth ----  Salt of 
the Earth (1954) was written, directed, and produced by Hollywood Blacklisted artists 
during the Red Scare led by Senator Joseph McCarthy. The film's script tackles topics such 
as gender oppression, racism, and state repression of the labor movement. The story 
centers on a strike led by Mexican and Mexican-American zinc mine workers, fighting for 
better working conditions and equality with their Anglo (white) coworkers. The miners' 
wives also presented their labor demands, including running water ("We want sanitation, 
not discrimination"). However, the men were not sympathetic until they were forced to hand 
over to their wives the defense of the picket line and take over the household chores and 
childcare in the meantime. As the men chopped wood all day to prepare hot water for 
laundry, bathing, and food, they learned about the Women's Question. The film's themes 
continue to be relevant to the present-day.

2. Libertarias

Libertarias (1996) is among many Spanish films about the Spanish Civil War, but a rare 
movie that centers its story on the revolutionary women's organization Mujeres Libres 
(Free Women). From the ranks of the CNT, FAI, and FIJL, female members led by Amparo Poch 
y Gascón, Lucía Sánchez Saornil, and Mercedes Comaposada formed the magazine and political 
current Mujeres Libres to organize the collective voice and positions by women in the 
revolutionary struggle. Mujeres Libres underscored the "double struggle" by revolutionary 
women fighting against capitalism and patriarchy; similar to the politics of "double 
militancy" described by Latin American feminist revolutionaries in the 1980s. Before their 
military defeat, Mujeres Libres amassed over 20,000 members and a political legacy that 
lives on to this day.

"The Question About Feminism" (1936) by Lucia Sanchez Saornil
Visions on Fire: Emma Goldman on the Spanish Revolution (1983) by Emma Goldman
Free Women of Spain: Anarchism and the Struggle for Women's Emancipation (1991) by Martha 
A. Ackelsberg
Free Women: Voices and Memories for a Libertarian Future (2011) by Laura Ruiz

3. Rosa Luxemburg

Rosa Luxemburg (1987) was directed and starred by Margarethe von Trotta (also in the 2012 
Hannah Ardent) as the remarkable Polish Jewish revolutionary. The film traces Luxemburg's 
evolution from a supporter of the German Social Democratic Party and her ultimate break 
with Karl Kautsky and Eduard Bernstein (see Reform or Revolution) when the party supported 
WWI that led Luxemburg, Karl Liebknecht, and others to form the Spartacist League. Rosa 
Luxemburg captures the cultural life of a mass organization, as well as Luxemburg's close 
friendships with other women in the organization who were usually the secretaries and 
partners of party leaders. Luxemburg often refused to write on the Women's Question 
because she did not want to relegate her political contribution as a liaison on women's 
issues, unlike her close friend Clara Zetkin who made that her central work. Luxemburg 
also had polemical disagreements with Lenin (she opposed aligning with nationalist 
currents as equivalent to "dancing with the devil" and denounced the ultra Leninist 
conception of party centralization). The deaths of Luxemburg and her political 
collaborator Liebknecht still stand as examples of the ultimate betrayal of Social Democracy.

4. Louise Michel: La Rebelle

Louise Michel: La Rebelle (2010) is a French TV drama about Louise Michel's imprisonment 
in New Caledonia. Michel was an anarchist who escaped the counter-revolutionary massacre 
that followed the defeat of the Paris Commune, continues to be heralded as a revolutionary 
example. Michel was involved in the main events of the Commune from beginning to end and 
-like other women who participated in the uprising- was labeled "unruly" and accused of 
participating with les petroleuses (the incinderaries). Michel was sent to New Caledonia 
along with 4,500 communards, in which the French government used their imprisonment to 
colonize the Pacific island and the Kanak people. During her imprisonment, she became 
friends with native Kanaks and found herself at odds with her racist comrades, a moment 
depicted in La Rebelle. Michel was released in 1880 and spent the rest of her life touring 
giving speeches and developed a close friendship with Kropotkin.

"Louise Michel," Great Lives, BBC radio program (audio)
Unruly Women of Paris: Images of the Commune (1996) by Gay L. Gullickson
The Women Incendiaries: The Inspiring Story of the Women of the Paris Commune by Edith Thomas

5. Ni Dios, Ni Patron, Ni Marido

Ni Dios, Ni Patron, Ni Marido (2010) is an Argentine film about La Voz de la Mujer (The 
Women's Voice), the first anarchist feminist newspaper and organization that functioned in 
Argentina during the 1890s. La Voz took a daring step: to begin to articulate an 
interconnected anarchist and feminist discourse. The film shows their leaders and 
political work that was short-lived, but influential in the history of women's labor 
history in Argentina.

"No God, No Boss, No Husband: Anarchist Feminism in Nineteenth-Century Argentina" by 
Maxine Molyneux's in Latin American Perspectives, Vol. 13, No. 1 (Winter, 1986)

6. Born in Flames

Born in Flames (1983) is a fictional film by Lizzie Borden about a group of women who 
organize the Women's Army in response to the lack of social changes against racism, 
sexism, and homophobia by the Social Democratic US government. On the 10th Anniversary 
since "the most peaceful revolution in history," the Women's Army expands their activities 
by confronting male street harassment and sexual assault, using a guerrilla radio station 
to spread their word, and carry out acts of resistance to the state. Following the state 
murder of their leader Adelaide Norris who built international solidarity tries with women 
in Algeria, the Women's Brigade steps up their resistance even further.

7. With Babies and Banners: The Story of the Women's Emergency Brigade

With Babies and Banners: The Story of the Women's Emergency Brigade (1979) is a 
documentary by Loraine Gray who also made the film Union Maids. This film interviews 
members of the Women's Emergency Brigade that defended members of the United Auto Workers 
during the Flint, Michigan sit-down strike from 1936-1937. The women secured the picket 
line, fought cops, broke factory windows when workers were tear gassed, and reminisce 
about their history with pride. There are also scenes of the women at the 1978 UAW 
Convention demanding that the UAW adopt an Equal Rights Amendment (ERA).

8. Norma Rae

Norma Rae (1979) is a biopic starring Sally Field about Crystal Lee Sutton's experience in 
organizing a union with her coworkers at a J.P. Stevens textile mill in Roanoke Rapids, 
North Carolina. The film deals with questions of sexual freedom, patriarchy, racism, and 

9. Bread and Roses

Bread and Roses (2001) is the 14th film by the English director Ken Loach. Loach is 
well-known for films that center on revolutionary socialist, anarchist, and labor 
movements such as Land and Freedom (1995) about the Spanish Civil War and The Wind the 
Shakes the Barley (2006) about the political splits during the Irish Civil War for 
independence from England. The movie's title references a speech by Rose Schneiderman 
(based on a 1911 poem by James Oppenheim) during the iconic 1912 textile workers strike in 
Lawrence Massachusetts. The film follows the story of Maya, an immigrant who becomes a 
leader of the Justice for Janitors campaign in Los Angeles.

10. A Portrait of Teresa

A Portrait of Teresa (1979) is a Cuban film by Pastor Vega that follows the story of 
Teresa, a factory worker, and her experiences with gender oppression and her dedication to 
the politics of revolutionary Cuba. Teresa upholds the female ideal promoted in Soviet 
Russia and Communist Cuba of the worker-citizen striving to meet and surpass production 
quotas. In a memorable exchange with her mother, Teresa complains that her husband doesn't 
participate in housework and is not supportive of her endeavors. Her mother responds: 
"Women are women and men are men...and even Fidel can't change that." Teresa thought 
otherwise. Looming in the backdrop is Socialist Cuba's promise in implementing gender 
equality through the Family Code. As Teresa discovers, more profound changes are required.

If you enjoyed this piece we encourages you to read our "Feminist Readings & Resources" 
page for articles, downloabable flyers and audio interview from a working class feminist 
and libertarian socialist perspective.


Message: 2

This text is written by one of Motmakts members. Motivation has no leadership that speaks 
on behalf of the members and the views in this text are not necessarily representative of 
the vision of the entire organization. We encourage open discussion of political 
disagreements both inside and out. The text is written by Sonia ---- Each time it is 
approaching an election campaign, we will hear where the undefeated youth is in voting or 
engaging in politics in general. Public figures from politicians to celebrities go out 
with the call to become politically active by giving their voice. But does the myth of the 
undefeated youth vote with reality? ---- In 2016 came the report "Generation What? Young 
people and optimism. A pan-European view» which has mapped the attitudes of so-called 
Millenials (young people between the ages of 18 and 30) about democracy, prospects and 
community participation in 14 European countries.
Not surprisingly, the numbers showed that on average more than half confirmed that they 
did not trust politicians who did not represent them and they believed that they are 
actually ready for a revolution. The countries where the youth had the greatest 
representation of these points were Greece, Spain and Italy.

What this revolution implies is not spoken, but direct action was mentioned in the report 
as a preferred democratic tool rather than voting in the elections. The youth also 
participated in political activity through voluntary work, direct action and other 
activities based on cooperation, solidarity and self-government.

Here in Norway, the statistics look a little different, and according to the memorandum 
"Electoral participation in different age groups. Historical development and updated 
figures from the parliamentary elections 2013 " At the previous parliamentary elections in 
2013, there was a statistically significant increase in voter participation among young 
people in the age group 18 to 25 years compared with the 2009 parliamentary election. 
Nevertheless, the participation of young people in Norway is almost 20% less than older 

Economic crisis and distrust of the democratic system
The youth in crisis-sustained countries are represented by those who least trust their 
politicians and thus do not want to be active in the election campaign. They do not want 
to have to choose between two subjects, they want to find new management models. The idea 
of a revolution is no wonder when the politicians in these countries have known to be 
loyal to the Troika and the IMF more than they are to their own people. That is, many 
countries function as oligarchies dressed as democracies.

When the crises expire and affect so many people, self-organized solidarity moves as local 
support, which is highly politically targeted. This is not uncommon and it is a natural 
reaction we see appearing across the boundaries under various forms of organization to 
cover basic needs created by system failures. The mistakes are rising economic crises, 
high corruption among politicians, increased unemployment and thinner social networks 
combined, making people discover their own solutions.
The image of undefeated youth is far from real because democratic practice is more than 

In Norway, the political and economic picture is far more stable for the time being, but 
in recent years we have also seen an increase in participation in direct action as 
self-organized groups for food and clothing, trade union work, demonstrations, protests or 
signature campaigns to counter political decisions such as has weakened the living 
conditions and rights of many people in the country. This very much thanks to social 
media, where young people have the opportunity to exercise their political commitment
between the elections.

A special interesting book, "Ruthless Youth? New Engagement in An Old Democracy» by Guro 
Ødegård, just the myth of unmarried youth in Norway dies. It shows that "low trust in 
adult authorities contributes to oppositional attitudes. This type of opposition is 
important as it provides the basis for political mobilization. "At the same time, the 
author points out that" some paradoxes when political authorities take action to integrate 
youth into politics. Research shows, among other things, that political youth arenas 
initiated by adults, such as municipal youth councils, are, to a small extent, unable to 
include the forms of participation and themes outside the traditional party politics. One 
consequence is that political authorities listen to youth who adapt to the system, not 
those who challenge it. Thus, there is a risk of putting groups of socially disadvantaged 
young people on the sidelines of Norwegian politics.

Invitation to vote, an authoritarian thought
So, if we continue to work on the conclusion of the book, it is necessary to ask ourselves 
a question: where ethical are calls to vote?
We must understand that non-voting can also indicate that they have lost confidence in the 
parliamentary system while at the same time engaging in other forms of political work. 
What about listening to how they would like to create a new democratic system based on 
direct democracy, solidarity, justice and good living conditions for all?
The attitude of pushing youngsters by playing the wrong conscience or trying to make them 
believe that by voting they have some political involvement is authoritarian and very 
little democratic.
Young people and other people of different age groups must not be encouraged to just that, 
but we can listen and facilitate their participation to be more active in creating other 
peaceful alternatives to political and social engagement. It is quite authoritarian to 
think that the youth must learn that indirect democracy is worked only through exercising 
the right to vote when there are other governance models for social and political 
organization that are more fair, environmentally friendly and engaging than putting their 
vote every four years.

Freedom to choose and right to attend to your own premises

The reports on young people in Europe should be a thought weaver for all. Failing to 
participate actively in a democratic system with strong neoliberalist structures can mean 
that many want to create a new democratic system considered as an alternative.

I believe that those who feel represented by existing political parties can vote for them, 
but people who do not feel represented by politicians or the current democratic system 
should not vote nor shall they be held responsible when the results of the election 
campaigns do not go beyond expectations. Everyone is going to get their political 
commitment expressed in the way they want, because it may be in these terms where we find 
the compensation for the existing democratic system.

I wish society could listen to those who do not want to vote. Both young and old, everyone 
certainly has good ideas about what kind of society they want to create with alternative 
political models.

The text was first published at Maddam "The Myth of the Undefeated Youth"


Message: 3

The University and College Union's industrial action over pensions today (8th March 2018) 
completed 10 days of well attended picket lines by lecturers, researchers, admin workers 
and postgraduate students in one of the most protracted higher education strikes in 
memory. In spite of freezing temperatures on many days the level of action on campuses 
across England, Wales, Scotland and Northern Ireland has been impressively solid and is 
set to continue unless the employers agree to move away from the extremely detrimental USS 
pensions plans. ---- Student solidarity has been excellent too. Some are in fact UCU 
members themselves, supporting the strike, but being part of the UniTemps agency are 
ineligible to take industrial action directly - they are not directly employed and don't 
get a pension either! Students, both undergraduates and postgraduates, have organised 
demonstrations and there have been occupations of management offices in Bristol, Leicester 
and Liverpool, amongst others, and of the HQ of Universities UK employers association.

Strikers have been using social media to good effect including @dogsondemos on twitter and 
facebook and many creative hashtags as well as #ussstrikes and this is helping to connect 
staff and students within and between universities.

The middle of week 2 saw employers agree to meet the union through ACAS and this week 
there have been initial talks, which is a good initial result from the strike. But 
examples of employers trying to get around the strike have been illuminating. Edinburgh 
University decided a good way was to show old recordings of lectures. The usual threat of 
workers working to rule on non-strike days being treated as withdrawal of labour was also 
bandied around as well as commands to tell management of intention to strike in advance to 
give them time to find contingencies.

The action has not been perfect. Picket lines are regularly crossed by workers in other 
unions and in big institutions this allows non-union members and even scab union members 
to get on to campuses with little real consequence apart from shame. Add to this the 
practice of temp agency employment and other casual employment practices where union 
membership is low, some employers are able to claim that their universities are running as 

But, their pain is clearly being felt and continued action will see strikers at the 
entrances of campuses being visited by prospective students and parents on open days and 
will affect exams after Easter, as well as research and teaching over the current month of 
strikes. The action has given some badly needed space for university vice-chancellors to 
make a reassessment of the case of the USS pension scheme's sustainability. The length of 
the action has also created spaces for discussion about the broader contexts of 
marketisation and casualisation in education to set in, including specifically organised 
‘teach-ins' by staff and students.

Public support for the strike has been good. It has been encouraging to hear more than 
usual support from the honks of passing vehicles whether public, self-employed or private 
sector. It seems that the action being taken has struck a chord with workers who are 
continuing to feel the squeeze of austerity, whilst politicians are sinking in the mire of 
Brexit, commercial woes and with international war games and intrigue taking centre stage. 
In this context, this industrial action in higher education is hopefully offering a ray of 

The strike will continue all of next week (12-16th March), another 2 weeks of strike 
action in the April/June exam period has just been accepted by the Higher Education 
Council, plus action short of a strike will extend into the summer in any case, unless 
agreement about the unwanted USS proposals is reached.

Background information:


Message: 4

During the night of Friday, plainclothes agents intercepted the union's collage in Villa 
do Prado neighborhood, confiscating the material and identifying the CNT militants who 
carried it out ---- After last week's three members of the 8M assembly in Valladolid were 
taken to the Delicias district police station for putting up posters calling for the 
strike, the story was repeated on the night of Friday 2 March. This time, plainclothes 
agents from the Municipal Police confiscated the posters and identified the group of 
militants of the CNT, one of the unions that officially and legally convene the March 8 
feminist general strike, which carried out the collage. ---- According to CNT sources, in 
Santo Domingo de Silos Street in the Vallisoletano neighborhood of Villa do Prado, two 
people inside a gray car began to tape the union militants who carried out the collage of 
posters calling the strike of the 8M. They "took a picture of the vehicle to prevent 
possible problems", after which their occupants, who turned out to be two plainclothes 
agents, went down and addressed the trade unionists to warn them that they could not take 
pictures of the police.

After forcing them to delete the photograph from their phone, they confiscated the posters 
of the strike, ensuring that the wall of the plot where they were pasted was a private 
property. The trade unionists did not object and, after contacting their lawyers, warned 
the agents that "if they did not make apprehensions they would have to take them to the 
police station with the posters", as these sources indicate. The plainclothes agents 
agreed to make the minutes, although it did not contemplate neither the reasons by which 
the posters were confiscated nor its description, reason why they declined to sign it.

Two other officers appeared at the scene, also in plain clothes and did not even identify 
with the trade unionists. After several telephone conversations, two police officers 
confiscated the posters, although not the brushes and the glue to glue them. "They did not 
want to go with the glue," they say from the CNT, although they told the trade unionists 
that they should remove the sticker, which they refused and left without any impediment.

While the events unfolded in Villa do Prado, one of those implicated reported what was 
happening via social networks "to make public the trampling that was being committed." 
Once the agents left, several members of the feminist assembly 8M of Valladolid joined the 
collage, which continued without incident.

This follows the statements of the mayor, Óscar Puente, ensuring that the current 
municipal government team is not in agreement with the interpretation that made the 
Municipal Police of the regulations in force to proceed with the identification of the 
three activists. In this attendance also ensured that he would transmit to the Municipal 
Police an instruction to always interpret in the most favorable way the right to freedom 
of expression.

Government officials said the team mark the últimoCero the statement which said the mayor 
to correctly interpret the norm, due to the doctrine of the TSJ, however not moved to the 
Municipal Police in writing. The same sources pointed out that during these days the 
literal content of this instruction is being finalized with the municipal legal services.


Related Items:


Message: 5

The "Challenges for Women's Liberation - A Look Through the Women's Games in Chiapas" 
brochure was published by the "Anticorruption Policy Team" of the Anarchist Political 
Organization in February 2018, ahead of March 8 and the 1st International Meeting of 
Athletes women calling Zapatista women from March 8 to 10 in Caracol, Morelia, Mexico. 
---- Introductory note of the issue ---- It has been nearly three years since Concepción 
Suárez, comrade Mexican Chiapas, responded to the Assembly's call for "solidarity from 
anarchist, anti-authoritarian and libertarian space" to participate in the three-day 
solidarity events in the rebellious Zapatista communities that took place in end of spring 
2015. The following suggestion is the placement of the comrade at the events that took 
place in Athens, Patras and Veria with the theme: "The challenges for women's liberation . 
A look through women's struggles in Chiapas " . The brochure "Women with Revolted Dignity" 
was also published within the framework of the three-day event.

The publication of this form takes place a few days before the 1st World Meeting of 
Fighting Women invited by the Zapatistri and will be held from 8 to 10 March in Caracol, 
Morelia, Mexico. We consider it important to publish this suggestion as it is, in addition 
to an inexhaustible source of inspiration, a valuable tool of theory and action for the 
struggles we give as anarchists against the state-capitalist system. It is in order that 
we, too, contribute to addressing the issue of gender discrimination and the necessity of 
women's emancipation in the public sphere as well as in organizing and highlighting the 
struggle of women against exploitation and repression within the imposed power model 
social organization.

It is indisputable that as much as modern totalitarianism deepens and the sovereign's 
attack on society is exacerbated, upward diffusion and reproduction within the social 
field of hierarchically structured relations, divisions and inequalities becomes even more 
intense. Thus, the expressions of patriarchy - which is one of the foundations of the 
world of power and a key element of its social reproduction - are increasing all the time. 
Why the downrooting of the bottom is a basic prerequisite for the system, since it will 
have a fragmented and alienated social body against its antisocial plans that will not be 
able to counter it.

That is why it is imperative to have contact with the processes that are being developed 
and struggles that break out all over the world and manage, in difficult times and in 
environments that are exacerbated by state and capitalist barbarism, to formulate and 
defend libertarian values, to promote the principles of equality and solidarity, to awaken 
and form consciousness in the direction of emancipation, as well as to give practical 
answers to the real daily needs, building a counter authoritarian social organization 
model that confronts every moment with the dominant system.

The position of comrade Concepción Suárez delimits patriarchy, gender discrimination and 
sexism by presenting the depth of female oppression and exploitation in connection with 
Mexico's history, western colonialism, neoliberalism. So the Zapatista women's struggle is 
indissolubly linked to the struggle of indigenous peoples against the Mexican state, with 
the rebellion in 1994, with the building of autonomy from then until today. Every step 
towards the female emancipation becomes totally perceived as it falls within the context 
in which it takes place. From the initial stage of recognition of the special 
circumstances experienced as women, the way they are organized, the determination of claims,

Positioning also affects all the dilemmas and dangers encountered when involved in the 
race. The risk of women's struggle and the criticism of feminism, which is limited to the 
institutionalization of demands, but which have as a result assimilation and integration 
into the capitalist way of organization. The criticism of the partial and monothematic 
struggle that brings isolation from the rest of the oppressed and is not linked to the 
overall overthrow.

The queries and answers given by the struggling women in Chiapas are ultimately directed 
to the whole world of the struggle, and the tracking of their journey to this day is part 
of this narrative of the one, continuous war that has been declared from the top with the 
death, destruction, plundering and humiliation of the poor, oppressed, women and men from 
end to end all over the world for centuries now. And at the same time it is part of the 
magnificent story of the counterattack of thousands of men and women raising their 
stature, lifting their eyes, stamping their legs and revolting against impoverishment and 
submission ... It is part of that story that we will tell in the future about how many 
were liberated and they defeated the few, how the world of freedom, equality, dignity, 
justice, solidarity was built. And in this narrative, women and their struggles will go 
all the way, because "without women, this fight would not be for the people but for the 
men" because "we are struggling for a world that we all can fit" .

We greatly thank Michalis T. for the translation from Spanish and Rena that helped us in 
the final editing.

Group Against the Patriarchate of the APO


Message: 6

The re-emergence of the Macedonian issue was a rare opportunity for every kind of 
nationalist and fascist dwelling to take a place in public speech and to try to promote 
its murderous political plans. The nationalist rallies in Thessaloniki and Athens served 
this very purpose. It was also obvious to the most naive, that the supposedly 
uncomplicated and non-political character of the rally, advertised with so much diligence 
by the media, was just a sheep that under the beast hid it - and as it turned out, it did 
not take him much to feel certain and to reveal his real face. Somehow, the useful idiots 
turned into dangerous idiots. It is obvious that several tendencies of the far right and 
nationalist space consider it time for a parliamentary party of the far right beyond the 
neo-Nazi Golden Dawn. But it is also obvious that the ideology of national unity that 
seeks to instill reconciliation with class and social inequality and oppression does not 
only benefit these circles but almost all of the sovereignty, as the spread of the 
nationalistic poison breaks the social basis and distracts it from its real problems and 
interests, especially during periods of capitalist crisis.

The results of this effort should not satisfy the organizers of the 2 rallies. In spite of 
the dirty crowns following the rallies, world crowd or mindset approached that of the 1992 
rallies, and of course not even touched at least ten percent of the 1,500,000 ceiling they 
wanted to achieve in full mobilization right-wing and nationalist circles. Nevertheless, 
several thousand framed and participated in the nationalist delirium. This fact has 
inevitably raised the question of whether all those who participated in patriotic fascist 
fiestas are all. The answer, in our view, is that they may not all be fascists, but they 
are the social backing of fascism and nationalism, and it is certainly the most receptive 
to these ideas, a potential to be exploited. And this is more prominent than anything 
else: the Fascist rallies have been attacked in places of struggle, and all those who have 
been demonstrating with them have been attacked, those who have washed them in squares by 
legitimizing their public presence.

In the Thessaloniki Nationalist rally on 21/1 fascist troops attacked the Free Social 
Space School (where they were repelled by security) and Libertatia Occupy (where the cops 
covered the arson of the building with the cover of the cops). They also attempted to 
attack the anti-nationalist concentration of Kamara while the Golden Dawn also denounced 
the Jewish Holocaust Memorial. In Athens on 4/2 they attacked the Free Self-Managed 
Theater EMPROS (where they were also repelled by the guardianship). However, the 
anti-fascist reflexes of the movement did not allow them to further extend their action as 
all the kinematic spaces were protected while anti-fascist patrols and patrols existed in 
Exarchia and Agios Panteleimonas.

Over time, the Balkan peoples have paid much of their nationalism. At this juncture we 
have an absurd requirement on the side of the border to have the Greek state the main 
reason for naming another nation-state. A demand tempered by the EU's willingness to 
integrate the Republic of Macedonia within it and the need for NATO to expand its sphere 
of influence. On the other side of the border we see a growing nationalism that aims to 
create and consolidate their own "national myth" and often takes totally ridiculous forms, 
but clearly not even more ridiculous than our "own" nationalism. A look at the photos of 
the two rallies confirms the verdict.

The oppressed and the exploited have nothing to divide between us. Our oppressors are 
common and have the same name, regardless of their nationality, and these are the state 
and the capital. The only thing that nationalism manages to do is to separate and distract 
them from the bottom by facilitating the bosses, and that is precisely the service that 
offers sovereignty, that is why it is systematically promoted and planted on the social 
basis. We, for our part, will strive to dissolve every separation on the body of the 
oppressed and exploited. So we must fight together with the oppressed and the exploiters 
of all countries to create a common internationalist front that will raise a barrier to 
nationalism and fascism, which will fight against the state and the capital, which will 
thunder that it will not let our bosses separate us on the basis of nationality, color, 
sexual orientation, sex, religion, or any other dividing line. Who will fight for an 
a-state, a-class, non-national life.




12:00, KAMARA


Message: 7

This evening will be a series of workshops in small group interspersed with time of 
collective restitution. Each workshop will address a theme, a problem related to street 
harassment: definition of street harassment, the place of women in society and patriarchy, 
the question of consent, what to do when we witness or victim ... and to think about it 
all together.


Message: 8

Despite the vote of the Law Orientation and Success of Students in Parliament, 
mobilization in the faculties and high schools continues ! Some students have prevented 
councils in some ways from voting their expectations. Without local expectations, no 
selection criteria at the beginning of next year for some college, it's already a small 
victory! ---- Against the selection and projects of Macron ---- With the reform of the 
baccalaureate it is 40% of continuous control, it is 40% of the note which will be 
considered as less legitimate during the future stages of selection if one does not come 
from a "good" high school, it is to say, a college high school. With the selection at the 
entrance to the license, high school students will lose the right to choose their study 
stream. The selection will be based on expected that may close permanently the college 
bins pro and techno for example. And under license, students will now have to  sign a 
contract of success "It does not invent, determining how many years they will make their 
license and which courses they and they will have the right to attend. A license in 2 or 3 
years with access to the course of excellence for "" and a license in 
4 or 5 years with courses all rotten for others ... or how to optimize course by 
inequality of access to education. And it will also be the end of the compensation between 
subjects, so it will take the average to each subject to pass, the galley for those who 
work next ! It is therefore a university less open to the popular classes, and more and 
more elitist and enslaved to the interests of the bosses we want to impose.

March 15 and 22 in the street !

March 15 mobilize against these attacks! The attacks of the government against our social 
conquests aim to exploit us more, they make system. And they are not limited to just the 
education sector. On March 22, the public service will take to the streets. The government 
wants to make massive use of contract workers, and wants to kill a public service that 
serves the public interest. It is also the rail workers who will strike and protest 
against the liberalization of the sector and the outright abolition of their status. 
Converge with them and them to start a strike and large scale protests. Recall that just 
fifty years ago was born at the university of Nanterre the March 22 Movement, libertarian 
and anti-authoritarian, which was one of the triggering events of May 68, an event where 
workers led one of the biggest strikes in history. We bet that May 2018 will be just as 

In Rennes, student action to denounce the selection at the university: empty chairs for 
the people without seats

Amplify the mobilization !

Let us gather in General Assemblies to decide our strategies of struggle, coordinate us 
between General Assemblies of different establishments, inform the students and students 
who are not yet mobilized so that the mobilization