Anarchic update news all over the world - 22.03.2018

Today's Topics:

   
1.  France, Alternative Libertaire AL #280 - Read: Reverdy, "He
      was a city" (fr, it, pt) [machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
2.  Coletivo Quebrando Muros - Collective Breaking Walls (pt)
      [machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
3.  France, Alternative Libertaire AL - Note companies n ° 8 -
      March 16, 2018 -- Succeed March 22 (fr, it, pt) [machine
      translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
4.  Solidarity with Afrin! Solidarity with the Democratic
      Federation of Northern Syria! (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
5.  ias romania: THE GENERAL STRIKE FROM LUPENI IN 1929 By RAVNA
      [machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
6.  fau: Solidarity demonstrations for Afrin (de)
      (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
7.  anarkismo.net: Political Assassination, State Terrorism:
      Marielle Franco, Attending! by CAB - Brazilian Anarchist
      Coordination (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)


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Message: 1






The novels of Thomas B. Reverdy have something dreamlike, yet they unfold on a background 
of contemporary history, based on documented situations, and sometimes even real 
characters. ---- In L'Envers du monde, it was the period after 9/11 that was the context 
of the plot ; The Evaporated took place in Japan before and during the tsunami and the 
destruction of the Fukushima plant that followed. In It was a city, we find ourselves in 
Detroit, at the time of the crisis of 2008. ---- As is often the case in Reverdy's novels, 
the narrative is constructed from the interwoven stories of a few characters, sometimes 
related, but it is rather that one feels that their destinies will answer each other, or 
even cross each other. So we meet Eugene, a white-collar who is " promoted " to Detroit to 
manage a big car project, on behalf of a " company " whose name we will not know, but 
whose description tinged with futurism contrasts well with his inevitable destiny.

Far from Eugene and his love at first sight for Detroit, there is Charlie, a kid from a 
particularly deserted area of the city, who grew up with his grandmother. There is 
Lieutenant Brown, who is starting to detect an abnormal rate of missing children. And 
precisely, Charlie too disappears. Where he goes, this is what we will discover over the 
novel, the story of this child giving rise to sometimes bright pages sometimes disturbing.

Because even if it is not an abduction, the tension of He was a city to the black novel is 
undeniable. The suspense goes with it. If there is not always a policeman, there is always 
an investigation in the novels of Reverdy, even investigations, because the characters are 
in search, some of their origins, others of an explanation, of a manager. The black novel 
is also present in the theme of disappearance, as here that of Charlie. Something pushes 
the characters to " faint ", to abandon their loved ones, to evade their own lives to 
enter another, much more clandestine. Even characters who do not run away, like Eugene, 
can also find themselves in this in-between life that seems so fascinate the author.

All this being said, we can not either present It was a city like a polar. And if the 
social statement is obvious, as in the previous novels of Reverdy, it is accompanied by a 
poetry of the text that puts the reader in a completely different atmosphere [1]. While 
remaining very sober, this writing works to suggest images, sensations, to make voices 
heard. The charm of this novel in particular may also be due to some solar characters, and 
to the art of living of all others. We can not say at the end of the novel if Detroit is 
what we saw, but all this exists, Reverdy has told.

Mouchette (AL Paris North East)

Thomas B. Reverdy, He was a city, Flammarion, 2015, 272 p., 19 euros.

[1] Reverdy has entered writing with collections of poetry, and that still feels. We did 
not find any connection with the poet Pierre Reverdy.

http://www.alternativelibertaire.org/?Roman-Il-etait-une-ville

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Message: 2





The Collective Breaking Walls is a libertarian leftist organization. We fight for a 
society in which there are no relations of exploitation and oppression and we bet on 
building social movements with the characteristics that we hope for the future. We 
understand that the social transformations must be carried out by the different sectors of 
the people, organized in these movements - among them the students. By understanding that 
social movements are the seeds of the new society, we strive to organize themselves in a 
self-managed way, with direct democracy, solidarity and class independence. Our strategy 
is to strengthen them from now on so that they expand their field of influence, applying 
force to conquer rights and sealing alliances among the bottom ones. We call this process 
building Popular Power.

Thus, we organize our action in the field of class struggle. We understand that our 
society is built on constant contradictions and conflicts between the lower classes, the 
exploited class, and the upper classes, the ruling class. We recognize that our class is 
made up of the exploited and oppressed sections of society, who are peripheral to whom 
they hold economic, political, or cultural power, for example. We believe that only 
organization and struggle for the demands of all the oppressed are capable of achieving a 
truly radical social transformation. In this way, we see feminism, anti-racism and other 
forms of combating oppression as social movements and we argue that these struggles must 
be rooted in every popular organization. Class solidarity must necessarily take into 
account the existence of sectors with specific demands and urgencies that can not be 
neglected or subordinated.

We believe that the guarantee, maintenance and conquest of our rights is not due to the 
good will of one or another ruler, but rather to the accumulation of strength of social 
movements. Thus, we bet on strengthening the organization of the oppressed in opposition 
to the electoral dispute.

We also think it is necessary to fight actively for reforms, without, however, abandoning 
the revolutionary strategy. To demand these rights is not to accept crumbs from the State, 
but rather to guarantee improvements in the quality of life that the exploited need for now!

Our perspective on the state's electoral dispute is that the ballot boxes are not enough 
to repair the inequalities we are facing, since the representatives who are elected for a 
variety of reasons are not on the side of our people nor even to be part of it, contrary 
to what attempts to pass the movements, organizations and entities that build candidacies 
under a banner of change, renewal and fight against injustices, a strategy doomed to 
failure or defeat at the polls, or because, once elected, need to make alliances with the 
rottenest in our politics in the name of governability. In addition, we believe that the 
federally organized people are able to manage their places of work, study and housing 
without representatives, a few deciding for all, because it is we who actually experience 
the urgencies in our daily lives.

The Collective Breaking Walls arises from the need to modify the hierarchical structure of 
the Student Movement within the University, since it is through this that we strive for 
improvements in the quality of teaching, greater access and conditions of permanence. We 
act in order to impress on the movements in which we are inserted an autonomous and 
combative perspective, because we believe that these are principles necessary to fight 
more effectively against injustice, exploitation and oppression.

Only the strength of the united and organized people can break the walls they have built 
around us!

https://quebrandomuros.wordpress.com/

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Message: 3





On this level, nothing new compared to our previous publication last week: ---- the strike 
in the civil service looks pretty strong, with demonstrations in many cities ; ---- the 
national demonstration of railway and railway workers will bring together many people ; 
---- several CGT and Solidarity organizations from other sectors also call for a strike on 
March 22, in a unitary way (trade and services for example), in a dispersed order (as in 
energy) sometimes with the UNSA (RATP). ---- In Paris, the two events (Public Service and 
SNCF) do not really converge, they are content to arrive in the same place with opposite 
access. But for there to be " convergence of struggles ", there must be struggles and 
these involve the emergence of mobilizations based on the realities of each and everyone. 
At this stage, that there is the same day, in Paris, two events, for different audiences, 
is not a problem.

http://www.alternativelibertaire.org/?Reussir-le-22-mars

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Message: 4






The Turkish army together with Islamist mercenaries have been attacking the Afrin Region 
in Northern Syria since 19 January. The Canton of the Democratic Federation of Northern 
Syria is being defended by Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) militias, which have sustained 
heavy casualties. The Turkish invasion, which is being carried out with German weaponry, 
is a direct attack on democratic self-government within the Federation of Northern Syria 
and against all who fight for security and emancipation from patriarchy and dictatorships. 
The attack is also an attempt to sabotage the SDF's successful operations against the 
Daesh. ---- The German state is not only partially responsible for this situation because 
of weapon deliveries to Turkey, but also because it acts as the extended arm of the 
Erdogan regime by prosecuting organizations that advocate the political model of the 
democratic federation that is practiced in Northern Syria, by banning their symbols and by 
threatening activists with deportation. In this way, the German state is abetting the 
shift towards fascism in Turkey, where in the shadows of the invasion of Afrin, more and 
more dissidents are being silenced.

Through the organizations of the people into councils regardless of ethnicity, the 
increased importance of cooperatives and the central role of the emancipation of women, 
the revolution in Northern Syria brings hope to the entire region and beyond. We are in 
solidarity with all people there who are fighting for a self-determined life free of 
Islamism and state repression.

Continue the fight for freedom and autonomy!

Bijî Rojava!

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Message: 5





This year in Romania, 89 years had to be commemorated since the first European blood 
tribute was sacrificed on the capitalist altar of the economic crisis that arose in 1929. 
At Lupeni there were then 22 dead miners and 148 injured. Tragedy is not far from us. 
However, her memory was left to forgetting the past capitalist regime, quite rarely 
present in the socialist regime and completely abandoned in the last twenty years of the 
new capitalist regime. Today, it's hard to identify at least one island of memory with 
that terrible crime. The children of those dead lived, and today, maybe, I meet their 
grandchildren. Nobody ever sought them, never. It is hard to believe that we will ever 
find the historical truth. Between the Romanian people and its history, there is still an 
impossible love. With rare exceptions, represented only by the great personalities of 
historiography, the history of the Romanians is obedient to the power, so that, in the 
last decades, we can plunge into ridicule with the so-called "recent history". Once, 
perhaps, from the memory of the feeling, the moment of self-recognition will be born.

The first seven months of 1929 lay behind despair in the Jiu Valley. The disillusionment 
of betrayal and the misery of life crushed souls. In February and March 1929, the 
Arbitration Commission of the Deva Tribunal met in 12 meetings without any results. 
Negotiations for the signing of the collective labor contract had become static. 
Gradually, the miners' hopes were lost. They had sincerely believed the national-peasant 
promises made on a holy day, marking the tenth anniversary of the Great Union on May 6, 
1928, in Alba Iulia. Weights and injustices were overwhelming. In 1925, the carboniferous 
basin of the Jiu Valley was divided between the Petrosani and Lupeni societies in order to 
considerably increase the capitalist profit. The net benefit of mining operations between 
1921 and 1929 increased by 500%. No bonuses were included in the net benefit, bonuses, 
bonuses (special allowances), chips and salaries of officials. The basic salary of an 
engineer, in the period 1925-1927, was 4,000 lei, supplemented by 4,800 lei, so the income 
was 8,800 lei per month. The salary of the technical director was 10,000 lei, but the 
income was 22,000 lei per month by adding bonuses. One member of the Board of Directors 
received annually tantamounts worth 2.300.000 lei, and the chairman of the Council, who 
was also the general manager of the Company, received a lent of ROL 6,000,000. The salary 
of the technical director was 10,000 lei, but the income was 22,000 lei per month by 
adding bonuses. One member of the Board of Directors received annually tantamounts worth 
2.300.000 lei, and the chairman of the Council, who was also the general manager of the 
Company, received a lent of ROL 6,000,000. The salary of the technical director was 10,000 
lei, but the income was 22,000 lei per month by adding bonuses. One member of the Board of 
Directors received annually tantamounts worth 2.300.000 lei, and the chairman of the 
Council, who was also the general manager of the Company, received a lent of ROL 6,000,000.

On the other hand, miners' salaries were below the decency limit, some 2,300 lei a month, 
with the possibility of granting a premium for exceeding the daily norm.

In a journalistic investigation entitled Mining Exploitation and published in the 
Battlefrom October 1, 1929, writer Panait Istrati wrote: "They (the first salary na) prove 
to man by the worst belief that the way liberals understand how to get rich can no longer 
be called cruel exploitation, but thievery, banditism in the highway, plague, who must be 
punished by justice .... We see that on December, the first started from 3.5 wagons, 
amounting to 46 lei. That for four wagons, the man will receive 50 lei, and if, if he 
dropped in the mine, he managed to remove 4.5 cars, he would put his hand on 54 lei. In 
January, to receive 54 lei, 5.5 wagons were needed. Besides the burglary of robbery with 
the reduction of the premium, as the miner proves his captivity, the mine still has a way 
to suck the slave's blood. This is the cancellation of the labeled wagons that are not 
loaded or containing stone. "

In addition, the miserable life of the miners became totally sordid because of the lack of 
housing. Hundreds of Lupeni miners were forced to use the so-called "common and warm bed" 
system, in which the place that was released from work was immediately occupied by another 
miner out of the mine. Misery and promiscuity were common places in the Jiu Valley. And 
yet, the time of weights seems unstoppable. It was amplified at the end of 1928, with the 
denunciation of the collective labor contract by mining companies. The workers remain the 
only weapon of the passive strike. The remark is expressed in an analysis session on 22 
February 1929 of the Steering Committee of the Society when it is recognized that it is 
impossible to supply coal orders "because of the significant increase in the absence of 
workers due to either disease,. "The signing of the collective labor contract is delayed. 
Tensions are growing. In the Worker's Life , March 17, 1929, the present time and the near 
future are scrutinized: "The 30,000 slaves in the Jiu Valley who are scouring the depths 
of the earth do not want to lose the misery[...]. In a little while they will start 
fighting to conquer their claims. The spirit of solidarity and struggle of the servants in 
the Jiu Valley will shake the whole bourgeoisie and social democracy. Workers must know 
that they will only be able to impose their claims through their struggle. Otherwise no."

The apparent hush of the workers in the daily life on the surface, the silence in the mine 
galleries and the workshops worried the patrons. In June 1929, the mining administration 
wrote to the general manager in Bucharest: "We have the honor to report that, as our 
informants tell us, workers in the Jiu Valley are preparing to trigger the general strike."

A good occasion to trigger it was considered August 1, the day of struggle of the 
international peace proletariat. On July 29 and 30, several meetings and rallies were held 
in the Jiu Valley to prepare the great street demonstration on August 1.

The National Peasant Government has taken special precautions to prevent it. Of particular 
importance was the intimidation measures. The patrols of gendarmes walked from house to 
house and threatened the miners that they would be arrested if they did not get to work. 
Preventive, several trade unionists were arrested. For the time being, the repressive 
measures have reached their goal: the demonstration scheduled for August 1 has failed. At 
Petrosani, Vasile Luca, president of the General Council of Trade Unions, arrives in order 
to explain the causes of the failure. On the morning of August 3rd, the works of the Trade 
Union Conference in Jiu Valley open. Interrupted at noon, the talks would be resumed in 
the afternoon of the same day. Due to unknown reasons, Vasile Luca was not present at the 
place set for the continuation of the works. During the night, he left for Bucharest, and 
some of the participants were arrested. The delegates from Lupeni were saved because they 
did not go home, where they were actually waiting for the gendarmes. In a state of intense 
tension, on the morning of August 4, the conspiratorial conspiracy of the main trade union 
activists takes place. Now, the decision to launch the general strike the next day, on 
August 5th, is taken. In the morning, at 6 o'clock, the miners at the Ileana mine did not 
enter the mine and did not lift their lamps. After 40 minutes of talks with the 
administration, the miners coalesced and started marching toward Stephen Mine.

Concomitant, the workers from the Victoria mine returned the lamps, and, crowned, headed 
for the Aurelia shaft. Together, the miners from Victoria and Aurelia headed for the 
Carolina mine, and from around 8.30 am, the detachments of the three mines headed for the 
city center. The strike leaders' strategy aimed at concentrating all miners in the city 
center, from where the power plant was occupied, the interruption of which led to 
paralysis of the whole activity of the Lupeni Society. At 9.45, about 5,000 strikers 
stormed and occupied the power plant. the detachments of the three mines headed towards 
the city center. The strike leaders' strategy aimed at concentrating all miners in the 
city center, from where the power plant was occupied, the interruption of which led to 
paralysis of the whole activity of the Lupeni Society. At 9.45, about 5,000 strikers 
stormed and occupied the power plant. the detachments of the three mines headed towards 
the city center. The strike leaders' strategy aimed at concentrating all miners in the 
city center, from where the power plant was occupied, the interruption of which led to 
paralysis of the whole activity of the Lupeni Society. At 9.45, about 5,000 strikers 
stormed and occupied the power plant.

Employers' representatives refused to deal with strikers. The gendarmerie company and two 
border guards from Lupeni were conducting intimidation maneuvers around the plant. The day 
passes with the organizational preparations of both camps. At night, between 3 o'clock and 
4 o'clock, a gendarme unit arrives at Lupeni, mainly made up of platooners and heads of 
posts. New arrivals make a stop at a pub where large quantities of spirits are available. 
At 5:30, the commanders of the troops arrive, the prefect of Hunedoara County, Stefan 
Razvan, the first prosecutor of the Hunedoara Court, the investigative judge.

The silence of the morning is broken by the prefect's speech. It follows the 
prime-prosecutor's summons to the strikers to leave the plant immediately and 
unconditionally. The workers responded with their claims: bread, collective agreement, 
human labor conditions, justice and freedom. After the minutes passed through the summons, 
the gendarmes were ordered to evacuate the plant. A fire revolver was heard during the 
bus. It was the pretext of opening fire on workers. The gendarmes fired in full, and 
twenty uninhabited bodies fell into the yard of the plant. Subsequently, out of the 150 
fallen strikers, two died. Border guards, on the other hand, fired in the air. However, 
there could be a real slaughter if an unexpected event did not occur. From the hill in 
front of the plant, families of barricaded workers, wives, children, parents, sent a storm 
of stones to the gendarmes. The blows cause the gendarmes to disperse, which has created 
the possibility for the 5,000 miners to withdraw from the plant, especially through the 
drainage channel towards Jiu. The canal was narrow, and hundreds of workers were seated at 
his mouth. Hit the gun bed and injure the bullets, the wounded miners red the canal 
waters. Following the slaughter, the authorities unleash a mass terror. Miners' homes are 
searched and arrested miners found at home. A lawsuit is filed against the 70 strikers. 
Over the Valley of Jiu lies the mourning and pain of defeat. Their sacrifice writes a 
lesson in the history of the Romanians. Today, nobody understands it. In contemporary 
Romania, an authentic consciousness is permeated every moment by the diffuse, inexplicable 
feeling, incompetence and irresponsibility. The Lupeni Miners' Strike was one of the first 
proletarian battleships in the world and is the first revolutionary movement across Europe 
in the years of the economic and financial crisis of 1929.

https://iasromania.wordpress.com/2018/03/18/greva-generala-de-la-lupeni-din-1929/

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Message: 6





Hannover:
Saturday, March 17, 2018, Central Newroz celebration
11 am - Demonstrations from Schützenplatz (south-west Germany) and Küchengarten 
(north-east Germany and International Block)
12:30 pm - central event Opernplatz
The two following celebrations are supported by a broad coalition of Kurdish, Turkish, 
Persian, Afghan and German groups and contexts.
Tuesday, March 20, 2018 - Newroz the Freedom - 18-20 clock on the stone gate square
Saturday, March 24, 2018 - Newroz the Freedom - 13-18 clock FIST meadow in Linden
http://www.fau.org/artikel/art_180129-085251

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Message: 7


In the night of last Wednesday, March 14, after leaving a debate with other black women in 
the district of Lapa, downtown Rio de Janeiro, Marielle Franco was brutally executed. 
Anderson Pedro Gomes, the driver of the car where Marielle was in, was also assassinated. 
---- They have executed an activist, a woman, a black, a lesbian, who was born in the 
Favela da Mare, an advocate for Human Rights, councilwoman for PSOL (Socialism and Freedom 
Party), and who recently became the rapporteur of the commission responsible for 
inspecting the Military Intervention in Rio de Janeiro. ---- For years, Marielle had been 
denouncing the abuses of the State Police, and was closely following the cruel unfolding 
of the recent federal-military intervention. Only four days before her death, Marielle had 
exposed the truculent action of the 41st State Police Battalion at Favela do Acari, where 
policemen terrorized the residents, invaded homes, and through young men dead in a ditch.

The murderers of Marielle and Anderson represent an orchestrated action by a Terrorist and 
Genocide State, which doesn't use any masks to carry out its action to decimate the black 
people and to send a message to all men and women who place themselves against the 
unrestrained massacre promoted in the periphery of the city. The death of the fellow woman 
is no coincidence; neither is it any mistake by the State Public Security Policy in the 
full validity of the federal-military intervention. The advance of repression through that 
measure is what authorizes this new and deep step of the State terrorism. This is clearly 
a planned action: nine shots were fired against the car, an explicit case of summary 
execution of a people's fighter.

The State, the Brazilian capitalism, and its institutions continue to work, with their 
historical profile of maintaining the structural inequalities and the direct or indirect 
perpetuation of barbarism.

In this moment of pain, sadness and hate, we are to give all solidarity to the families of 
Marielle and Anderson, to the fellow men and women of PSOL, and to all men and women who 
are daily entrenched against the genocide of the black people.

TERRORIST STATE!

DOWN WITH THE FEDERAL-MILITARY INTERVENTION!

FOR MEMORY, TRUTH AND JUSTICE!!!

MARIELLE FRANCO: ATTENDING!

https://www.anarkismo.net/article/30890

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