SPREAD THE INFORMATION
Any information or special reports about various countries may be published with photos/videos on the world blog with bold legit source. All languages are welcome. Mail to lucschrijvers@hotmail.com.
Donations
Search for an article in this Worldwide information blog
woensdag 13 juni 2018
Anarchic update news all over the world - 13.06.2018
Today's Topics:
1. Rebeca Lane: Anarchist and feminist rap from Guatemala By
ANA (pt) [machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
2. awsm.nz NZ: Solidarity With ‘Farmers' Workers
(a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
3. Greece, "Black & Red" [APO]: Solidarity gathering with the
hunger strike of Dimitris Koufontina (gr) [machine translation]
(a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
4. France, Alternative Libertaire AL #284 - Nuclear: June 16,
for Bure we walk to Bar (fr, it, pt) [machine translation]
(a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
5. Ruptura Colectiva (RC): Ethnography of the double Bind: A
conversation with anarchist sociologist Silvia Rivera Cusicanqui
-- Paulo Ilich Bacca (ca) [machine translation]
(a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
6. wsm.ie: UK Supreme Court says north ban on abortion
"incompatible" with Human Rights (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
----------------------------------------------------------------------
Message: 1
Violence and women are key themes in the rhymes of Guatemalan ragdoll Rebeca Lane, who is
in Europe presenting her latest album, ' Obsidiana '. After his visit to Germany and
Austria, he visits Spain this month. ---- by Judit Alonso ---- Rebeca Lane started singing
in 2012 and has already released five albums: Canto, Poesía Poemía, Dulce Muerte, Mestiza
Alma and Obsidiana . Nevertheless, his artistic career began earlier. "It was a natural
step, I was already doing poetry that started to have more musicality, like hip hop, then
I started rapping," he explained in an interview with Deutsche Welle because of his
European tour that took him to several countries, including the Germany. ---- This is the
fourth visit to the German country. "Since the first time I came there were plenty of
people who knew my music in feminist and queer circles." The first time was in 2016. In
2017 the singer visited Germany on two occasions and this year has been here again.
Although it has already ascended to several scenarios of cities like Berlin and Frankfurt,
in each new trip new cities are incorporated to the German script. One contributing factor
is that "a label, Flofish, has already released two of my albums in Germany," he said.
Roots that mark letters
Lane conducted sociology studies at the University of San Carlos of Guatemala, during
which he conducted research on urban cultures, including hip hop. "The social sciences are
also to transform reality," he said. The studies, as well as his native ancestry by his
mother, marked his musical career. "Being aware of having indigenous ancestry is a path
that came through music," he explained, recalling that it is a process of understanding
"our cultural heritage" and "rebuilding the roots, of looking back ". "In the Guatemalan
case this ancestry is denied which names the European ancestors but not the previous
ones," he lamented, stressing that "the family has lost its language." And is that "the
fact of being indigenous implies that your living conditions are lower than the rest."
The situation of indigenous peoples in Guatemala has been criticized at the international
level. Only a couple of weeks ago, the UN Special Rapporteur on the Rights of Indigenous
Peoples, Victoria Tauli-Corpuz, called the "failure of the State of Guatemala" the
persistent and historic situation of discrimination against the indigenous population, a
descendant of Mayan culture . "There are racist state policies criminalizing indigenous
peoples," she said, recalling the killing of several community leaders last May due to
their "resistance to megaprojects."
The discontent with the country's political situation, which has recently experienced a
wave of demonstrations calling for the resignation of its president, Jimmy Morales, is
also evident in the artist's rhymes. In the song ' Reina del Caos ', which deals with her
experience as a feminist and anarchist, she denounces a country where social mobilization
is criminalized. "If you have made many marches to go. Jimmy Morales only had three months
in office when the cases of corruption came out, "he recalled.
Rhymes with commitment
Lane criticism that to make art and have spaces of promotion in Guatemala one should not
talk about political reality and historical memory. An aspect that is reflected in '
Missing ', a song dedicated to his aunt, guerrilla and poet Rebeca Eunice Vargas
Braghiroli, who is among the 45,000 people registered as missing by the Guatemalan army at
the end of the Civil War in 1981. In America Central to hip hop culture reports the
realities of societies, "he said.
Machismo, discrimination against women and violence are a recurring theme in his
discography; is reflected in themes like ' This body is mine ' or ' Ni encerradas ni con
miedo ', which collect personal experiences: for three years the rapper maintained a
relationship with a man who mistreated her physically and psychologically. "It marked my
life as a woman," he recalled in speaking of this experience.
Nonetheless, "hip hop, as a tool for expressing emotions, has allowed me to empower myself
and to empathize with other women," he said. "The songs had their power, I did not think
about the effect that would have," he assured. For this reason, I am now "more aware of
what I write." Thus, in one of the songs of his last album, ' Siempre viva ', narrates the
"types of violence that, through social networks, is exercised against women. It's a real
kind of violence that scares you, "he added, lamenting what feminist websites have been
forced to close after threats of assault or rape.
Likewise, their demands cross borders with the holding of empowerment workshops for women
and musical collaborations with other artists in the region. Among them is the work with
the Argentinean Vaioflow, with which he has carried out the theme ' Candles and Balas '.
Centered on repression, the song documents two cases that shook public opinion last year
in both countries: the tragedy of Guatemala 's Hogar Virgen da Asunción[orphanage], in
which 40 youths were burned to death by a fire to protest against aggression physical and
sexual suffering, and the death of Santiago Maldonado after the repression of the Mapuche
communities in Argentina.
Source: http://www.dw.com/es/rebeca-lane-rap-anarquista-y-feminista-desde-guatemala/a-44071788
Translation> Sol de Abril
------------------------------
Message: 2
Aotearoa Workers' Solidarity Movement (AWSM) offers its support and encouragement to
workers at ‘Farmers' stores in Wellington and Auckland who are picketing today as the
beginning of a nation-wide campaign over wage conditions.
We call on all workers and their organisations to publicise this issue and provide
whatever solidarity actions or assistance they can.
An injury to one is an injury to all!
http://awsm.nz/2018/06/07/nz-solidarity-with-farmers-workers/
------------------------------
Message: 3
On 30/05, Dimitris Koufodinas launched a hunger strike requesting him to regularly take
the regular licenses he is entitled to and the abolition of the prosecution veto. Today
(June 9th) is on the 11th day of the strike and has already been transferred to the
hospital because he was exhausted and overwhelmed by previous hunger strikes. D.
Koufodinas has been deprived of licenses for the last 7 years, as he has argued that the
CoE has a distorted ideology and has not shown any remorse for his actions. In November
2017, following pressures and actions of a Pan-Hellenic solidarity movement in the hunger
strike of the same and the political prisoner, Kostas Gourna, he began to take regular
licenses, but this was interrupted after the Athenian Pagan prosecutor intervened.
D. Koufodtina's case is one of many that demonstrates the repressive approaches of the
state towards its political opponents: convictions without evidence, established
dictionaries, uncontrolled use of DNA, annulment of court decisions, exemplary punishments
for anarchists, deprivation of licenses, especially cells and special laws aim at moral
and material extermination as well as the establishment of an exemption regime for
political prisoners and social militants.
The SYRIZA / ANEL co-operation proves that the state has continued by extending the
practices of the previous power administrators by upgrading its legal arsenal and
endeavoring to consolidate repression and control in every social field. The
criminalization of interventions in workplaces, the attempt to criminalize the trade union
organization and actions with the persecution of members of the CCA of Athens, the
abolition of the strike as a means of struggle with the implementation of the new
polynomiogram and the "Social Alliance", the suppression of self-organized structures the
attack of state and capital on the slaves.
In the above cases, anarchist convictions are added as "individual terrorists", leaving a
legacy for the criminalization of belief, namely anarchist political identity, the
conviction of M. Seisides in 36 years of imprisonment with the only evidence of a DNA
sample, the imprisonment of Herannas and of Pericles on the basis of their social
relations and a partial sample of genetic material and the appeal of the innocent decision
for the anarchist communist Tassos Theofilos again with the intervention of the Supreme
Court. Modern totalitarianism requires absolute harmonization of "democratic powers" for
the crushing of political prisoners.
It is demonstrated through all these and so many other slanderous approaches, the dominant
strategy of the state, characterized by vengeance towards anyone who is associated with
struggles against the existing. The imposition of totalitarian regimes passes through the
consolidation of social consensus and terrorism. Thus, the consolidation of repression in
every social field and the diffusion of fear to level down all social and class resistance
and to exterminate by all means those who fight are closely linked to the overall attack,
economic, political and cultural, launched by the state and the capitalism against the
social base.
As the crisis progresses, creating new deadlocks for the oppressed, the power
administrators will try to curb our resistance with more control, repression, and fear.
We, as anarchists, ought not to leave anyone alone in the hands of the state and to fight
to break the fear and the status of the exception that is being attempted to be imposed on
political prisoners . Faced with state and capitalist barbarism, rage, and war, we set
our collective resistances and solidarity among the oppressed and fight for a society of
freedom, equality and solidarity for Anarchy and Liberal Communism!
SOLIDARITY IN THE DIFFRONT OF PEACE D. KOUFONTINA
IMMEDIATE SATISFACTION OF ITS REQUESTS
MICROPHONE CONCENTRATION, TUESDAY 12/06, 18:30 KAMARA
Collectivism for Social Anarchism "Black & Coke "
| member of the Anarchist Political Organization
https://maurokokkino1936.wordpress.com/2018/06/08
------------------------------
Message: 4
Mobilization continues against the Cigeo bin, a catastrophic solution for the
non-management of nuclear waste. The Bar-le-Duc event promises to be a big date. AL will
be ! ---- The fight against the Cigeo project to bury nuclear waste in Bure (Meuse) did
not say its last word. After falling asleep and manipulating the population for twenty
years through seduction campaigns and attractive subsidies, the state and the government
have turned into brutality and unapologetic authoritarianism, just like what they are
practicing against the whole social movement. ---- The demonstration of August 15, 2017
was violently repressed and no less than 500 gendarmes expelled February 22, the dozens of
opponents who occupied the wood Lejuc [1]. ---- The crackdown then intensified:
surveillance, searches, intimidation, repeated identity checks, roadside checks,
twenty-four to forty-eight hour police custody, administrative bans and imprisonment.
After the weekend of mobilization and the intercom meetings of March 3 and 4, several
people were arrested. Finally, on May 23rd, 11 " owls ", as the opponents call themselves,
went on trial at Bar-le-Duc. A big fair was organized the same day to support them.
An alternative to burial
It is with stainless contempt that the state and the nucleocrats pursue the atomic
colonization of the Meuse. A new bogus national debate was announced, and Nicolas Hulot
told the National Assembly that this project was " the least bad solution ". On the
contrary, the physicist Bernard Laponche clearly demonstrated, in an interview with the
newspaper Le Monde, that the geological storage of nuclear waste was " the worst solution
" by complicating the monitoring and maintenance of thousands of highly toxic barrels
whose degradation is inescapable over the centuries. It recommends to store them in the
medium term in " subsurface », Where they will remain more easily accessible, and to
continue research to reduce the harmfulness and the lifespan of the most dangerous nuclear
waste [2].
On March 5, a prefectural decree authorized RTE, a subsidiary of EDF, to " enter the
parcels located on the territory of the commune of Bure " for the purpose of " electrical
connection of the project " [3]. Let's hope that these intrusions will exasperate the
inhabitants and even the least conscious inhabitants.
Opposite, the dynamic of protest remains good. From the evening of the February 22
eviction, dozens of local support committees gathered in front of the country's
prefectures. We are also moving towards new ways of fighting. On May 18th, a call was made
for the construction of tree houses to gain visibility. The next day a wrestling assembly
was held at Montiers-sur-Saulx, near Bure.
The day of June 16 in Bar-le-Duc will be a great meeting, bringing together the protesters
in all the diversity of their tactics. A morning to think, and the afternoon to act !
We'll meet you there !
Solid owls (AL Nancy)
[1] " To Bure as elsewhere, say no to nuclear peril, " AL release, February 22, 2018.
[2] Le Monde, March 28, 2018.
[3] " RTE invites himself into the fields and gardens of Meuse ! " On Vmc.camp, May 9, 2018.
http://www.alternativelibertaire.org/?Nucleaire-Le-16-juin-pour-Bure-on-marche-a-Bar
------------------------------
Message: 5
Ritualizing the Memory ---- It is a lively Tuesday in the second week of August 2016 in
the city of La Paz, Bolivia, as I listen to the song Aylluman Kutiripuna (Let us return to
the community) by Luzmila Carpio, a Quechua singer who upon facing the double bind of
singing in Quechua, her mother tongue, or in Spanish, the ‘prevalent' language under the
trend of Bolivia's modernization, decided to use the language of her ancestors. In such a
tension, the prioritization of the indigenous side of this double bind is not
unidirectional. Indeed, the indigenization turn that I am attempting to remark also
results in the need to colour the Western tradition with the indigenous syntax, which is
precisely what Carpio's artistic trajectory embodies. By strengthening the melodic ways of
the Andes, she has projected her music as a political expression of rebellion against the
overuniform model of cultural progress over first nations' own thinking in two
complementary ways. Initially, Carpio composed children's music in Quechua as a way to
keep alive the ancient Andean world training the mind of new generations for the future.
Subsequently, she started to croon bilingual songs in order to remark on the
potentialities of a heterogeneous society in which the indigenous legacy can bring about a
‘creative adjustment' to the world inherited from colonialism.
While listening to music, I make the final preparations to interview Aymara sociologist
Silvia Rivera Cusicanqui. After spending one month and a half in La Paz interacting with
Rivera and El Colectivo, a self-organized group of cultural action and critique, she has
agreed to converse with me about her work, intellectual trajectory, and political activism
during the last four decades. As a prelude, the interview uses Rivera's course on
sociology of the image, an epistemological proposal based on double-bound readings of
Andean history. In this appraisal, the double bind between the memory of indigenous
peoples and the records of official history is resolved in favour of what Rivera calls
indigenous visualization. The ‘heuristic tool' of visualization is a sort of memory able
to condense other senses beyond sight. Thus, while official history has been over
determined by the visual, being anchored in both language mediation and data
interpretation, visualization, by recovering senses of touch, smell, taste, hearing and
movement, is able to decolonize memory, allowing not only for the expression of indigenous
sources of knowledge themselves, but also the expansion of mainstream narratives.
According to Rivera, it is an
attempt to project her own Aymara mode of thinking, termed ch'ixi epistemology, understood
as an articulating agency of contradictions in which those histories that have been
hidden, diminished, or forgotten come to the surface as a way to potentiate a dynamic
dialogue between the contradictory forces.
Recalling Rivera's teachings, I had decided to ritualize our conversation with the help of
Argentinian photographer Sandra Nicosia, who has kindly accepted to share her photographic
memories for this interaction. Rivera usually performs a ritual before starting a new
project-to ascertain her social and political responsibility with what will emerge from
her writings or artistic interventions. I choose Luzmila Carpio's melodies to create a
previous harmonizing effect because her work, as well as Rivera's, has been inspired by
the inherent contradictions of the double bind between colonial impositions and indigenous
resistance. In fact, as Spivak has sustained, Western tradition has prescribed the ‘proper
terms' for conducting social interventions: ‘[i]t seemed that there was always an issue of
controlling the other through knowledge production on our own terms, and ignoring,
therefore, of the double bind between Europe as objective and subjective ground, judge and
defendant.' However, as Rivera and Carpio have shown in their work, the appropriations and
reappropriations of the indigenous world to turn such impositions into something else are
also unquestionable. Or, as Spivak has said, all philosophical traditions should resonate
with each other as equals, just as all languages are equally able to prepare a child for life.
This harmonizing effect is accompanied by the reading of the poem ‘Tu Calavera' (Your
Skull) by renowned Bolivian experimental poet Jaime Sáenz (1921-1986), who dedicated the
piece to Rivera. In this poem, Sáenz refers to an old dream in which Rivera's skull
appears. It is a reference to a pre-Inca cranium that Rivera considers her adoptive
ancestor since a period of illness in which an indigenous healer (yatirí) announced an
antidote to the disease: Rivera would have to return the skull to its place of origin or
welcome it as a member of her family. Rivera took the second option and named it Jáquima
after the finding of a set of documents of her maternal family in the United States during
the seventies. Rivera managed to recover these papers from her uncle's house, being made
aware not only of her family genealogy but also the traces of a deep colonial history.
Indeed, those documents tell the story of the Indian who first declared that he witnessed
the arrival of the Spaniards to Cuzco, the Inca capital. He returned to Pacajes, a
province in the central Bolivian highlands, and was executed by his indigenous fellows,
who considered him a traitor. The descendant of this legendary character, genealogically
related to the
Cusicanqui family, was an indigenous woman named Jáquima and that is why Rivera baptized
her skull with this name. Finally, leaving my hotel in downtown La Paz, I decide to take a
walk echoing one of the main sources of indigenous knowledge, which is intertwined with
ancestral territories as a way of remembering indigenous cosmologies and laws: I go to the
Basilica of San Francisco set in the historic heart of La Paz and built over an ancient
sacred place where indigenous peoples render cult to their divinities (wak'a), and where,
even now, indigenous social movements routinely meet after their mobilizations (see Figure
1.1). Then, I walk through the Mariscal Santa Cruz Avenue, a central street that leads to
a corner from which
it is possible to see the Illimani, the highest mountain in the Cordillera Real and one of
the main geographical and cosmological referents of the Aymaras-the people to which Rivera
belongs (see Figure 1.2). Thus, I feel that I can be closer to Rivera's work, always
enriched by the double bind between her own indigenous sources and Western epistemological
frameworks.
Figure 1.1 Basilica of San Francisco, La Paz, Bolivia.
Courtesy of Sandra Nicosia (P.Bacca)
Figure 1.2 Illimani, seen from La Paz, Bolivia.
Courtesy of Sandra Nicosia (P.Bacca)
A Double-Bound Indigeneity
Evoking the life and work of Gamaliel Churata (1897-1969), a Peruvian novelist and
philosopher who skilfully mastered the double bind between European avant-garde (taking
the foundations of critical Western philosophy seriously) and Latin American indigenism
(assessing the contribution of Andean cosmologies with particular emphasis in the
conceptual richness of the Quechua and Aymara languages), my conversation with Rivera
began by exploring the double bind between indigenous and non-indigenous identity. Talking
about indigeneity with Rivera is to speak of the impossibility of resolving the paradox of
being simultaneously indigenous and non-indigenous. Rivera recounted growing up in an
environment where the understanding of Aymara language is a spontaneous experience: ‘I
grew up in La Paz and there were two women who took care of the home. They spoke Aymara
all the time and one of them took care of me and while holding me in her aguayo
(multicoloured woollen cloth) would tell me stories. Somehow, I was bilingual by means of
my sense of hearing - I could not speak but I was very familiar with the sounds of Aymara
(there was a lot of onomatopoeia). I was eight-years-old when
she passed away and I felt an orphan since then; indeed, my mother was never able to
"replace" this woman.'
According to Rivera, her instinctive appreciation of the Aymara world was the legacy she
received during that moment of her childhood. She related that period with a lot of
affection since it shaped her temperament and determined her vocation for Andean
cosmologies as well as her spiritual connection with Aymara mythical beings such as the
fox and the condor. However, Rivera noted that this ‘learning curve' has always been an
unfinished process, indeed, a practice of life that is always to come: she was around
sixteen when she began taking Aymara lessons, but feels that she does not speak the
language well and is in an unending process of learning. Interestingly, Rivera's
conclusions regarding this route are inextricably connected with the possibility of
developing the social sciences using a double bind logic.
In Rivera's view, behind the physical elimination of Aymara amawt'as (philosophers) and
yatiris (healers) during the fifteenth century Spanish conquest of the Americas, lies the
‘spiritual' annihilation of the philosophical uses of the Aymara language. The amawt'as
were murdered, while the yatiris hid their knowledge cryptically and syncretized it with
Catholic religious elements in order to survive. Thus she considers it necessary almost to
reinvent the words' philosophical meaning by taking into consideration their metaphorical
senses in daily life. And this is precisely what Rivera has done in her unparalleled work:
departing from the pragmatic use of Aymara words, she has been ‘scratching' their
allegorical connotation in order to project a philosophical reflection based on indigenous
sources of knowledge. In so doing, Rivera is working with an Aymara idiosyncratic
translation of what Spivak has termed concept-metaphors, that is to say, the possibility
of unveiling the deep philosophical roots of expressions that tend to remain unnoticed for
most anthropologists and ethnographers although they are fundamental in day-to-day
indigenous activities.
The metaphorization of daily-life concepts is inherent to the polysemous character of
Aymara language and, it is by using this polyphony that Rivera has been working with the
contradiction (located at the very heart of double bind logics) as an epistemological tool
to explain indigenous social realities. One of Rivera's key concept-metaphors is
encapsulated in the Aymara concept of the ch'ixi. Rivera told me: I have reinvented the
practicality of this concept by exploring its allegorical and epistemological power.
‘Pragmatically, ch'ixi is the stained sheep, the spotted toad, the smudged snake. It is a
descriptor, a keyword; however, its most abstract and philosophical dimension has not been
developed and this is because after the assassination of the amawt'as and yatiris in
colonial times, the language has been impoverished by the translations conducted by
priests such as Ludovico Bertonio (1557-1625) and Domingo de Santo Tomás (1499-1570), who
have expurgated Aymara concepts and ideas that were incomprehensible to them, subsequently
removing the philosophical potential of indigenous languages'. In an interview given to
Francisco Pazzareli, Rivera explained that the ch'ixi as a concept-metaphor, embodies the
quintessence of an Aymara double bind, namely, a decolonial gesture to work with the
contradiction as a way of moving between opposite worlds. Thus, for instance, the snake is
not only ch'ixi for being spotted but also for being an Aymara mythical animal who is
undetermined in cosmological terms: it belongs to both the world above and the world
below, it is both masculine and feminine, it is both rain and a vein of metal, it is
symbolized both as lightning striking from a great height and as a subterranean force. And
this is precisely the way in which Rivera traces the epistemological signs of Aymara
cosmologies within the contemporaneity of a modern Bolivia that is indigenous and
non-indigenous at the same time.
By challenging the official discourse, according to which the colonization of the Americas
supposed the harmonious mestizo fusion of European and indigenous cultures (in which
Western imaginaries overlay indigenous cosmologies), Rivera projects a reverse process of
analysis in which indigenous cosmologies are capable of indigenizing Western imaginaries.
In so doing, Aymara cosmologies endow Western narratives with a new throbbing immediacy by
taking the threads of indigenous laws and weaving them in their own modern way. This does
not occur following the mestizo logic of fusion but by making reference to paradoxical
structures as the inspiration of a double-bound reasoning. When I asked Rivera if she is
indigenous and non-indigenous at the same time, her response was categorical: ‘of course,
being indigenous is a becoming. It is not an identity, it is a search'. Rivera's
reflections range from the personal to the methodological and from the epistemological to
the collective. She once described herself, during our interactions, as an ‘abajista'-a
Spanish term that she uses in opposition to the ‘arriviste spirit' that characterizes the
Bolivian upper middle class. Indeed, belonging to an upper middle-class family, Rivera
never expected to join the ‘elite' but rather to become an urban Aymara woman.
According to the Argentinian intellectual Verónica Gago, Rivera refers to herself as a
‘non-identified ethnic object', and has also reclaimed the labelsochologist (fusing the
word sociologist with chola, Bolivian term for an urbanized Aymara woman), a term once
used to discredit her. She similarly plays with the termbirchola (combining chola
withbirlocha, a name for women whose dress indicates upper class aspirations, and were
among the social categories that Rivera investigated in El Alto, the indigenous-dominated
city above La Paz. Gago sees these amusing word plays as simultaneously a merciless
critique against the essentialization of the indigenous. She quotes from a conference
address by Rivera: ‘We are all Indians as colonized peoples. Decolonizing one's self is to
stop being Indian and to become people. People is an interesting word because it is said
in very different ways in different languages.'
The idiosyncratic way of displaying an indigenous becoming is not only an asset for Rivera
but also an indigenous performative act that can be seen in different practices of the
Aymara mind-set. A central Aymara principle that passed from Rivera's personal experiences
to her methodological endeavours is captured in the possibility of reading Western sources
using Aymara rationalities. Thus, for instance, Rivera's work clearly demonstrates the
principle of selectivity with which Andean communities transform Western properties such
as Spanish grammar/syntax and classical European ways of dressing, as well as the
epistemological parity demanded in indigenous social struggles (see Figure 1.3). She told
me, ‘I read in a fragmentary and selective way, from my point of view, you have to put
what is lacking in an author[...]and furthermore the different philosophical traditions
should be placed on an equal footing[...]that is to say that the words of an indigenous
sage are connected with an inherited collective knowledge-they have an intellectual
genealogy and you do not have to put them as ethnographical data separated from theory.
Rather, I believe we have to engage in a dialogue between philosophical and theoretical
conceptions of the world'.
In this way, not only are indigenous epistemological tools capable of nurturing collective
experiences, as is indeed the case with Aymara cosmologies, but also Western systems of
knowledge can resonate in a comparable way with indigenous cosmological frameworks. This
synergy vividly appeared in the course of a face-to-face interaction between Rivera and
Spivak, in the context of Rivera's simultaneous translation of a conference presented by
her Indian comrade in La Paz. Gago recounts that in so doing Rivera showcased the
undiscipline of the text and of linear translation. Finding no Spanish translation for
Spivak's term double bind, Rivera instead came up with an exact equivalent in Aymara:
pächuyma, which means having the soul divided by two mandates that are impossible to
fulfil.' Rivera says that these translation exercises reveal that all words are being
questioned today: ‘This is a sign of Pachakutik, of a time of change.' Talking with Rivera
spontaneously about this event, she told me that most people in the audience were Aymara
speakers, which alerted her to the convenience of translating the idea of the double bind
to Aymara rather than Spanish. On the spur of the moment and without any kind of previous
preparation, Rivera began to talk about the pä chuyma in Aymara, explaining to the public
what Spivak had said. Spivak, double-bind-thinker par excellence, immediately incorporated
the Aymara double-bind-pä chuyma in her own English speech, which according to Rivera was
a very sympathetic gesture: ‘Spivak once told me that she makes theory with the guts, so
she fully understood' (we laugh). Rivera continued explaining to me that the Aymara have a
three-way logic: something can be and not be at the same time, which is tantamount to the
possibility of having an included third-completely at odds with Aristotelian logic. ‘I
think that is what makes possible such a compatibility with Gayatri. She also thinks that
one needs to live with the pä chuyma, that it is necessary to coexist with the
contradiction, and that the contradiction must be converted into a purposeful referent
rather than an obstacle to the subject's integrity. For Bateson, the contradictory subject
is schizophrenic, and it is a collective schizophrenia that produces a sort of paralysis.
Instead, for Spivak, the contradictory subject embodies an incomparable creative power',
Rivera added.
http://rupturacolectiva.com/ethnography-of-the-double-bind-a-conversation-with-anarchist-sociologist-silvia-rivera-cusicanqui/
------------------------------
Message: 6
Somewhat good news in the struggle for abortion provision in the north, the courts may
refuse to act but grassroots activists are taking to the streets on Sunday. Pressure
continues to build following the successful Repeal campaign in the south to introduce
abortion law reform north of the border. Join Alliance for Choice as part of the
Processions march on June 10th, Titanic Slipways at 12 noon. ---- An emergency debate was
held in Westminster on Tuesday where Labour MP, Stella Creasy was pushing for sections 58
and 59 of the 1861 Offences Against the Person Act to be repealed. These sections in the
OAPA are what criminalises the use of the abortion pills, mifepristone and misoprostol.
There was clear support for the bill, with only some Tory and SNP MPs insisting that
Westminster should not interfere in devolved issues. While there was some anti-choice
opposition, most notably by the DUP who remain as out of touch as ever, pro-choice
campaigners have viewed this as a victory.
The Supreme Court has deemed the current ban on abortion in cases of rape, incest, and
fatal foetal abnormality to be "incompatible" with Human Rights, however the case has been
rejected as the NI Human Rights Commission did not have the right standing to bring the
case forward.
While the case has been thrown out this should be viewed as another win due to the judges'
statement on the human rights incompatibility. This will add further pressure to
Westminster to intervene as while abortion is a devolved issue, human rights issues are not.
Now is the time to continue the pressure. A large pro-choice bloc will form the
Processions event commemorating 100 years since some women got the vote this Sunday.
Whether Westminster acts is not clear, what is clear is that grassroots activists will
keep up the pressure.
Author: Fionnghuala Nic Roibeaird
https://wsm.ie/c/supreme-court-north-ban-abortion-incompatible-human-rights
------------------------------
Abonneren op:
Reacties posten (Atom)
Geen opmerkingen:
Een reactie posten