Anarchic update news all over the world - 17.06.2018

Today's Topics:

   
1.  alas barricadas: [Mexico]In freedom the anarchist prisoner
      Fernando Bárcenas (ca) [machine translation] 
     (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
2.  US, m1aa: Shut it Down! -- the AT&T strike wave By Kdog
      (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
3.  US, black rose fed: "CAMPAIGN IN POETRY, GOVERN IN PROSE":
      INTERVIEW WITH A FORMER CAMPAIGN CONSULTANT 
     (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
4.  Coordination Brazilian Anarchist - CAB event:
      [FLORIANÓPOLIS-SC] Via Collectivo Anarquista Bandeira Negra (pt)
      [machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
5.  Greece, anarchist "dignified horse" - APO: [Patras]
      Solidarity course with Dimitri Koufodina - on hunger strike from
      30/5 (gr) [machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
6.  Britain, London Anarchist Communists: No War But the Class
      War - London section (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
7.  Greece, provo.gr: LGBTQs Against Pinkwashing: No Pride in
      Possession (video) by Dimitris Plastiras (gr) [machine
      translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)


----------------------------------------------------------------------

Message: 1






A score of libertarian comrades went to the outskirts of the North Male Preventative 
Prison (ReNo) to await the departure of Fernando Bárcenas after four years and six months 
of confinement. ---- Fernando burning his prisoner uniform ---- He was arrested at the age 
of 18, being a student of the College of Sciences and Humanities and working in a 
furniture factory. He was arrested on December 13, 2013, accused of setting fire to a 
Christmas tree belonging to the Coca Cola company during a demonstration against the rise 
in transportation (metro). In this time in prison Fernando has participated in several 
hunger strikes. There have suffered reprisals for his rebellious attitude in prison 
isolation, transfer, assignment fellow hostile cell ... In recent months he was trying to 
create a libertarian library in the Northern Prison with the name of Xosé Tarrío González, 
performing concentrations on the outside to deliver the donated books to the library.

The departure of Fernando is given after being notified (today afternoon) in court that 
his process was canceled and that the file folder was going to be deleted. It should be 
noted that his departure did not follow the protocol that exists with the other prisoners; 
it was the director of the prison who went to the auditorium to warn him that he had to 
leave, passing him to the legal area and immediately release him. Until midnight, family 
and friends are gathered celebrating freedom with the symbolic burning of prisoner's 
uniform and shouting slogans against prisons.

We remember that in Mexico there are still anarchists in prison: Abraham Cortés, Luis 
Fernando Sotelo, Miguel Peralta, ... as well as many activists from indigenist, 
anti-development and community movements.

http://alasbarricadas.org/noticias/node/40179

------------------------------

Message: 2






What the AT&T strike wave means - and the next steps in developing a direct action workers 
movement in North America ---- Our workplace went out on strike Friday, June 1st. It was 
the second time in two weeks. Earlier that morning CWA union stewards and mobilizers 
gathered with (working) union officers in the cafeteria break room. We were anxious to 
strike again after months of daily workplace actions designed to show our determination to 
resist the concessions being demanded by the Company in contract negotiations with the 
Union. ---- At 12 Noon workers on four separate call center floors stood up and announced 
we were going on an Unfair Labor Practice (ULP) strike for the rest of the day. The vast 
majority of workers filed out, including for the first time AT&T Technicians and workers 
in the Teleconference department. A loud and energetic picket line replaced the drudgery 
of answering calls and emails from AT&T's business customers. We were not the only place 
to strike. AT&T workers in Detroit, Milwaukee, St. Louis, Dayton OH, Muncie IN, Syracuse 
NY, and several other locations all went out. A week later members of the CWA struck for 
the day in Georgia. All of these locals are under 2 expired contracts between AT&T and the 
CWA - one for the old "Legacy T" AT&T (long-distance), and one for the Midwest - the old 
"Ameritech" area.

These strikes have been for one or two days only - around Local grievances and ULP's and 
not around the overall terms of a contract. The short strikes allow the Local unions to 
test their organization and morale without having their members face huge holes in their 
paychecks. In some areas the strikes are organized exclusively by the Local leadership, in 
others there is strong pressure from the ranks - in my workplace and probably in most of 
the other strikes, there was some combination of both. The International and District 
union leaders have taken a "Don't Ask, Don't Tell" approach to the strikes. For legal 
reasons the bureaucracy does not want responsibility for Local grievance strikes, but they 
are not trying to stop them either.

Despite the blackout in the national and Union media, AT&T workers have been passing news 
and links to local stories about the strikes around. This ensures widespread knowledge of 
the strikes popping off and creating momentum around the awareness that we are part of 
something bigger than our own building or town. The eagerness of workers to go out on 
strike, and the willingness of the Unions to organize them or at least let them happen 
shows we are in a new period for the labor movement - that some of the fear and 
conservatism is starting to fall away. Looking at the Teachers' strikes this past spring, 
and the possible UPS Strike this summer lay the basis for a new kind of movement. The 
widespread one- or two- day CWA grievance strikes lay the basis for a bigger all-out 
confrontation with AT&T - one of the most powerful corporations in the world.

AT&T made over $29 billion in profits last year, bought DirectTV for $67 billion in 2015 
and is now paying more than $85 billion to buy Time-Warner (and apparently another $600K 
in an attempt to bribe the Trump administration). But capitalism isn't sentimental. The 
AT&T bosses want to squeeze us for more: shifting more of the burden of healthcare costs 
on its employees; reinforce the separate "tiers" of workers that may work next to each 
other, but have drastically different benefits; and erase the commitment to solid numbers 
of good paying jobs under each contract.

But what will it take to win against this Death Star of a corporation? We need a direct 
action workers movement, directly controlled by its members, willing to spread the 
struggle beyond the shackles of labor law, and beyond the confines of the contract.

Workers at AT&T should demand & build for:

No contract with any concessions or givebacks
A national Assembly of local union officers, stewards, mobilizers and other active union 
members to plan and run a direct action campaign - including an all-out strike against AT&T
Occupy the workplaces - call out labor and the community to defend them
Defeat the "divide & conquer" strategy of the bosses by spreading the struggle across the 
other 10 (!) CWA-AT&T contracts and their different expiration dates.
Ask for and build sympathy strikes among workers in other telecom companies like Verizon 
and CenturyLink and into other sectors of the economy.
Force AT&T to concede funds and resources to the working-class and the poor to pay for 
housing, education, health care and fighting climate change
Solidarity NOT competition with call center and telecom workers in other countries. Fight 
to extend living wages across the borders to all AT&T workers and sub-contractors.
Take a page from the legendary revolutionary Industrial Workers of the World (I.W.W.) 
union and refuse to align with either of the bosses political parties - and instead build 
independent working-class movements and institutions of resistance and mutual aid.

The author works at AT&T, is a steward and former chief steward in their workplace. They 
are a member of the IWW and First of May Anarchist Alliance

http://m1aa.org/?p=1516

------------------------------

Message: 3






A decades-long veteran of the Democratic Party explains why elections fail to bring 
meaningful change. ---- It's often said that it's easy for radicals to criticize from the 
outside, but what about when the critique resonates for someone who is an insider? As a 
follow up to the publication of "The Lure of Elections: From Political Power to Popular 
Power" by a group of Black Rose/Rosa Negra authors, we present the experience of an 
individual we will call "Carlos," on the dynamics of electoral campaigns. Carlos first 
became active in politics in his native Puerto Rico and then as a youth growing up in East 
Harlem where he first registered to vote during a rally at his high school organized by 
Jesse Jackson and his Operation PUSH campaign. has over 10 years of experience working in 
progressive electoral campaigns as a professional campaign consultant. He's worked on 
national campaigns such as Howard Dean and Obama as well as with progressive local and 
state candidates running for office in major urban areas on the east coast.

Carlos now describes himself as a "former" campaign consultant as he threw in the towel 
well before the 2016 election and pursued a different career path. We invited him to share 
his experience with us on the internal dynamics of electoral campaigns. Here's what he 
originally wrote to us:

"Campaigns are designed to strip-mine resources out of communities. Instead of instigating 
popular movements, they stifle critical examination of power and its inherent abuse within 
the electoral paradigm. Instead of fomenting social movements, they serve as a cyclical 
escape valve whose sole purpose is to perpetuate the grip that the status quo has on society"

Note: Out of respect for this interview being conducted anonymously certain details and 
the names of specific campaigns have been omitted. Additional references have been for 
individuals and organizations for those who may not be familiar.

BRRN: Can you give us some examples of how campaigns hurt the social movements and 
organizations that already exist in communities? What did you mean when you said that 
electoral campaigns are akin to "strip-mining resources out of communities"?

Carlos: The most valuable asset any community has is its human capital. A well-designed 
campaign aims to matriculate supporters into its ranks and lead them along a prescribed 
engagement continuum. Electoral campaigns identify supporters and entice them to become 
activists by engaging in financial contributions, contributions of their free labor as 
volunteers and most importantly by contributing their most limited and irreplaceable 
asset: their time. Ultimately we aim to get your vote, but along the way we want you to 
first become an evangelizer of sorts. We want you to become a human amplifier of the 
campaign's sphere of influence. We don't only want your vote, we want your money, your 
body, and your soul! We want you to proselytize to the masses the good news that 
ballot-box salvation is (once again) at hand. At this point, you have become a trustee of 
the institution of electoral campaigns and as such upon you is conferred the most enviable 
status of "grassroots community leader"-gatekeeper to the campaign and another handful of 
votes in the neighborhood.

And if you were with Obama for America (OFA) as a staff member chances are that you 
participated in training sessions that utilized the Marshall Ganz method for developing a 
public narrative. OFA organizers would often counsel campaign volunteers to stay away from 
engaging in discussions about specific issues and instead focus on sharing the "story of 
self," the "story of us," and the "story of now." This methodology is intended to engage 
the prospective voter at an affective level much like a 12-step group speaker or a 
born-again Christian sharing her story of how she found Jesus. And, while I'm not critical 
of Prof. Ganz for sharing the lessons that he learned under the tutelage of Cesar Chavez 
and the United Farm Workers, I am critical of the manner that OFA used his methodology to 
short-circuit a perfectly legitimate way of facilitating the raising of critical 
consciousness (a long-term proposition) for the short-sighted aim of mobilizing the 
electorate for an election-night win. That's not a way to build political sustainability 
but instead strip-mining votes, in a manner of speaking.

We can surmise that the electoral conflicts that are presented to the voting public more 
often than not limit their participation to a choice between candidate A and candidate B 
(first dimension of power). In other words, the voting public does not truly participate 
in setting the agenda (second dimension of power) as to who they really prefer to have as 
their representative and what the representation should entail in the first instance. Nor 
do they examine how they truly feel or made to feel (third dimension of power) about the 
whole question of a sham participatory democracy. Here their will is invalidated via 
post-election horse-trading in the name of practical compromises that are supposed to 
advance the public good - although the scorecard seems to demonstrate a clear advantage to 
those who wield power.

And sure, there is always the next election, but what then? Another reshuffling of deck 
chairs on the electoral Titanic? As they say in the hood, don't hate the player; hate the 
game.

BRRN: Given the reality of most low-income, Black & Latinx communities and neighborhoods 
being excluded from politics and decision making, tell about the narratives for political 
campaigns in these communities, how do they sell their candidacy? What do candidates do to 
pull them in one more time?

Carlos: In 2013 I consulted for a candidate for NYC council running for an open seat in 
the Bronx. One of his opponents was the choice of the county Democratic committee who is, 
by law, supposed to remain neutral during the primaries. However, their chosen candidate 
received the full support of essentially every member of the county committee as well as 
the support of the powerful real estate board (REBNY) who had invented a PAC named "Jobs 
for NY." Not only did the chosen candidate, with the help of the local political 
apparatchik, raise the maximum amount of campaign funds pursuant to public campaign 
finance rules, the independent expenditure group went ahead and spent near $192,000 in 
support of her candidacy and an additional approximate $11,000 specifically targeted 
against my client.

In other words, it doesn't matter that you get throngs of local constituents to donate a 
paltry $10 each of which are then matched by the NYC Campaign Finance Board. If the 
opposition is favored by a group like REBNY they're are going to get an additional 
$200,000 in spending power. And, that doesn't even include the benefits of the full 
organizational support (think campaign volunteers, election day workers, staging sites, 
etc.) that they get by virtue of being the darling of the county committee and the real 
estate interest, for instance.

According to the NYC Campaign Finance Board, during the 2013 municipal campaign cycle, 
Jobs for NY spent just shy of $7 million on behalf of its chosen candidates. How can 
anyone really believe that the voices of ordinary people have real power when their 
locally elected representatives are bought and paid for even before they take their oaths 
of office? If you look at voter turnout in many of those same low-income communities 
you'll find that voter performance often hovers at less than 10 percent of registered 
voters. Not to be confused with the number of eligible voters, only focusing on those who 
bothered to register and you still sometimes get as low as three percent turnout in a city 
where elections are determined by who wins in the primaries. The system is not broken, 
it's working just as it was designed: to suppress popular participation in the body politic.

BRRN: Often there's a perception that while national politics are completely dominated by 
power plays and political expediency, local politics, especially those at the level of 
city council, are different and there's greater room for accountability. Having worked on 
national, state and city level electoral campaigns what does your experience show?

Carlos: In the early 2000s I was just making inroads into Lower Hudson Valley politics. At 
that time one of the strategic objectives was to wrestle the[NY]State Senate from the 
hands of Republicans. The 35th district held by Republican, Nick Spano, of Yonkers, was a 
prime target. I approached the NARAL PAC about getting support for a progressive African 
American woman who was vying for that seat, Andrea Stewart-Cousins. After an exhausting 
back and forth the position of NARAL was that they couldn't support Stewart-Cousins 
because Nick was pro-choice and they didn't want to alienate him. Never mind that Nick, as 
a member of the Republican conference leadership, had always cast his vote during the 
organizational leadership meeting at the launch of each session in support of a majority 
leader who was a sworn enemy of the pro-choice movement. But such is the political logic 
of many a liberal group.

That vignette encapsulates the dilemma that progressives face in getting their chosen 
candidates elected to local office. We can organize around a progressive platform, 
recruit, develop, and launch progressive candidates, but if as a condition of getting any 
of the political "lulus" like a chairmanship or a leadership post, additional staff, or 
something as inane as a plum spot in the parking lot, they first have to sell their souls 
to the devil by aligning themselves to the organizational leadership already in place. In 
those places the money behind the power often comes from real estate industry or one of 
the many powerful business interests whose access and control of the 
legislative/appropriation process determines profit margins and windfalls.

BRRN: A lot of losing candidates, especially those running as progressive or left third 
party candidates, conclude by telling their supporters "this election is only the 
beginning, we're building a movement!" Have you ever seen a promise like that be 
fulfilled? And when people have built movements and won victories for working class 
people, where have you seen that come from?

Carlos: I witnessed the transition of Dean for America into Democracy for America (DFA) 
under Howard's brother, Jim Dean. From the beginning, it hosted something called DFA Night 
Schools via which it provided lots of useful information to those who were interested in 
entering politics as progressive candidates even if it meant challenging their local 
Democratic committee. However, when this was first happening Howard was restructuring the 
DNC and bringing in The VAN or Voter Activation Network (VoteBuilder) to implement the 
50-State Strategy. In the end, that electronic voter file capability strengthens many 
local committees and makes it even more difficult for true progressive reformers to beat 
their local machine politicians.

Take a state like NJ where the state Democratic party decides who will have access to the 
voter file. Even if you are willing to pay for it, it's up to the party to grant you 
access. Another reform-intended tactic co-opted by the political bosses. DFA certainly 
does provide information for the lay political enthusiast to use in her quest for elected 
office. But again, it doesn't matter how many progressive candidates there are if the 
rules are rigged in favor of the status quo. From the moment that new progressive is 
inducted into public office special interest will bring whatever pressure to bear in 
pursuit of their goals and objectives.

Then there was Obama for America's (OFA) transition into Organizing for America following 
Obama's win. Whereas Dean's Democracy for America functioned at arm's length from the DNC, 
Obama's Organizing for America was a ‘wholly-owned and operated' project of the DNC. It 
was supposed to help organize and mobilize the electorate to support Obama's legislative 
agenda, but as we witnessed, it seemed like the Tea Party ate their cookies and stole 
their milk money. It was a colossal flop. They tried to resuscitate it in 2013 as 
Organizing for Action (a 501 c4 org), but any serious post-mortem would conclude that the 
corpse was DOA by time Sanders announced his intention to run-his candidacy sucked the 
oxygen out of the room and left OFA and the DNC both gasping for air.

Which brings us to Bernie. Here again, I saw a glimmer of hope due mainly to the gracious 
acceptance of a self-described democratic socialist running as a mainstream candidate by 
both Democrats and independents. For many people who had all but given up on the 
superannuated DNC-RNC quadrennial tango, Bernie was a novelty. He made bold proposals that 
made the DNC establishment cringe at the thought that their Wall St. bosses were about to 
pull the plug on them and jump ship to the RNC en mass. But alas, Bernie's candidacy was 
thwarted by the powers[of the party].

BRRN: The Obama campaign was a milestone in being perceived as a progressive candidate 
that was to the left of Democratic Party establishment. It sought to mobilize a young and 
progressive bases of voters in novel and non-traditional ways. Tell us about what you saw 
working within this campaign?

Carlos: Around 2006, I was residing in Philly working on some client campaigns in the 
region when I began to pay closer attention to Barack Obama. As Sen. Harry Reid put it, he 
was "clean." I understood what Reid said through the cold lens of political calculus: 
Obama was an "acceptable," Ivy League trained, affable African American with a beautiful 
young family. If we were to break through the racial barrier he was it.

Like[Howard]Dean before him, Obama captured the attention of young America by his sheer 
novelty as a charismatic African American candidate but also because he, for the most 
part, was saying the right things. We would later come to once again be reminded of the 
observation that "they might campaign in poetry but they govern in prose." After the 
presidential campaign, Dean became head of the hydra known as the DNC and then after that 
a shill for the HMO cartels. Obama, who promised immigration reform deported more Latinos 
than his predecessors, and while he campaigned on closing Guantanamo instead dropped more 
drone-powered bombs on Muslims than the Republican he ran against.

So, what gives? It seems that no matter how much they genuinely yearn for transformative 
change once they get into the halls of power they are co-opted into the existing, 
permanent power-structure.

Robert Caro said it best when he surmised, "We're taught Lord Acton's axiom: all power 
corrupts, absolute power corrupts absolutely..." To my mind, there is a power behind the 
public face of the electoral process and it is suspect. We need to interrogate that power. 
After a lifetime of helping ordinary men and women gain access into the halls of power, I 
look around and wonder is there a better way? I hope so because at this rate we're killing 
our planet and our chances of survival as a species today stands in peril.

BRRN: Given this picture of electoral politics, where and how can regular people create 
meaningful change?

In the final analysis, true and lasting change can only come from efforts that aim to 
raise critical consciousness without regard to short-term electoral victory. Take a 
concept like that of Myles Horton's Highlander Folk School, for instance. They have been 
facilitating transformative change to people lives in their quest for social and economic 
justice for decades. It is that sort of model that provides those precious spaces where 
common people can share with each other their experiences, strengths and hopes so that the 
great challenges we face today might be conquered.

It is not via the latest slick campaign that we'll find salvation, but in the empirical 
praxis that a life of struggle brings to the cold reality of living in the most 
sophisticated system of oppression known to man.[This is]a social-economic system that 
banks on the expectation that most people will feel so beaten down by life that they 
conclude that there is no hope; that there is only surrender to the bosses, the landlord, 
the state, and hope for a better afterlife. But we know that history has provided 
instances where ordinary people have challenged that paradigm and discovered in their 
shared struggle the key to their common salvation. Myles Horton said it best when he said, 
"Nothing will change until we change-until we throw off our dependence and act for 
ourselves." No politician, no electoral victory will ever do that for us.

I still believe in those prophetic words spoken long ago by Frederick Douglass, who 
understood liberation as a lived-experience. In 1857 he said: "The whole history of the 
progress of human liberty shows that all concessions yet made to her august claims have 
been born of earnest struggle. . . . . If there is no struggle there is no progress. Power 
concedes nothing without a demand. It never did and it never will." It was true then and 
it's still true today. That is my gospel.

Recommended Follow Up Readings
The Lure of Electoralism: From Political Power to Popular Power
"Electoral Pursuits have Veered Us Away": Kali Akuno on Movements Lessons From Jackson
Wild, Unprecedented" Reformism: The Case of Larry Kranser
Socialist Faces in High Places: Syriza's Fall From Grace and the Elusive Electoral Road

http://blackrosefed.org/campaign-in-poetry-govern-in-prose-interview-with-a-former-campaign-consultant/

------------------------------

Message: 4





"In the different territories of Latin America, a continent of rebellions and 
insurgencies, different experiences of struggle with autonomous and libertarian influence 
are built. A strong people that rise from the neighborhoods and favelas, peasant and 
indigenous struggles, fronts and collective student and union performance, black 
resistance, feminist and independent media experiences. ---- We invite everyone and 
everyone to a conversation about these different experiences of struggle, seeking to make 
a panorama of the popular resistance of libertarian character in our continent. ---- We 
will have the presentation of Gastón Gutiérrez, an independent journalist from Santiago 
(Chile), who visited popular movements and organizations in Buenos Aires, Rosario, 
Corrientes (Argentina), Montevideo (Uruguay) and several states in Brazil, such as Rio 
Grande do Sul , Rio de Janeiro and Alagoas to produce a book on the subject.

Everyone and everyone invited! "

------------------------------

Message: 5






TO REMOVE THE EXCLUSION STATUS ---- NO TO THE PUBLISHING OF THE TOURNAMENT AGAINST THE 
TURKISH FASHION STATE ---- On Wednesday, May 30, political prisoner Dimitris Koufodinas 
launched a hunger strike demanding regular regular leave and abolishing the prosecution 
veto. After an intervention by the Athenian Prosecutor, Koufodtina's right to leave (which 
was denied for seven years) was lifted, resulting in the suspension of the licenses he had 
begun to take over the last few months. ---- The world of power reserves more control, 
more repression, more exploitation and fear. Behind him to rebuild the struggle 
communities, to organize our social and class fronts and our political presence to 
overthrow the plans of the political and economic elites. Let us fight to break the regime 
of political prisoners, oppose state repression and attempt to enlarge it, highlight the 
fate of state struggles at the expense of militants, fight state revival, and let none of 
us alone hands of the state. Standing by the side of D. Koufondina, who for years 
struggles with dignity through the white cells of "democracy" defending both his actions 
and the law of the struggle for a society of freedom, equality and solidarity. Standing on 
the side of Turgut Kaya who is fighting for his non-extradition to Turkey and his release. 
To stand by the side of Marios Seisidis who experiences the avenues of repressive and 
persecutory mechanisms.

In the irreversible despondency of the state and capitalist world, its deadlocks, its 
political and valueless bankruptcy, to counter the collective resistance, class 
solidarity, the emancipation of the oppressed, the unique living social perspective: the 
world of Anarchy and Liberal Communism.

SOLIDARITY:

Friday 15 / 6,6: 30 pm, Esperos (pl. Georgiou)

anarchist group "dignified horse" - member of APO and companions

------------------------------

Message: 6





Following a proposal by the Anarchist Communist Group which was supported by the Communist 
Workers Organisation and the Guildford Solidarity Group an inaugural meeting of this 
grouping was held on 2/6/18. ---- Presentations were given by speakers from the ACG and 
the CWO. Speakers pointed to the fact that the current international situation was one in 
which the drive to war was visibly increasing. The most obvious example of this was the 
present conflict in the Middle East where major powers were directly involved and the 
prospect of a wider war in which more local powers became directly involved and the major 
powers confronted each other was increasing. The conflict in the Ukraine and the standoff 
in the South China Sea were further examples. The drive to war was an outcome of the 
capitalist crisis which was driving the capitalist class to more open imperialist 
interventions together with trade wars and, of course, more vicious attacks on the working 
class. War was a direct consequence of the capitalist system and in the longer term the 
only way in which war could be avoided was the overthrow of the capitalist system and the 
establishment of socialised production. The only force able to do this was the working 
class acting on an international basis opposing all factions of the capitalist class. 
However the working class was weakened by divisions, divisions which the capitalist class 
was attempting to widen. The foremost of these was nationalism which was clearly used in 
the Brexit referendum, the US election and the small nation nationalism of the likes of 
Scotland, Catalonia, and Kurdistan. Nationalism would be used to justify future wars and 
recruit workers as cannon fodder. The only route to preventing war was the class struggle, 
and this means a struggle against the national ruling class in all nations. The slogan 
under which this struggle should be conducted was, "No war but the class war!"

Following the presentation there was an hour of discussion after which the meeting agreed 
to set up a group of facilitators. One was nominated from each of the organisations 
supporting this iniative. An email list of those supporting the London No War But the 
Class War was compiled and facilitators were tasked with keeping supporters informed of 
further meetings or actions. Further publicity would be agreed by the group of facilitators.

London NWBCW

https://londonacg.blogspot.com/2018/06/no-war-but-class-war.html

------------------------------

Message: 7






on: Monday, June 11, 2018In: slideshow , Topikoi Games , International , Civil Matter ---- 
We do not want to spoil the climate, we crumble it. We are queer that we want to celebrate 
our amazing identities and struggles for our rights together. But not at the expense of 
the rights of others. ---- The Israeli government exploits us to appear liberal and 
progressive, while violating the rights of the Palestinians on a stable basis - this is 
called rinsing (the exact English word is pinkwashisng). The government plunges the city 
of Tel Aviv as a city of freedom, and yet there are two million Palestinians imprisoned in 
Gaza 70 kilometers away. The army says it is gay friendly but uses information gathered 
for the Palestinian sexual orientation to blackmail them.

The rights are for everyone. We say about the right to marriage, while the government is 
blocking family reunification between Israeli citizens and Palestinians living in the West 
Bank or Gaza. We fight for the right to be registered as our children's parents and grow 
them in our homes while hundreds of Palestinian children sit in Israeli prisons.

Political protest is the heart of the Pride parade. Pride's month is celebrated in June to 
commemorate the Stonewalk Uprising when LGBTQs protested against community oppression and 
repression. They were not calm, they were not polite, they were uprooted.

The Palestinians also have the right to protest, but since the beginning of the Great 
Return of Return to Gaza, more than 100 protesters have been killed. As members of a 
community still fighting for full rights and equality, we will not remain silent in the 
face of human rights violations and the suppression of the right to protest. We will stand 
solidly with the Palestinians living in occupation and in siege. We are opposed to 
rinsing. We are proud of what we are, and we cry - there is no pride in possession.

LGBTQs Against Pinkwashing

Video from Intervention at Tel Aviv Pride on 08.06,2018

https://www.provo.gr/no_pride_in_occupation/

------------------------------