Anarchic update news all over the world - 20/04/2018

Today's Topics:

   
1.  France, Alternative Libertaire AL #282 - Italy: Social
      crisis and reactionary push (fr, it, pt) [machine translation]
      (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
2.  ag amsterdam: Documentary ‘Pasaiako Badia' screening on
      Saturday the 28th of April (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
3.  anarkismo.net: Opinion Letter FAU - March by Uruguayan
      Anarchist Federation - fAu (ca, it) [machine translation]
      (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
4.  anarkismo.net: On the culture of rape by Purple café (gr)
      [machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
5.  Libertarian Alternative editions, Chamechaude, Davranche,
      "1917, the anarchists, their role, their choices" (fr, it, pt)
      [machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)


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Message: 1






Where is Italy? Impoverishment of the population, " democratic crisis ", political 
recompositions ... A context of desperation of the popular classes and electoral success 
of the hard right and demagogues of all kinds. ---- At the beginning of March, Italy voted 
for the legislative elections, while the country's economy is slowing down with an 
unemployment rate of 10.8 % and some of the highest income inequalities in the euro area. 
Unlike other countries, growth is considered slow and sluggish because of the absence of a 
" housing bubble ". "And the explosion of private debt before the financial crisis, which 
was to avoid a policy of violent adjustments, until the inevitable moment when it was 
necessary to respond to the considerations of the markets seeing the Italian debt 
unsustainable, like those of the Ireland, Greece, Spain or Portugal. Thus, when at the end 
of 2011 the Berlusconi government gives way to a technocratic government led by the former 
Commissioner of the European Union competition Mario Monti, Italy knows a policy of 
handling a financial bubble that the country no did not know. Austerity has therefore 
imposed on wages and public spending, leading to a vicious circle, where growth collapses 
with the decline in household consumption and business investment. " regular structural 
reforms aimed at " boosting productivity " but only reducing " domestic demand ". In 
concrete terms, an impoverishment of the population and inevitably a rejection of 
politicians, but also the search for scapegoats like migrants. Themes that have mobilized 
most political parties in the campaign for the elections, while the government of Matteo 
Renzi and the Democratic Party (PD, center) since its accession to power in 2014 failed to 
convince the population of " social benefits -liberalism ".

It is therefore natural that the centrist coalition of Renzi comes third in these 
legislative elections. The first place belongs to a conservative right-wing coalition 
uniting Berlusconi's Forza Italia movement and the xenophobic nationalists of the League 
(formerly Northern League), which by strategy abandons its regionalism in favor of 
national accession to power. In second place is the 5-star Movement (M5S), demagogues who 
sowed during their founding in 2009 illusions of opposition to " the oligarchy And the 
European Union, going so far as to claim direct democracy ... The M5S has gradually 
capitalized on popular discontent and convinced left and right dissatisfied to vote for 
him, resulting in a series of electoral successes: coming third in the general elections 
of 2013, and especially winning at municipal 2016 nothing less than Rome and Turin. Over 
time, the political positions of the M5S evolved, becoming less Eurosceptic in speech and 
opposing immigration. The popular implantation of the movement due to the rejections of 
the usual institutional parties explains its success in the elections of early March. The 
speech of " solidarity "They held against the South of Italy (poorer than the North) 
walked, through including their proposal for a citizenship income to 780 euros for all 
unemployed. Positioning to overcome the left / right divide in favor of an up / down 
divide, their opposition to the " 1 % ", to the " system " and the defense of the 
eradication of poverty, is symptomatic of ongoing strategies throughout Europe from 
movements claiming to be " of the people ", such as Podemos in Spain or Insolute France, 
except that the M5S is even more ambiguous by being a member of the European Parliament. a 
group of far-right parties like the British Ukip.

The winners of these elections will have to form a majority in Parliament and we do not 
yet know what coalition, certainly unprecedented, will emerge, but it will probably be 
fragile and difficult to manage by the bourgeois class, while continuing to degrade the 
living conditions of the population.

The left to the trouble

In these elections, the leftist formations had very low scores. The social democrats of 
Libres et Égaux, whose discourse opposes liberalism, have failed to convince. It must be 
said that their leader Pietro Grasso is not a model of rejection of the system, since he 
was a member of the PD until 2017 and president of the Senate.

Finally, Potere al popolo (Power to the people) that had raised hopes for the radical 
left: the movement relies on self-managed social centers, including the Naples, where 
doctors come to treat people in extreme poverty, and also in connection with the movement 
No Tav[1]and No Tap[2]. If the movement got only 1 % of the vote, it is also very young 
and can boast of the weighty support of several Italian radical Left parties[3]and the 
Union Syndicale de Base (USB, alternative trade unionism) .

Nevertheless, it is to be hoped that the social and trade union movements will be able to 
keep their own agenda without getting caught up in electoral strategies and political and 
parliamentary representation of the exploited to abandon the construction of mass 
self-managing fronts. In a difficult context, however, field work in Italy is carried out 
daily by the syndicalists of struggle, as well as by our fellow Alternative Libertarian / 
Federation of Anarchist-Communists[4].

Marius (AL Toulouse)

[1]Opposition movement to the Lyon-Turin railway line.

[2]Against the project of a trans-Adriatic gas pipeline.

[3]The Party of Communist Rebuilding, the Anti-Capitalist Left, or the new Italian 
Communist Party.

[4]http://alternativalibertaria.fdca.it .

http://www.alternativelibertaire.org/?Italie-Crise-sociale-et-poussee-reactionnaire

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Message: 2





In 1984 Spain and especially the Basque country are in the middle of big struggles: 
strikes, terrorist attacks, economical crisis, factories being shutting down and drugs 
hitting the poorest neighbourhoods of the nation. The socialist Spanish Government is 
acting against anyone who fights back. One of the most known groups would be GAL, which 
under command of the government, by using public resources and supported by nostalgic 
former members of the franquist regime would attack and assassinate member of different 
terrorist and political groups. ---- Comandos Autonomos Anticapitalistas (CCAA) were a set 
of armed groups, who split originally from ETA and were deeply inspired by libertarian and 
anti authoritarian ideas, performed several actions against Basque and Spanish policemen, 
and capitalist structures such as Basque's employers headquarters.

In the middle of the so called "la guerra sucia de Estado" (the states dirty war), Rosa 
Jimeno was arrested by the police. After being tortured, she was forced to set a date with 
members of the CCAA somewhere close to Pasaia's harbor (Basque Country), in March 1984.

While Rosa remained tied to a chair completely surrounded by hidden police, she was forced 
to lure the CCAA into the harbor. Once they arrived in their zodiac, the gunfire started. 
‘Pelu' and ‘Pelitxo' immediately died, ‘Txapas' and ‘Kurro' would be quickly arrested and 
immediately after the action killed in in cold blood in the very same bay. Joseba Merino 
along with Rosa would be the sole survivors.

The documentary Pasaiako Badia gathers witnesses, relatives and experts testimonies from 
those events and the context under which they took place.

http://www.agamsterdam.org/documentary-pasaiako-badia-screening-on-saturday-the-28th-of-april/

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Message: 3





Railway conflict ---- The railway conflict ended with a resounding victory for the 
reinstatement of 4 workers dismissed from the private sector, workers of Rail Logistics 
Services (SLF). A year ago, the Railway Union organized these workers who perform tasks in 
a public company of private law, a parastatal to which the AFE board has been transferring 
most of its activities, with the ultimate goal of dismantling AFE as a public company and 
carry out the operation of the railway by private companies. ---- Proof of this is the 
"ROU-UPM" agreement whereby it is agreed, among other things, that the Uruguayan State put 
the railways in conditions for UPM or a "railway operator" that it chooses, to operate 
them directly. That is to say, with public funds to leave everything soon so that it uses 
UPM. A pure and simple privatization, transferring public resources for private use and 
enjoyment.

Within this framework, both SLF and AFE and also the Ministry of Transport and Public 
Works (MTOP) attacked the union and a month-long hard conflict began, where the Peñarol 
Workshops and the Carnelli Station were occupied. They tried everything to discredit the 
union: they said that they were fired for having stolen ... but there was no evidence and 
therefore, these employers were cornered and they had no choice but to negotiate and 
recognize the workers' victory.

This struggle and triumph strengthens the Railway Union and is an important experience of 
solidarity, which shows that if a union plays a strong role in defending its rights and 
organization it has ample chances of winning. It was a victory, but the board of AFE and 
SLF continue harassing the workers and not recognizing what was signed in the Ministry of 
Labor. Therefore, this struggle continues in the day to day within the workshops and 
various departments of both companies.

But this conflict is also an important lesson to face the dismantling of public companies 
and all public things that the government is developing. This policy of privatization by 
parts, from going public to the public, can be confronted and defeated. A substantial part 
of this was to integrate the private workers on the union on an equal footing. Here is a 
clear example of the potentialities that exist for the struggle.

Irrigation Law
If we talk about privatizations, the Irrigation Law not only privatizes water for 
agricultural use - cattle, but also ignores the victory of the popular movement in the 
plebiscite in defense of water 2004. This victory was consecrated as "Constitutional 
Reform". Marketing by private, water for irrigation, is a first step to fully privatize 
water. This is one of the most atrocious measures that can be taken, since it is clearly 
neoliberal. The extreme consequence of it would be that the one who does not pay the water 
to the company, does not drink and therefore dies of thirst. Recall that these measures 
led in Cochabamba, Bolivia to the "war of water". The main multinational awarded the 
privatization was the company Bechtel, which had to withdraw after the massive protests.
In this context, the campaign in defense of water was created in Uruguay. And now they 
come back for the same ... We have to face this law, voted without public debate and 
without circulating information about it. Today it is about giving all the possible 
support to this campaign, joining the signatures and mobilizing for this issue that makes 
the use and management of resources, where the capital has its sights set.

The rural bourgeoisie claims ...
The "self-called" launched a move of the agricultural sectors outside the historical 
guilds of the sector (Association and Rural Federation). First there was talk of "cutting 
food supplies to Montevideo and the East", but then decibels declined and it was called to 
concentrate along the routes. A demonstration of strength was made on January 23 in 
Durazno. The speeches expressed there were anti-popular and reactionary. To "save the 
countryside" social policies should be cut and the salaries of rural workers lowered, one 
of the "burdens" that "weigh" on the landlords.
Rapidly joined their support various political sectors-party, mainly the parties of the 
right and UP. A vast support from the electoral political spectrum to the demands of the 
most reactionary sectors of the country not only mark the political agenda ahead of the 
2019 elections, but also place rural entrepreneurship as a political actor and empower the 
voice of the ruling classes of the country.

Every time the agriculture is mobilized, there is great confusion. The crisis of the dairy 
and rice was discussed, as an example of the "crisis of agriculture". In this discourse 
social classes are invisible. Within the dairy producers there are family producers and 
others of an industrial nature. Most of the rice producers are latifundistas and they 
manage an important capital. The same can be said of other sectors.

The issue is that the discourse and the political initiative have the big producers, 
landowners, integrated group among others, by the large multinational companies of 
afforestation and soy. Therefore, small producers are behind, like "caboose" of the claim 
of the true owners of rural capital (land, machinery and investments).

The resignation of Tabaré Aguerre - rice producer - to the Ministry of Agriculture is a 
sign that the interests of class and the pressures of business associations play a strong 
role. It is not only that they criticize the government, but that they are demanding 
anti-people measures, redistributing wealth to the rich. Whether the FA does it in the 
government or the right. But this marks the interest of these sectors that the more rancid 
right returns to the government - because they represent, and so they feel, their 
political-ideological interests - and also signals the end of the "class alliance" that 
allowed it to govern the FA in this period. We reach this end once the prices of raw 
materials have fallen on the world market (meat and soy, mainly) and therefore, The 
profits of the rural agro-export bourgeoisie are falling. They pocketed millions since 
2005 and want more, they want to keep their high profits by taking advantage of meager 
incomes and some lukewarm social policies that put patches in those sectors most affected 
by the country's structural economic-social situation, exacerbated by the industrial 
dismantling of the '90 and the crisis of 2002.

The rural guilds are still negotiating with the government for the moment, but it is 
precisely the sector of the "self-called" that wants to return to mobilization. As we 
said, this is an advance on the right and we have to stop it. Only popular mobilization 
can do it. If there is a willingness of various trade union organizations to go to Porto 
Alegre to support Lula (forgetting about class independence), will it not be possible to 
confront here in Uruguay with the right? Of course, for some, that confrontation is 
reserved to the electoral area every five years, but it has been the most rancid right 
that has taken the initiative and they have clear objectives.

But the right is not going to be stopped with messages on the networks and votes at the 
polls. You have to confront it in the street, with the organized people defending their 
interests and fighting for more conquests, placing the issue of property at the center of 
the debate, because it is property that gives power to these recalcitrants.

To stop this advance from the right, we must forge resistance and fight from below.

Do not forget...
The assassination of comrade Marcelo Silvera, murdered by a ram - a spokesman for the 
transport employers. A clear action of the extreme right that governs the disposition to 
all of the most reactionary sectors of society. Undoubtedly, a fact that can not be 
forgotten, and we must be vigilant ...
For the moment, the employers of the transport have given a signal placing Juan Salgado at 
the head of their employer entity. The freemasonry and right hand of President Vázquez at 
the head of one of the economic sectors that most affects the economy. Are they looking 
for perks, benefits, supports? In exchange for?

Venezuela and another attempt to invade the Empire. Brazil: milicos in the street
The shortage situation becomes increasingly complex in Venezuela. The large conglomerates 
of food such as Polar, together with various entities financed by CIA collateral organisms 
(as is well documented in several studies and articles) cause the shortage of basic 
products with the aim of "destabilizing" the social situation and generating the 
conditions to place a government similar to the interests of the US and the Venezuelan 
fascist right.
After the last elections, the own right grouped in the MUD has been divided and a part of 
it accepted the electoral result. The most recalcitrant part of the MUD maintains the plan 
of destabilization designed by the CIA, very similar to the one used to give the coup 
d'état in Chile in 1973.

In recent weeks, Rex Tillerson, the now former Secretary of the US Department of State and 
oil entrepreneur linked to Exxon, a friend of Vladimir Putin, toured several countries in 
South America, including Argentina, Peru and Colombia. the purpose of adjusting the siege 
on Venezuela. It achieved the commitment of the governments of those countries, especially 
that of Peru, to prevent the participation of Venezuela in the VIII Summit of the Americas 
on April 13 and 14. Peru (host country) did not invite the Venezuelan government and that 
generated tensions throughout the Andean region. Several countries in the area demand that 
the elections in Venezuela be postponed, but none was so active in rejecting the Temer 
coup, for example. To that group of countries Uruguay now joins, doing the errands to the 
empire, placing itself totally under its wing. It is the end of the "more independent" 
policy towards the US that had been suggested in the previous period. Vázquez and Nin 
Novoa have a direct line to Washington and Almagro.

On the other hand, maneuvers and attempts to deploy paramilitary forces in Venezuelan 
territory have been denounced. It seems that the plan is to invade Venezuela with the 
dramatic social consequences that this would have. The US is regaining control of its 
"backyard" and does not tolerate any government that does not follow its score. Even the 
Sandinista government of Nicaragua has suspended exports to Venezuela due to US pressures.

We see again after the "soft blows" or "parliamentarians" of Paraguay and Brazil, an 
attempt to increase military presence in the region, in order to maintain controlled areas 
of direct interest to the US, such as Venezuela, one of the largest oil reserves of the 
world. Above all, after the resounding failure of the imperial adventures in the Middle East.

These are more complex times for the peoples of the continent. The empire stomps and 
adjusts the tientos, does not want to lose ground and wants an effective and strong 
control of the populations and territories. He has his allies and they play strong too. In 
Brazil, the federal intervention in the State of Rio de Janeiro is a laboratory of what 
will come for the whole country, with a strong militarization of social life, where the 
only thing that the State proposes to provide to the poor is repression. The murder of 
Marielle Franco, councilor of PSOL and investigating the federal intervention in Rio, as 
well as, had denounced several times the repression and police action in the favelas, it 
is a clear proof of the state of militarization that is being imposed in Brazil for to 
destroy the rights of those below and impose a neoliberal model pure and simple.

They are times where all the reactionary advances. But in these times the popular struggle 
and proposals of a different society like the one that proclaims Anarchism and propagate 
in the daily militancy also advances. Our colleagues in the Brazilian Anarchist 
Coordination (CAB) have been developing an important militancy and therefore, the State 
has also targeted Anarchism as a "worrying factor" for their interests and those of capital.

Another stage opens in Latin America. In Uruguay, everything happens a little slower, but 
those winds are coming. They are complex times. Times in which we must face the right in 
the street, in the work and study centers, in the countryside, in all places where the 
construction of a different society is played. The piola is tensing ... We must tighten 
the popular organization at all levels because these times demand to increase the levels 
of struggle and organization.

FOR THE CONSTRUCTION OF A STRONG PEOPLE!!
UP THOSE WHO FIGHT!

https://www.anarkismo.net/article/30937

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Message: 4





In a condition where it is impossible to define our experiences, we claim it. We demand 
that we talk about them and do it publicly. Understanding what's happening to us and 
analyzing it in terms of politicians helps us understand that we are not alone, we are not 
alone. By civilizing our lives, we recreate the story. The small and big narratives that 
we want outside. Apart from history, apart from the games, except for its language and 
meanings. Feminism enables us to manage our lives and to resist the conditions that cause 
them, to reverse the conditions and to fight back. ---- A while ago, a comrade - a college 
and a member of the city - shared with us the people of our assembly, denouncing the 
"sexual violation of its limits and deprivation of the right to self-determination of her 
body," as she described the treaty, three cis1 men, two of whom were members of the 
anti-fascist Kamenik and one of his former members. With this text, we attempt to express 
our absolute support for her own request and collegiality. For us, it's important, and we 
stand there. Both these types and the people who support them have no place in our coffee 
shops and events in the area of Yafgett and we will try to ensure their absence. Besides, 
this is one of the demands of our assembly over the years: to demonstrate such behaviors 
and to remove them from our premises. We would also like to keep away from collectives 
that support them either explicitly or tacitly / neutral. Secondly, in response to this 
incident, we proceed to a more detailed testimony of our thinking about the culture of 
rape, privileges, managing gender-based violence from the wider radical and s / space, the 
importance of the experience, consensus and feminism.

The culture of rape

In what conditions were the above (and not only) Greeks, opposed to a bunch of "right 
men", and believe that they have the right to exercise physical and verbal violence on 
women's bodies? No rape is an isolated incident, an act that is part of our bodies. It 
does not happen under special circumstances, nor are rapists a special breed. In public 
speech they are described as "dragons", but we know they are everyday men: fathers, 
husbands, neighbors, chicks, comrades. The culture of rape is not a 
theoretical-abstracting figure, it is a consequence of the overall heterosexual 
patriarchal culture, it is our daily experience. And most of the time, it is an insidious, 
covert, common secret. It's in every sexist joke, in tv, in music, in law, on the road, at 
work, in school, in words, in looks and behaviors. 2 It is the mass culture of the 
prominent Greek, the dominant heterogeneous perceptions that sustain and (re) produce the 
self-evident gendered violence3, misogynyism, homophobia, transphobia and ethnic 
patriotism. They are the obligatory smiles to leave us quiet. It's like you're talking 
about the handset and the keys tightened. It's the whiskey and the whistle on the street, 
the bus on the bus and think if it takes you to lie to him. It is to be ashamed to say 
that your uncle is yours. It is the shame that must always be ours. It is to endure your 
fellow colleague, boss, client, and have to hang it. It is every asshole who thinks he has 
a say about our sexuality (how a lesbian would "flip" if he had the right cis strong 
lover) and a right on our body and our behavior. They are nothing but a bunch, the lads 
and the levens who pull down their car windows. It is not to be believed4. And it is the 
general context in which various forms of sexualized violence take place5. Violence, 
physical violence, psychological violence, verbal violence.

Within this diffuse Greek culture of rape - where men are trained in schools, 
universities, courts, bars and bordelows to learn early to protect their privileges - we 
learned to be afraid and silent. We have been trained by young people to fear the 
possibility of rape and to keep us disciplined. Fear has determined our socialization so 
that we know when to use our security strategies. Let's accompany our girlfriends at home, 
keep the taxi number, change the sidewalk when we see gathered men, think a thousand times 
if we put skirts, leggings, lipsticks and redwood.

Malevolence and the management of gender violence within the radical and a / a space

We have grown up and politicized in this "space," in these assemblies, in these paths. We 
have been infinitely confronted with sexist attitudes and slogans. Many times we tried to 
hear and interrupted us. We have always tried to find a place to have events and concerts. 
And, of course, we have silently silent on the merciless manplaining 6 of the comrades.

"Space" is not a very differentiated reality from the rest of society. We could even claim 
that it is a reflection of all those impositions, the dominant behaviors and the 
accomplishments we experience from small ones and they accompany us in our adult lives. 
All of the human privileges we observe everywhere. To our fathers, friends and companions 
who want protection. In the male voices that want to be heard louder, and in their 
defenses. In the place they easily occupy and do not leave it to any other subject. At our 
disposal, they do not want to see us naked and nervous. In our bodies, who despite what 
they do not mean, they continued. From innocent sexist jokes to abusive erotic and 
friendly relationships, we have felt to ourselves that the "space" is stinking sexism, 
patriarchy and armrests. The movement does not miss an opportunity to remind us that if 
you are a woman, sister, lesbian, if you are dressed in a classic, if your pounds do not 
fit in "normal" sizes, if your sexuality is out of the ordinary, then you must prove that 
you deserve respect . This is our story.

In recent years, feminist voices have grown. In many cities groups are created that deal 
with issues of gender and sexuality. The cura and radical views are becoming more and more 
in our conversation. At the same time, we read and hear more and more frequent stories and 
complaints of abuses and sexist behaviors within the movement. Some of us come to ours, 
some of us describe them comfortably. Stories are too many; others open up, others are 
silenced. There are few cases where individuals and assemblies take a clear position 
against these complaints ("disruptive / rumors") and / or attacking people who dare to 
denounce or support. Some do not dare to say they are anti-anti-escort.

This moment is important to create spaces that will include us all. Understand that as 
individuals we have different privileged positions that are accompanied by the 
corresponding performances and impositions and prevent us from seeing the realities that 
are outside our own experiences and go beyond our own way of thinking. Try to explore 
these privileges deeper and manage them. Let's get in the place of the other, listen to 
her life and take care of her with whatever means we have. Not with a sense of compassion 
and regret, but with the conscious acceptance of the trauma. Not to dive into the turmoil 
of frustration and debauchery, but to try together to make our need felt and talk about 
what oppresses us.

"People who speak of revolution without explicitly mentioning gender issues without 
realizing that patriarchy is a daily experience that says" do you work well with them? 
"And the giant does not fit into their political agenda, these people have a corpse in 
their mouth. " (from the sticker keramidogaton)

Whenever one clear abuse history, a complaint sexist behavior or gendered issues come to a 
meeting men observe the same defenses and follows the same algorithm:

man exposes the p of pfu.

They do not believe it, question their story, relate their experience: "Are you 
exaggerated? You're crazy!, It's not as bad as you think "

They throw the blame on it, shuffle responsibility, create guilt: "yes, but you were 
provoking, you are not talking enough and your reason has no political arguments, you 
should have put it as a matter in the assembly."

Men find support and justification for the actions "I know him before, he's a companion, 
and he would never do that."

The man is silent.

An unprecedented and unsafe condition is created for each person who speaks

Men and the justices of violence are strengthened.

The situation is privileged to exercise power, to violate again and to underestimate other 
people.

The process is repeated.

A source of inspiration for the above figure is "The Circle of Abuse against Women" by the 
Lesbian Group of Athens (December 2016)

The imagination of "space" when confronted with incidents of abuse reaches terrible 
levels. On the occasion of the comrades' denunciation, some collectives decided that the 
best they can do is to investigate exactly how things were done, to listen to all sides 
(comrade one, comrades and the rest of my child!). Before that, however, they assured us 
that they themselves have identified / faced many times sexist attitudes within the 
movement. With great success, we would complete. From Volos to Athens and Thessaloniki, 
the procedures of anarchist judges, senate assemblies and committees are another endless 
abuse. Without any feminist tool of care and solidarity, they create the spaces to relapse 
and normalize rape. They do exactly the same as civil justice does; the victim has to 
prove it was not. How logical is the person who has suffered a traumatic experience to 
have to revive it so that comrades do not have questions? With all the privileges of the 
manarchists, from what position exactly do they think they are responsible for clearing 
things and doing justice?

It is important for us to accept the complaints without questioning the complainant. It is 
important not to look for evidence to co-exist in her life. We know the truth because we 
know the truth of patriarchy. It is important, beyond the expulsion of the rapists, to put 
these truths in our own assemblies and our way of action. Let's face our friends and 
comrades who have sexist attitudes. In this case we are happy and feel strong that we know 
that many and many people in this city, individuals and collectives perceive the culture 
of rape, take their place and organize their attacks. But we also want to see how this 
culture is produced. How he formulates practices, ways and thoughts. How are the masculine 
ones that violate and abuse. We are asked to understand how kinematic culture, 
anti-fascist, anarchist, street culture has its own narrative about how the "man" should 
be. This power does not come skies. It combines with the predominant system of gender 
ranking, the national narrative about the sexes and their role in this life.
The importance of consensus and of the experience

Speaking of gender sexoualikopoiimeni violence, we need to approach the concept of 
consent, not only as a desirable condition in our sexual and impractical, but as a 
prerequisite for the realization of desires and our horny with conditions of clarity, 
security and care.

It is a fact that the ways in which normative patterns of sex and desire shape our own 
gem, direct us to shape our relationships and sexual experiences. And these experiences 
are shaped to fit into the prevailing social imperatives of gender and (sexual) sexuality. 
We do it in order to experience interpersonal and social acceptance and to avoid the 
consequences of our failure. Within this dominant treaty, we identify the gap in exploring 
consensus both theoretically and at the level of daily contact in our relationships. 
Because of this void, we often end up incriminating ourselves for the abusive behaviors we 
have accepted and for the abuse we have experienced. Even if we are sure of the 
non-consensus on our part,

By trying to build a culture of consensus, we need to understand that consensus is neither 
a cloudy issue nor a gray field of negotiation. If the consensus looks blurred, then it is 
simply not a consensus.

Consent is not given on the basis of the partnership relationship between the parties 
involved. Consensus in a previous sexual treaty is not a consensus for one. Consensus does 
not exist in appearance, in the way I dare, at the past time, in drinks that are mild, in 
the drugs I received, in what I did or accepted the invitation.

Non-expression of affirmative consent means non-consent. The affirmative consent does not 
have to be verbal. It can be imprinted on the face and the body - consensus expressions 
that are significantly underestimated. That is why we need to listen, listen, ask, talk, 
so that we are sure of its existence.

Consent means choosing which subject (s) to exercise my sexual practices. The consent of 
each involved subject is essential. Of course, yes does not always mean yes, because 
consensus is not always the result of choice but also of fear and coercion. Consent is 
voluntary, unforced and conscious. It is a continuous process and at any time we can 
withdraw it if we believe that our limits are violated and / or for whatever reason we do 
not want to continue.

The endeavor to prove it on the part of the subject of sexually raped sexual violence 
confirms the male prerogative that defines how things happen or not, it is a power that 
tries to convince them that it is not power. The subjectivity of consensus lies within the 
boundaries of the person who was violated and not in the subjective judgment of the infringer

That is why we need to give reason to the experience. The silence of the subject of the 
violated subject is a given condition both within civil justice and within the Greek 
everyday reality, including the kinematic reality. For us, the experience is by definition 
political, it is a field of desires, resistances and conflicts. It is a starting point for 
the awareness of gender asymmetry and a tool for feminist politics. What we experience is 
not cut off from the patriarchal society in which we exist, so we recognize them as such. 
Whatever happens to us in our relations is not something cut off by politics. It is not 
only in the private sphere and does not stop there. Patriarchal authority is not only 
exercised through state policies, by employers and bosses. It is diffused and fits into 
every subject who is willing to house it. In every relationship there are privileges and 
hierarchies without the required questioning.

It is certainly understandable that when a person presents his experience, we may feel 
embarrassed about how we have to manage it because we do not have a common experience, we 
do not know what to say and what is not or perhaps we have not recovered in processes 
where space and time is given to the experience of some. In such a condition, where the 
individual shares his life with us, we, as a feminist, collegiality - after mistakes and 
constant reflection - we prefer:

* listen to it, give it time to express it, do not interrupt it until it completes, stay 
present and focus on it and on what it shares. It often happens, for example, when no one 
shares with us to show our own experiences and focus on them. By actively listening to the 
person we see his own desires and we can accompany it to them.

* Wondering from where we listen and place.

* to ask how he names his life and not to call it ourselves.

Understanding how the experience is what defines what and how it happened, and the 
questioning or evaluation of it is a quite traumatic process, we conclude that it is very 
important:

* make sure that our reason is not abusive, not to ask for details and further 
descriptions from the one who chose to share. Do not try to blame the person who 
experienced an abusive behavior for accepting this abuse or explaining what he experienced 
and how he experienced it. To believe the experience; we accept that the experience is 
unique, we can not judge it through our own experiences and has the same meaning 
regardless of the time it has been through.

* to thank him for sharing his life with us because he did not have to do whatever we have 
with him.

* to have non-directional care, to ask how we can support it and be solidarity. Many times 
we arbitrarily believe that we know what is right and useful for others. We know, however, 
that abuse is an experience that ignores and underestimates the physical autonomy of the 
subject. It is vital that the latter can choose, decide and control each step of the 
process (if it wants to start a process).

* to honestly state our presence and availability for support and care, as well as 
whenever the individual wishes.

* If we feel that we can not respond to the care we want to give, we can also look for a 
supportive network elsewhere for us as well as for the individual.

* to have a clear position against the subject who has sexually raped sexual violence, as 
well as those who justify his act.

* And we constantly ponder for ourselves if, how and to what extent we exercise power, 
consciously enjoying or enjoying some privileges.

"What value do the ideas that are contradicted by the experience? I do not want alliances, 
but with those who help me to make my life and my life more alive."
Raul Vaneghem, Letter to my children and the children of the world that comes

The meaning of feminism

Living in this reality from so many da, we feel that feminists have saved our lives. Why 
they helped us to recognize patriarchal violence as such. In a condition where the culture 
of rape is everywhere around us and the questioning of our experiences (both within and 
outside the realm) the rule, we feel the need to understand the violence that is being 
practiced, to describe it in our own words , to challenge the racist logic, to resist the 
batch versions, and once again, unfortunately, to put our self-evident demands of the 
self-determination of our bodies and ourselves centrally to our own reasons. Still, with 
feminists, we come closer. They help us stay calm in conditions of pressure and chaos,

We believe in games that do not need to prove anything. We are not measured with any 
anarchometer, we do not comply with any regularity. In revolts that all fit us. In 
revolutions we can and we dance. Where our own versions and our own experiences are 
projects. We will come back, staff are political, and the boundaries between private and 
public are inconspicuous. Our daily oppressions and the agonies at home, at assemblies, at 
work are important. Our stories of abuse and rape are important and powerful. They have 
the power to change movements and partnerships through radical love and self-care.

In a condition where it is impossible to define our experiences, we claim it. We demand 
that we talk about them and do it publicly. Understanding what's happening to us and 
analyzing it in terms of politicians helps us understand that we are not alone, we are not 
alone. By civilizing our lives, we recreate the story. The small and big narratives that 
we want outside. Apart from history, apart from the games, except for its language and 
meanings. Feminism enables us to manage our lives and to resist the conditions that cause 
them, to reverse the conditions and to fight back.

1 Cis: individuals who recognize as their sex, the gender assigned to them at birth or 
better, the sex they express does not go against the gender that parents and society 
believe, and so on. that they must express on the basis of the external characteristics of 
their body. People who are not cis are called trans. Source: https://tinyurl.com/y9f2fb74 
The term is used to decipher the term trans. When I admit that I am a cis, it means I 
accept that there are also people who are not cis, and therefore do not attribute "normal" 
to my own situation and depreciation in their own. Source: http://tinyurl.com/zgg7y5s
2 cf. text by the Coordinating People and Groups (LOA, bra-stards, Beflona) against the 
culture of rape (Athens, Nov. 2016). Source: https://tinyurl.com/ybj9c8pb
3 Gender Violence: This term is used to describe the violence suffered by those subjects 
who deviate from the dominant hegemonic cis masculinity. B.C. cis women, lesbians, taxis, 
sisters / blowjobs, transgender boys, transsexual women, intersex +++.
4 cf. old text of the Purple Cafeneion on the occasion of the rape incident in the 
Aristotle University of Thessaloniki (November 2016) https://tinyurl.com/yaneneay
5 Sexualized violence: it is used, not by accident, instead of sexual violence because, as 
well as the sexes explain, the latter "integrates this type of violence into the field of 
sexuality where it is more easily justified on the basis of a patriarchal perception and 
theory of sexuality, such as of Freud and emphasizes the pretext of the violent act of the 
perpetrator, while the term sexually violent violence states that for the victim this act 
is nothing more than violence. " From this point of view, where the gendered power is 
experienced, where oppression of the female subject is experienced, where oppression of 
the female subject is experienced, where masculinity leaves its violent marks, then we are 
talking about rape (terminal 119, "against the culture of rape!", Third issue, Sept. 2008).
6 Manslaining: the process by which a man "explains" to a woman an issue that concerns him 
directly without himself knowing the subject or having personal experience with it.

Source: https://tinyurl.com/y9f2fb74

https://www.anarkismo.net/article/30938

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Message: 5






A small book from the summer 2017 issue of Alternative libertarian on anarchism in the 
first sequence of the Russian Revolution, in 1917-1918. With additional articles and 
unpublished information. ---- Finally, we identified the six anarchists who were members 
of the Bolshevik-dominated Military Revolutionary Committee, which was the architect of 
the October 1917 putsch in Petrograd. ---- This information, and other unpublished, 
appears in the little book that has just appeared to the editions of AL, revised and 
expanded version of the summer 2017 issue of the eponymous monthly. There will also be two 
unpublished portraits: "  Konstantin Akachev, the Black Ace of Red Aviation  " and " 
Nestor Kalandarischvili, Makhno of the Siberian Taiga". ---- Click to buy the book ---- Of 
the Russian Revolution, the libertarians often retain only two epic and significant 
episodes: the Makhnovshchina ; Kronstadt 1921.

The initial sequence of 1917-1918 is poorly known. Yet it is here that most of the game 
was played for the anarchist movement.

In February 1917, anarchism was the most minority component of Russian socialism. What was 
his consistency then, what was his role, what choices did he make ? Certainly, the 
explosive politicization of the proletariat and the conscripts led to a plethoric growth 
of parties and unions, hitherto clandestine. But how can this stream of volatile converts 
be transformed into a collective force capable of influencing the course of events ? How 
to create surprise ?

This book tells how the libertarian movement played its part and tried to catch up, before 
being brutally strangled by the new power.

Pierre Chamechaude, Guillaume Davranche, 1917, the anarchists, their role, their choices, 
ed. Libertarian Alternative, 2018, 120 pages.
5 euros

http://www.alternativelibertaire.org/?Chamechaude-Davranche-1917-les-anarchistes-leur-role-leurs-choix

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