Anarchic update news all over the world - 26.04.2018

Today's Topics:

   
1.  France, Alternative Libertaire AL #282 - Marseille: Social
      Bastion you lose your cool (fr, it, pt) [machine translation]
      (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
2.  US, black rose fed: OUTLINE OF US LABOR HISTORY WITH A FOCUS
      ON THE ROLE OF THE LEFT (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
3.  London Anarchist Federation: Event: May Day social 5th May,
      6pm at Decentre (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
4.  [Spain] 1 st of May: Taking the streets By ANA (ca, pt)
      [machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
5.  London Anarchist Communists PDF of No.8 of Rebel City
      (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
6.  Greece, INTERVENTION OF SOLIDARITY IN REFUGEES AND
      IMMIGRANTS AGAINST POLICE VIOLENCE AND CONDUCT 
      Posted by dirty
      horse APO (gr) [machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)


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Message: 1





Even before the opening of a new local extreme right in Marseille, fafs of all kinds 
threaten and act. Let's close ranks. ---- To pronounce the word "  Bastion  " inevitably 
means "  fortress Europe  ", dear to Hitler. A bastion, so-called social, where the 
identity frailties, the petty-bourgeois fears of the other, where nothing but hatred, 
ratonnades, and calls to murder are filled. Libertarian alternative has already denounced 
the violence against activists, places of culture, or homosexuals beaten which the Social 
Bastion of Lyon was guilty ... ---- The hideous phoenix of the GUD, allied to what the far 
right has more enlightened (royalists), more reactionary (PNF and other identities), never 
ceases to be reborn from the ashes, and makes small in Aix, in Marseille.

On the model of the Italian Casapound, invoking values of autonomy, of identity, of " 
social justice  " - but for the "  French of stock  " only - or saying to oneself, as in 
Chambéry "  social, national, radical  ", Bastions continue to expand in several cities, 
with little response from "  public authorities  ".

In Aix, the fascists have been installed for two months, rallies have gathered their 
hundreds of activists. But in a city that allows torchlighting in the historic artery, to 
the sound of patriotic songs, and in the name of an alleged "  pride of Aix  ", it does 
not change much. And the offended speeches of the LDH, flanked by the PCF, calling on the 
Republican state to take its responsibilities, will never worry the fachos.

On March 24, the social movement in Marseille demonstrated against the implementation of a 
new BS. A towing of the Action Française had already made a first injured. Supported by 
Steven Bissuel, former leader of the GUD in the absence of Logan Djian serving a prison 
sentence for aggravated violence, the AF wanted that the antifas "  know that one defends 
itself very well  ". A police on the teeth, forbidding the surroundings of the local BS to 
the demonstrators, and fafs in faction formed the backdrop of the demo, at the call of 
Visa (vigilance and union and anti-fascist initiative) and gathering some 29 political 
organizations and trade unions.

Fachos out of our neighborhoods
This unitary demonstration, unlike that of Aix, demanded nothing from the state or a 
hypothetical sense of republican responsibility, which we know is never invoked except to 
endorse unjust and antisocial decisions. The motto was to get the fachos out of our 
neighborhoods by our own means, from the neighborhood, on the markets, in the street, 
without expecting anything from a town hall business, right, and which has 2 elected FN.

The Marseilles demonstration had been preceded by a tug in the neighborhoods crossed, to 
sensitize the population to take in hand the means to get rid of this gangrene.

Because once anchored in Strasbourg, Chambéry, Lyon, Marseille ... the Social Bastion will 
be trivialized and his pseudo-social confusionist speech will reveal his racist theses, 
and his ultraviolet conclusions as viable alternatives, to which Wauquiez and other 
Dupont-Aignan will be able to make echo, in the tone of evidence. In Marseille, as 
elsewhere, our libertarian vocation is to support the immigration districts, workers, 
relegated, against the foul beast, to make work of popular education. Still and always. 
Until popular self-defense.

Cuervo (AL Marseille)

http://www.alternativelibertaire.org/?Marseille-Bastion-social-tu-perds-ton-sang-froid

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Message: 2





This draft document attempts to present a brief decade by decade outline of labor and the 
labor movement in the US with an emphasis on the role and relation of the left. First 
published in 2009. ---- By Adam Weaver ---- Colonial Through Pre-Civil War Period ---- 
Indentured servants, sailors and slaves organize minor labor protests and rebellions, and 
local level proto-union organizations. Some of these efforts included both white 
indentured servants and slaves cooperating together. Fearful elites grant privileges to 
whites servants and enshrined a harsh system of chattel slavery for Africans such as 
through the Naturalization Act of 1790 which granted citizenship only to "free white 
persons." Also during this period sexual division of labor would produce laws, culture and 
practices of unpaid work for girls and women that would last for centuries.

Race and Labor

Race plays a key role in US labor history whereas early white servants and later workers 
were granted privileges, access to land, and the right to vote (far before male suffrage 
was granted in most western countries). Leading into the Civil War period, many white 
workers cling to the ideology of "free labor," seeing themselves as free whites and 
wanting to return to an imagined golden era of artisans, small farmers and shop keepers 
which they hold in contrast to unfree, slavish and permanently proletarianized workers of 
color. Because of this, much of the history of unionism has been of white, skilled male 
workers (though the definition of who was considered white changed over time to 
incorporate various European immigrants such as Germans, Irish, Eastern Europeans, etc) 
protecting their privileges against the unskilled, women and non-white workers. Also a 
much smaller current of homespun labor radicalism emerges, which is sometimes called a 
"proto-marxism" by historians.

Civil War is a defining conflict in US history over what type of labor system the country 
will have with Northern elites eventually imposing free labor in contrast to Southern 
plantation owners who wished to maintain race-based chattel slavery. Following the 
collapse of Reconstruction after Civil War, white elites impose the laws and customs 
associated with Jim Crow that creates an apartheid system that lastes into the 1960's and 
making blacks the most exploited segment of workers. Laws created across the country 
during the Jim Crow era, such as for vagrancy, apply for all poor and non-white.

1870's, Post Civil War and Knights of Labor
The Knights of Labor emerged in the 1870's from a small secret society as a mixed bag of 
radicalism and grew rapidly (with close to 10% of industrial workforce as members) as an 
alternative to the largely conservative, craft based and segregated National Labor Union. 
The Knights embraced all manual workers, women, Latinos, African-Americans and even small 
employers in joining their local assemblies, though campaigned against immigration and the 
Chinese on the West Coast. Upholding an ideology of "producerism," the union opposed the 
wage system, believed in the replacement of capitalism with worker and consumer 
cooperatives and its rank and file members led a number of strikes though the official 
policy as set by its Grand Master Workman Terence Powderly was generally opposed to 
strike. Many socialists and radicals joined the Knights, including the many of the 
Haymarket anarchists, as an alternative to the craft unions.

1880's, Haymarket and the Eight Hour Day Movement
In the 1880's the movement for the eight-hour day became a central demand of the labor 
movement nation-wide with Chicago acting as the center of the movement. Here the city's 
vibrant anarchist movement, organized around the International Working People's 
Association (IWPA),  based in European immigrant communities, mainly among Germans, led 
the Central Labor Council (which the 11 largest unions in the city were affiliated to and 
passed resolutions calling for workers to arm themselves for self-defense) and published a 
German daily newspaper and weekly papers in several languages. In 1886 Eight-Hour Leagues 
and unions across the country called for a nation-wide strike for eight hours on May 1, 
which involved over 300,000 workers, though some won their demands simply by threatening 
to strike. This led to the notorious Haymarket square bombing incident- where Chicago 
police attacked a peacful rally on May 4 protesting the killing of several workers the day 
before and an unknown person threw a bomb into the crowd.

Following this the authorities initiated the first US red scare, shutting down newspapers, 
closing halls, arresting radicals and unionists nation-wide and later executing several of 
the anarchist leaders (known as the Haymarket Martyrs or more often as the Martyrs of 
Chicago in Latin America). The repression essentially destroyed the radical labor movement 
and marked a decline in a distinctive anarchist influence on the labor movement, but 
served as important inspiration and influence for an entire generation of labor radicals 
in the early 20th century. Also popular during this period were several other 
anti-capitalist ideas, such as the novel Looking Backwards by Edward Bellamy, which 
imagined America in the future as a utopian socialist society. Influential in the 
socialist movement, it was the third most popular novel at the time of its release in 1888 
and inspired Bellamy Clubs across the US.

1890's, AFL and Gompers

Following the Haymarket affair, which sunk the Knights of Labor as well, this paved the 
way for the emergence of the American Federation of Labor. The AFL represented the 
conservative wing of the labor movement, based on skilled craft unionism (many with racial 
exclusion clauses) and a narrow vision of protecting the privileges of members over other 
workers. AFL President from 1886-1924 was Samuel Gompers who ruled the federation with a 
heavy hand and collaborated with the government to oppose radical unionists such as the 
IWW. A former socialist, he embraced the image of a respectable labor leader loyal to the 
government and rejecting any notion of class struggle. His form of conservative, 
pro-capitalist and exclusionary unionism represented the arch-type of "business unionism." 
Still ideas of worker control on the job and producerism persisted and unions such as the 
Western Federation of Miners, radicalized through a number of bloody strikes in the 
frontier West, would come to embrace anti-capitalist ideas and attempt unsuccessfully to 
organize a new national federation of unions.

1910's, IWW

The Industrial Workers of the World was formed in 1905 through the merger of various 
currents of radicalized unionists (such as the Western Federation of Miners) and left wing 
socialists and radicals as an alternative to the AFL. The IWW could best be described as 
revolutionary syndicalist in outlook, though had a strong affinity and some connections 
with the trend of anarcho-syndicalism that was playing a strong role in many countries 
around the world at the time. Anarcho-syndicalist unionism developed in countries where 
the anarchist movement was stronger and the unions they created proclaimed specifically 
anarchist beliefs, whereas revolutionary syndicalist unions while proclaiming 
revolutionary goals did not specifically align themselves with anarchism and sometimes 
included larger numbers of radical socialists in their leadership. They were larely the 
same in practice though. Both currents emerged in Europe, though played a leading role in 
early unionism in much of Latin America, Mexico and in China and Japan as well. Led 
largely by anarchists and other radical socialists, this form of unionism stressed class 
solidarity, the use of strikes to win workplace and political demands, fluid and 
democratic organization, and somtimes included mutualist ideas such as worker cooperatives 
and mutual-aid societies. These unions actively promoted anti-capitalist ideas and the 
idea of the "general strike," where workers would replace the government and capitalism 
and usher in a new order based on the control of workers over the economy. In the US a 
number of the Haymarket anarchists and the IWPA promoted what they called the "Chicago 
Idea," which promoted unions as the nucleus of a future society and could be seen as an 
early or proto form of anarcho-syndicalism.

Advocating "One Big Union" the IWW embraced all workers, believed in industrial instead of 
craft organization, and advocated an explicitly anti-capitalist ideology. Though never 
large in numbers (perhaps 80-100,000 at its peak), the influence of the IWW was widespread 
and the union led a series of dramatic strikes and campaigns while building an important 
legacy of labor radicalism and culture still felt in the US labor movement today. Poised 
to make major inroads after over a decade of highs and lows, the union was brutally 
repressed during the WW I red scare during 1917-1919 and severely weakened after an 
internal split in 1924. Largely a mix of both native and white ethnic immigrants the IWW 
never completely overcame the color line of US unionism, though did appeal to white 
workers to place class solidarity above racial exclusion and included a number of notable 
leaders of color in its ranks as well as women. The IWW also undertook several notable 
examples of interracial unionism such as in the Southern timber industry, East Coast 
longshore and in California agriculture.

Much of the left remained divided over the existence of the IWW, with the moderate and 
conservative wings of the left (such as the majority of the Socialist Party) basically 
denouncing the effort from the IWW's onset and preferring to work within the AFL. Many 
important figures on the left and labor militants of the 1920's and 30's were former 
members. Also during the 1910's and 20's a legacy of ethnic based independent unionism and 
working class mutual-aid societies emerged among Asian and Latino workers in the West 
Coast, the Southwest and Hawaii. These labor organizations were largely openly rejected by 
the AFL and sometime formed alliances with radical unionists such as the IWW.

1920's, the Communist Party, TUEL and TUUL

The 1920's were a low point for US labor. The IWW conducted some of its most mature 
organizing in the early 1920's in agriculture, lumber, longshore, and led the first 
organizing attempts and sit-down strikes in auto, steel and rubber. But with the 
repression of radicalism generally, the weakening of the IWW, and attraction of the 
successful Russian Revolution, many leaders began drifting over to the Communist Party. 
The CP's sponsored Trade Union Education League (TUEL), which brought together left 
unionists inside the AFL and was led by both former IWW and anarchist William Z. Foster. 
The TUEL and Foster's approach is seen to represent the "bore-from-within" approach of 
working within to change or capture conservative unions that much of the Leninist 
tradition draws from, in contrast to the "dual unionist" approach of the efforts like the 
IWW to create competing radical or revolutionary unions.

1928-1935, The Third Period

In 1928 the Communist International, believing that revolution was around the corner, 
changed its position and instructed all parties to abandon the "bore-from-within" approach 
and launch their own communist-led unions. This era is known as the "Third Period" of the 
Communist International. TUEL was reorganized into the Trade Union Unity League (TUUL) and 
proclaimed itself an umbrella organization of industrial unions. Funded largely by the CP 
(and thus Moscow as well), the TUUL led some successful efforts to create independent 
unions and organize marginalized workers such African-Americans, agricultural workers and 
the unemployed. In 1935 the Communist International shifted its position again and 
embraced the Popular Front position of coalition with all non-right wing political forces. 
The CP dissolved TUUL and began to work within the AFL and especially the CIO, attempting 
form alliances with the leadership of various unions.

1930's, CIO

During the Great Depression, with between 25-30% unemployment, a militant wave of strikes 
starting in 1932. Successful and militant general strikes were led in 1934 in west coast 
longshore and Minneapolis and later the sit-down strikes in 1935-36. This wave of 
militancy pushed leaders within the AFL (John L. Lewis of the United Mine Workers) to 
break away and form the Congress of Industrial Organizations (CIO) to organize industrial 
unions in the industrial manufacturing sector. With many radicals and former IWW's playing 
roles at the base and many CP's as staff organizers, the CIO channeled the worker 
insurgency into its ranks. They were assisted by the passage of the 1935 Wagner Act (or 
National Labor Relations Act), which granted unions rights to organize. This was an about 
face by the government to quell the unrest, as previously "the national government smashed 
emerging industrial unionism" and now "in the 1930's the national government sponsored them."

1940-50's, Labor-Capital Accord, Growth, Anti-Communism

The CIO embraced the labor-capital accord (sometimes called "social contract," or in 
Europe "social partnership") and implemented no-strike contracts, a bureaucratic system of 
grievance resolution, solidified their leadership, supported the war effort by signing 
no-strike pledges (which is supported by the CP, though wildcat strikes are widespread) 
and sitting on industrial mediation boards with government and corporate leaders. In 1947 
the Taft-Hartley Act passes, putting restrictions on unions and initiating the purge of 
CP's and other radical from unions. Several unions are expelled from the CIO (including 
the still existing independent union UE) and they merge with the AFL in 1955. Amid 
economic prosperity which produced perhaps the highest standards of living in US history, 
the reunited federation reaches a height of 35% of the workforce. Still though nearly 
one-third of the US is left out of this prosperity and lives in poverty.

1960's, UFW

The AFL-CIO largely bypasses the social upheaval of the 1960's and staunchly supports the 
war in the Vietnam. The UFW, led mainly by Cesar Chavez, emerges out of both the 
traditions of independent unionism among Mexican and Filipino agricultural workers in the 
Central Valley and Saul Alinsky influenced community organizing models. Their efforts gain 
the support of social democratic labor leaders, such as Walter Ruether of the UAW whose 
funding support made the grape boycott campaign possible. Further, UFW is able to utilize 
effective boycott and secondary picketing tactics, which are illegal under Taft-Hartely, 
because farm workers fall outside of federal labor law. Their ‘social movement' style 
organizing and campaigns also garnered widespread support from the left (with CP members 
playing roles within the union) and especially the Chicano movement, though Chavez 
remained at arms length from their radicalism and would later purge nearly all leftist 
staffers and those he suspected of opposing his leadership in the 1980's. By the mid to 
late 1990's the union is a shadow of it former self and many of the worst conditions they 
managed to curtail begin to return to the fields.

1970-80's, Breakdown of Labor-Capital Accord
The 1970's marks the beginnings of deindustrialization in the US and the neo-liberal era, 
as standards of living start declining and the manufacturing sector begins to be exported 
outside the US. The 1980's is an era of concessionary bargaining and set backs for labor, 
with largely little resistance from top AFL-CIO leadership. This is best marked by 
Reagan's spectacular mass firing of striking federal air traffic controllers in 1981. Out 
of the late 1960's and early 1970's many new left and new communist movement activists 
enter the labor movement as rank and file workers. Some attempt to gain leadership 
positions and some agitate within contract campaigns and conduct propaganda efforts, 
though little institutional impact can be found today except for the legions of 
ex-radicals that now populate staff and officer positions of some unions. Some radical 
extra-union organizations briefly emerge such as the Detroit Revolutionary Union Movement, 
composed of black auto workers fighting against auto companies and the UAW. Other lasting 
but more reform oriented movements emerge out of this era such as Teamsters For Democratic 
Union and Labor Notes magazine, both in part launched by members of Solidarity (a 
non-vanguardist Trotskyist organization).

1990's, 2000's, Shifts in the Crumbling House of Labor and Moves at the Grassroots
The US labor movement remains the weakest of all industrialized nations and with a strong 
anti-union culture within the populace existing for decades. Within the AFL-CIO top ranks 
though, crisis begins to brew as leaders react with bewilderment at the now undeniable 
crisis of membership decline caused by assaults on unions by employers and the fleeing of 
industry to the South and third world with the advent of neo-liberalism. This also tears 
away at union leader's presumed partnership with employers and the Democratic Party. The 
AFL-CIO's traditional alliance with the Democrats could not stop the passage of NAFTA by 
Clinton and its confirmation vote by Congress in 1993 as well. This opened the way for 
SEIU head John Sweeny to take the helm of the AFL-CIO in 1995 in the federation's first 
contested election for its presidency, in what some have called a "palace coup" of sorts. 
A member of Democratic Socialist of America, Sweeny promised to reinvigorate organizing 
and was embraced by progressive activists and academics. By 2005, after ten years of 
holding the reigns of power (the point at which he promised to step down), the excitement 
that surrounded Sweeny had largely sputtered and has he been unable to offer a clear 
alternative to malaise effecting mainstream labor.

Several important shifts in the AFL-CIO during this period are worth noting such as the 
formal change in the AFL-CIO historic stance in opposing immigration and now embracing 
organizing immigrant workers, some degree of opening of the leadership to women and people 
of color, the shift of several unions towards (staff led) ‘organizing models' such as 
SEIU, AFSCME, HERE-UNITE, and the creation of the Organizing Institute (OI). The OI 
created the "Union Summer" program which aimed to expose college students (mostly coming 
out of progressive student organizing) to the labor movement and the ‘organizing unions' 
began to hire these progressive students and social movement activists, including 
radicals, to serve in high turn over staff organizer positions. While the organizing 
efforts are largely more efficient and well orchestrated versions of top down, staff 
directed organizing focused on gaining legal recognition, it has drastically changed the 
relationship of the left, especially with younger activists on the left, to mainstream unions.

Meeting of the CIW or Coalition of Immokalee Workers, an independent worker organization 
of farm workers formed in 1993 and based in Florida.
Growing though mergers and organizing to become the largest union in the US over the past 
10 years, SEIU has emerged as an important player within the Sweeny administration as many 
high level staff were tapped to take roles with the AFL-CIO leadership. Over this time 
through various internal restructuring endeavors such as 1999 New Strength Unity plan, the 
leadership of the union centralized control and pioneered the creation of statewide ‘mega 
locals.' As early as 2000 SEIU, now headed by Sweeny's former lieutenant Andy Stern, had 
been circulating proposals to drastically reorganize the AFL-CIO into sectoral unions 
focused on organizing and under greater central direction. By 2003 SEIU grouped several 
union around its proposal (UNITE-HERE, UBC, LIUNA) to form the New Unity Partnership 
coalition, which later expanded to the Change to Win (CtW) coalition with the addition of 
IBT and UFCW in 2005. CtW pursued essentially a policy of brinksmanship leading up to the 
2005 AFL-CIO convention, with a series of demands around structural and funding changes 
that the convention largely agreed to, and then broke away to form a rival federation. 
Many progressives and others on the left, again like with Sweeny in 1995, embraced the 
effort with some comparing CtW to the CIO in the 1930. Though recent moves by Stern, 
especially his very public clash with the leader of SEIU's California healthcare megalocal 
leading to the leadership and staff of the local to spear a breakaway effort, have begun 
to tarnish him.

Also occuring during the 1990's and early 2000's were the formation of worker centers that 
organize largely low-wage segments of the workforce whom are non-union, especially among 
immigrant workers. These organizations emerged largely as a critique of any meaningful 
efforts of unions to engage or organize among these workers. Some function as proto or 
non-legally recognized and non-majority unions, but many are similar to the service and 
advocacy models of non-profits with some being aligned with local unions or the AFL-CIO 
nationally such as the National Day Labor Organizing Network. Other developments were 
totally unexpected and largely spontaneous response from Latinos in 2006 to a proposed 
bill which would criminalize undocumented immigrant and their familes and supporters. 
These led to massive marches in all major cities and even smaller ones on May 1, 2006, 
which were the largest demonstrations in US history. The subsequent marches that have 
continued in most cities each year since on May 1st, though much smaller, have revitalized 
May Day as a working class tradition and a symbol of the immigrant rights movement; though 
participation by AFL-CIO unions varies widely by city.

Sources:

In addition to advice from those who have studied labor history the following sources were 
used in compiling this article or as general references.

Chip Smith, Cost of Privilege
Bill Fletcher Jr. and Fernando Gasapin, Solidarity Divided
Tomas Almaguer, Racial Fault Lines
Robert Lee, "The Coolie and the Making of the White Working Class" in Orientals: Asian 
Americans in Popular Culture
Rick Fantasia and Kim Voss, Hard Work
Paul Avrich, The Haymaket Affair
Staughton Lynd, Solidarity Unionism, Rebuilding the Labor Movement From Below
For further readings on labor struggle we recommend "The Next 100 Days: May Day and Worker 
Resistance Under Trump" and "Unionism From Below: Interview with Burgerville Workers Union."

http://blackrosefed.org/outline-labor-history-left/

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Message: 3





Seen enough Stalin banners for one May Day? Tired of explaining the Haymarket affair to 
Maoists?

Come to Decentre for a friendly social for anyone on the non-authoritarian left. There 
will be drinks! There will be crisps!*

Facebook event here, invite yo' friends! https://www.facebook.com/events/1552914385016333/

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Message: 4





For ten years we have lived in this crisis of the capitalist system, a crisis that is 
nothing but another tool of the great employers, the multinationals and the bankers, with 
the complicity of a corrupt political system, to increase their enormous profits always at 
the expense of the rights of citizens, and especially the working class. This crisis is 
really a big fraud. ---- We have been in a situation of social emergency for 10 years, 
where not only are people without work below the poverty line, but that more than 14% of 
people with work are poor as a consequence of the precariousness of the new employment 
contracts, with partial contracts and survival wages, which is the new labor reality of 
indignation. Added to this is the decline in the purchasing power of pensions, with one 
out of three retirees below this poverty line, while increasing the gender wage gap, both 
in wages and pensions.

We face an ideological and strategic attack that claims that what until recently were 
rights are now business: education, health, pensions, etc. In short, everything that is 
ours, of all, is becoming a dividend for the big business corporations. In return, we are 
forced to rescue banks and roads, paying a debt that  is not ours, which is illegitimate, 
and which largely comes from corruption. They are cheating us.

Since the CGT (General Confederation of Labor) we say that we will not resign ourselves to 
the fact that banks are more important than people; since the CGT we have rejected the 
growing privatization and precariousness of public services; since the CGT we will not 
allow the dismantling of the public system of pensions; in the CGT we do not accept that 
the working class has reduced its rights every day with new labor reforms.

It is time to do a division of labor by reducing the work day, ending the overtime and 
advancing the retirement age so that everyone can have work. Public services that have 
been privatized must be recovered, where the most important is their efficiency in order 
to have social protection that is public and universal. It is imperative to distribute 
wealth through a tax reform that makes large fortunes and corporations bear most of the 
expense, since it is they who have benefited from this crisis-fraud. We have to stop fraud 
and tax havens.

For the CGT resignation is not an option, it is time to reoccupy the streets, it is more 
necessary than ever for CGT to be present where social injustice takes place, a permanent 
mobilization of the CGT against this corrupt system is necessary , summoning and 
participating in all the mobilizations that are possible to achieve a self-organized, 
antipatriarchal, ecologist, non-racist or xenophobic ... libertarian society.

FRAUD CONTINUES

We follow in the streets

Viva 1º de Maio

Source:  http://cgt.org.es/1%C2%BA-de-mayo-hay-que-tear-las-calles

Translation> César Antonio Cázarez Vázquez

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Message: 5





https://www.anarchistcommunism.org/wp-content/uploads/2018/04/REBEL_CITY_No8.pdf

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Message: 6





 From intervention in the new harbor ---- On Saturday, April 21, we made a solidarity 
response to the refugees and immigrants living in the abandoned factories in southern 
Patras, opposite the new harbor. The Port of Patras, as a gateway to the "capitalist 
paradise" of the West, has been for decades a permanent point of reference and 
concentration for immigrants and refugees looking for a better future. For some time now, 
some hundreds of people have been trying to organize their everyday life in this area, 
while waiting for the opportunity to go to a ship heading for the capitalist West. Daily 
chases, beatings, stabbing and torture, humiliation and humiliation, "broom" operations, 
extensive or not, are the reality of the immigrants living there. ---- Documents from the 
beatings of immigrants and refugees

           We wrote slogans in the port mantra, from which hundreds of people are rushing 
daily to the harbor, hoping to get on a ship leading to Italy. There are arrested by 
dozens of cops and harbors who use murderous repressive instruments.As soon as we arrived 
there, DIAS men chased the immigrants inside and outside the harbor with the glova in 
hand, while a seken (and one with a glova in hand) also contributed to the manhunt. Of 
course, when we saw our presence, the police and the securites confined themselves to 
gesturing to the immigrants to leave the harbor. It is obvious that the disclosure of 
what's happening there, as well as the presence of solidarity in the port, play a key role 
in preventing the murderous attacks on immigrants.As the photographic material proves, the 
assassins are not reluctant to use even knives to injure migrants and refugees and drive 
them out of the harbor. Many times they are taken to the hospital with severe or minor 
injuries, while others are arrested and led to various concentration camps across the country.

Today's civilian administration, having stepped on the cheap trade of hope to continue to 
impose the plundering policies of the social basis, like all previous governments, has 
just moved to the same anti-immigrant policy exercise in cooperation with the 
international mechanisms (NATO, frontex, EU). Having ramped concentration camps for 
refugees and immigrants everywhere in Greece, he continues to stack them there, even 
attempting to reverse the reality by propagating the appropriateness of living conditions 
in places where they are subjected to imprisonment, repression, humiliation of their dignity.

In Patras, a long-running "sweep" is being prepared at the expense of the migrants and 
refugees of Avex and Ladopoulos. A company that is already underway with daily arrests, 
which is expected to intensify in the next few years, and the recent announcements by the 
deputy minister of repression, N. Tosca, to evacuate these sites.

Photos from intervention in Zarhouleica

           After the intervention at the port, we moved to the neighborhoods of southern 
Patras via the road to the workers' neighborhood of Zarhouleikon, where we wrote 
anti-fascist slogans and tossed hundreds of triciks. It is clear that if various fascist - 
racist groups or "resident committees" attempt to exploit the tough living conditions of 
migrants and refugees to organize pogroms against them, they will find us facing them.

As anarchists, we stand against the criminalization of people and the prohibition of their 
free movement. We do not recognize in any state the right to impose all sorts of 
boundaries and segregation between people on the basis of gender, race, origin, religion, 
and so on. Our response to the state and the bosses must be the collectiveisation of our 
resistances, the realization of our common position - locals and immigrants - mutual 
assistance and mutual respect, with no fake divisions (nation-race, legitimate-illegal).

Together with the immigrants, we will fight for a life of dignity, and we will not leave a 
glimpse of land to every enemy of freedom. We will stand next to them against the 
murderous attacks of the state and the police. The everyday life of migrants and refugees 
will continue unhindered at ABEX, Ladopoulos and wherever they wish.

           Against the attempt to fragment the oppressed, we must respond with class 
solidarity. To create class and social relations between natives and immigrants and to 
develop a collective struggle against our daily dynasties ... let's break the social 
cannibalism and the mechanisms that give birth to it ... for a world of equality, 
solidarity and freedom.

Against Fascism, Racism and Social Cannibalism

Against War, Border and Modern Totalitarianism

COMMON GAMES OF DOGS AND IMMIGRANTS FOR A WORLD OF EQUALITY, SOLIDARITY AND FREEDOM

anarchist group "dignified horse" / APO & comrades, companions

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