Anarchic update news all over the world - Part 1 - 18.06.2018

Today's Topics:

   
1.  France, Alternative Libertaire AL #284 - Chile:
      Neoliberalism, democracy and the new left (fr, it, pt) [machine
      translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
2.  Greece, Libertarian Initiative of Thessaloniki ANTIPOLEMIC
      ACTION PREPARATION 22/6 (gr) [machine translation]
      (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
3.  Greece, Libertarian Initiative of Thessaloniki:
      CONCENTRATION OF SOLIDARITY WITH D. KOUFONTINA 
      FRIDAY 15/6,
      18:30, KAMARA (gr) [machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
4.  Poland, ozzip, WORKERS' INITIATIVE: We do not accept the
      divisions that break our solidarity - a speech from
      demonstrations [machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
5.  France, Alternative Libertaire AL #284 - Biodiversity:
      Extinction: dinosaurs, bees and we (fr, it, pt)[machine
      translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
6.  Poland, rozbrat: "We are all part of the university as a"
      school-as-factory "and we want to have an impact on our
      workplaces, on the decisions that apply to us" -- Rafal
      Jakubowicz [machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
7.  zabalaza.net: anarkismo.net -- Alternatives to Capitalism:
      The Rojava Experiment (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
8.  Greece, anarchist collectivity vogliamo tutto:
      ANTIPOLEMIC-DEPARTMENT MOTORCYCLE Saturday 23 JUNE, 7 PM,
      PROPLAAIA -- The sovereigns of the earth reunite with the
      peoples, the blood borders. (gr) [machine translation]
      (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)


----------------------------------------------------------------------

Message: 1






Following a powerful student movement in 2011, Chile has seen the emergence of a radical 
left-wing coalition that has achieved some electoral success and in which part of the 
libertarian movement is participating. Where does this amazing combination come from and 
what criticisms can be made of it from a class and self-management point of view ? ---- In 
recent decades, Chile has attracted the attention of the world's left. In addition to a 
dose of exoticism, this interest can be explained by the political impact and the media 
impact of the 1973 coup d'état, the bloody dictatorship that followed, and the 
installation of a democracy " pactée "in 1989 where the fallen dictator Pinochet has 
served in Parliament alongside torturé.es, widows, widowers and orphans du.es his regime.

The alliance between dictatorship and neoliberal politics
More recently, this interest was linked to having been - and still being - a sort of 
laboratory of neoliberal policies, which has made it possible both to better describe this 
system and to think possible resistances, such as 2011 student movement. Where are we now 
? A brief historical analysis is necessary.

The 1973 coup d'état, orchestrated by the bourgeoisie and executed by the Chilean army and 
police with the financial and logistical support of the United States government, led not 
only to the persecution, disappearance and loss of life. exile of most Chilean left 
activists but also the implementation of an economic policy inspired by the neoliberal 
ideas of the " Chicago School " ". These economic policies have been accompanied by a huge 
retreat of social gains and a real destruction of the existing social fabric: the 
privatization of almost all public enterprises and social security, the 
ultra-liberalization of the labor market and the Reduction of the public service were 
accompanied by the drafting of a constitution marked by authoritarianism, the 
commodification of education and health and the prohibition of abortion. This is a warning 
to the working classes all over the world: the conflict between the free market and the 
intervention of the state is only superficial. When the time comes, the ruling class has, 
and will never have,

The arrival of democracy in 1990 promised the end of the model imposed by the dictatorship 
and the political, economic and social reconstruction of the country. However, while it is 
undeniable that during these almost thirty years of democracy the state of affairs is not 
the same as in 1989, neoliberalism still reigns and neo-conservatism is still present. 
Funny show to see the huge shopping centers in Santiago while Chile is the 14 th most 
unequal country in the world, where concerts Rihanna sell at 350 euros instead of the SMIC 
is 370 euros. At university, things are not so different: average tuition fees are 4,500 
euros per year, even in public universities.

The same is true for authoritarianism. How can a people do nothing when it is clear that 
their rights are being confiscated and forced to endure the social and economic policies 
they have been fighting for so many years ? Throughout the years 1990-2000, several days 
of mobilization were organized but it was not until 2011 that the social movement managed 
to make visible what was obvious: this democracy was a joke. That year, thousands of high 
school and university students took to the streets to end the education system set up by 
Pinochet and maintained by the Concertación, the coalition of center and left parties that 
dominated since the end of the dictatorship.

Renewal through student struggles
The population gave him strong support for the struggles: 70% declared themselves in favor 
of student demands, such as free higher education and the strengthening of public 
education. Although the mobilizations failed to transform the education system, some 
important but still insufficient reforms were put in place. In addition to these reforms, 
the wave of mobilizations brought new forms of organization within the social movement and 
the appearance of a new political subject.

It is in this context of mobilization that the " new left " managed to get organized and 
get noticed by the media and the population. The young student directorates, now public 
figures, have taken the lead in political renewal, creating or reinforcing the " new civic 
left " movements that we know today. In 2016, a good part of these movements converged on 
the Frente Amplio (FA) which, according to its declaration of principles, fights for " a 
Chile for all, respectful of the environment, where the social rights are the basis of a 
full democracy ", to which they add that" a society of rights will be possible only by 
going beyond the neoliberal economic model ". It is the thesis of the " democratic break " 
which, roughly speaking, denounces an insurmountable contradiction between democracy and 
neoliberalism. In this sense, they recognize the impossibility of changing the neoliberal 
system from the inside but they think that a democracy will not be possible unless the " 
authoritarian enclaves " installed by the dictatorship are removed.

Their strategy is therefore to create the conditions for a democratic overflow of 
neoliberal institutions by the combination of government actions and social mobilizations. 
Behind this idea, there is the substitution of the class of social class by the concepts 
of citizens and citizenship. Admittedly, the two libertarian communist movements that are 
part of the coalition, Socialismo y libertad and Izquierda libertaria, continue to talk 
about social classes, but for most of the FA the model of political subject remains the 
student movement, a true modern myth of this new left . They see in the mobilized youths 
the crystallization of the contradictions of the system, which is doubtful to say the 
least. Even if in 2011 radical positions were expressed,

The thesis of the " democratic break "
Legitimate claims sought to make life harder under neoliberalism, to provide young people 
with the tools they needed to succeed in the world of work. Access to quality public 
education, free and unselected university would have enormously contributed to the 
democratization of the country, but does this question capitalism as a mode of production 
and neoliberalism as a mode of governance ? The idea that neoliberalism is a social 
project - likely to oppose others, such as the democratic project - is itself a neoliberal 
idea. With the FA, we are well within the limits of democratic neoliberalism, which indeed 
exists, despite its theses.

The electoral aspect of this strategy has borne fruit: FA candidate in the presidential 
election, Beatriz Sánchez, made a significant score of 20%. They also won 20 MPs, 1 
senator, 4 mayors and 65 regional elected representatives. On the other hand, although the 
social movement has succeeded in restoring some rights, including the partial 
decriminalization of abortion and a scholarship system for students, it is not clear that 
its transformative power can become revolutionary. It is not more obvious that this 
corresponds to the strategy of the FA. The question that arises is not the possibility of 
reforming the political system by electoral means, but the limits of this policy. 
Unfortunately, only history can answer it.

Felipe (AL Paris Nord-Est)

Chilean libertarians and elections
It may surprise to see the movement Izquierda libertaria (IL, Left libertarian) to be part 
of Frente Amplio (FA). How could a libertarian movement not only call for electoral 
participation and subscribe to a government program, but also introduce candidates to 
parliament ? How could he go so far as to use " For a free and sovereign Chile " as a 
slogan while remaining a libertarian communist organization ? How are they arrived at this 
policy, apparently far removed from libertarian ideas ?

According to Lucas Cifuentes, general secretary of IL and spokesman of the FA, during the 
2011 movements, they " realized that, given the institutional construction of the 
political system and the current state of the social movement, it was almost it is 
impossible to produce an effective breakthrough that would enable Chileans to achieve not 
only the goal of a more dignified life but also to pave the way for broader political 
transformations . "

They declare having decided to " break into the electoral field and integrate it as a 
front of struggle.[...]very aware that if we remain isolated, we will not be able to 
produce a break and that it is therefore necessary not only to form an alliance with the 
revolutionary left, socialist but also with some sectors of the progressive left with whom 
we can have important agreements on the tasks of the present moment ". Everything is said, 
if they did not give up the horizon of a libertarian communist society, they joined the FA 
in its progressive and civic policy embodied in the thesis of " democratic rupture ". 
Admittedly, they have exceeded the threshold of historical marginality of the libertarian 
movement, but at what price ? Is this a simple mistake of appreciation or a conversion in 
social democracy ? It is difficult to know, and it is only in the coming years that we can 
judge.

There is Socialismo y libertad (MP-SOL), a split of IL, which has just published its " 
political line " (see their website Mpsol.cl). In general, his position is not too far 
from that of IL: they adhere to the thesis of democratic rupture and they too have 
integrated the " electoral front " to their activities, but their position, much more 
nuanced, makes it possible to reach an agreement with more radicalized sectors.

All the libertarians of Chile are not in the FA, notably Solidariad, close to Black Rose 
Anarchist Federation (American organization close to Anarkismo.net). Despite the 
predictable difficulties to lead a libertarian communist policy in a country like Chile 
and also errors, they managed to settle down little by little like a reference classist of 
self-management. The task is heavy, everything has to be built. It is a misfortune but 
also a chance.

http://www.alternativelibertaire.org/?Chili-Neoliberalisme-democratie-et-nouvelle-gauche

------------------------------

Message: 2






At the moment, global capitalism is experiencing another structural crisis of 
over-accumulation, which emerges clearly from its inherent internal contradictions. A 
fundamental feature of capitalism is the accumulation of profit through the exploitation 
of human labor and nature. Expansion and reproduction of capital is a necessary condition 
for the perpetuation of capitalism. States as well as capital are expansive, with each one 
wanting to expand its radius of power and influence. In order to survive in market 
competition, capital needs to spread and find international investment paths. The most 
direct way to achieve this is war. ---- As the weather passes and the rivalries between 
states - and especially the major powers - are becoming more and more intense, the 
possibility of a war of enlarged dimensions is quite large. After all, a war of local 
dimensions is being carried out, and even close to us - we see the bombing of the United 
States, Britain, France, Russia and the Assad regime in Syria every day. The big wage of 
the war is the control of rich energy sources mainly in the Middle East and the wider 
eastern Mediterranean. The "big players" on the energy control board are the states that 
are high on the pyramid of the imperialist hierarchy like the US and Russia. Of course, 
regional imperialist powers (Israel, Turkey, Iran, the powerful EU countries) play a minor 
but important role in this game, but having managed to gain relatively high negotiating 
power in the face of superpowers. Greece wishing to prove that it is a "pillar of 
stability and peace" in the Eastern Mediterranean invested in making international 
alliances in the US. However, the chances of engaging the Greek state in a war with the 
Turkish are well founded. In recent months, we have witnessed competition between the two 
countries for the prevalence of each other on energy sources in the Aegean and the Eastern 
Mediterranean. Marine plots, EEZs, airspace, coconuts, and so on are just a few of the 
reasons for a conflict and, by extension, a national war. But for us, this kind of war 
means something very specific: it means war for the interests of our bosses.

At a time when war plans are dwindling and are slowly approaching the "West" itself (eg 
Ukraine), all oppressed and exploited are those who are destined to become northerners in 
the canons of the sovereigns. War is a passage to capital so that it can emerge from the 
structural crisis of over-accumulation that capitalism itself gave birth, destroying 
stable and variable capital - through production and workers - creating new markets with 
business opportunities of excessive profitability, so that capitalists can exploit raw 
materials and workers in utterly derogatory and degrading terms so that capital can be 
reconstructed and developed after a long period of destruction, staring on the corpses of 
the international proletariat.

As anarchists we will not fight for the bosses. We are not going to turn arms barrels to 
our class brothers, from which they are only separated us artificially from top border 
lines, nations and religions, in order to reinforce the disorientation of the underpowered 
political oppression and economic exploitation that exist and divide themselves among 
themselves rather than the community of their material interests. The only war we are 
involved in is the endless social and class war,

To express this, their explicit refusal to fight for the interests of their bosses and 
their explicit aversion to the idea of picking up a weapon against any oppressed, any 
nationality, many comrades all over Greece and all over the world have decide to follow 
the path of total refusal to serve (not serving in the army in any "alternative way"). 
This decision bothers every state mechanism around the world as it challenges the basis on 
which its own existence rests: the "people" rallying around a national idea - always to 
cover up the class exploitation. Against this ideology that all he does is serve the 
interests of capital, we answer that there are no Greeks or foreigners. There are only 
proletarians,

NO WAR BETWEEN HOLDERS - NO PEACE BETWEEN TAXES

WE DO NOT WANT TO FIGHT FOR THE INTERESTS OF OUR AFFECTS

ANTIPOLEMIC PATH:

FRIDAY 22/6, 18:00, KAMARA

Eleftherial Initiative of Thessaloniki - member of the Anarchist Federation
lib_thess @ hotmail.com
http://www.libertasalonica.wordpress.com

------------------------------

Message: 3






D. Koufodinas is in prison for 16 years for his participation in the revolutionary 
organization November 17, for which he has assumed political responsibility. For years his 
self-evident right to his regular licenses was deprived of a mechanism that laid down the 
declaration of repentance and the denial of the armed struggle as a prerequisite for him 
to offer. ---- On the basis of the Dendia law (2009), any negative vote of the prosecutor 
would freeze the license even if the other two members of the three-member Prison Council 
(the representatives of the directorate and the social service of the prison) vote in 
favor. In this way, the prosecutor may veto the granting of regular leave to detainees for 
an indefinite period. After many years of refusals received by Koufontina, he finally 
received two 48-hour regular licenses in November 2017 and February 2018, during which he 
was subjected to restrictive restrictive measures. A new terrorist campaign has begun. The 
profound state of rage has cast every facet of democracy: both the prosecutor of the Court 
of Appeals Savvaidis and the Prosecutor of the Court of First Instance Spiliotas were 
faced with disciplinary prosecutions, because they dared to give a positive vote to the 
fighter's permission by simply applying the law. The new Prosecutor of the First Instance 
of Piraeus, I. Chatzoglou, took office only on 8/6, although he was appointed by PD. by 
Kontoni on 10/5. As if that were not enough, the existing Prison Council has not yet met. 
Faced with the unprecedented approaches of the deep state, Koufodinas decided on 30 May 
2018 to start a hunger strike.

He is currently being hospitalized at the General Hospital of Nicaea, suffering from his 
health, by denying any possible attempt at forced feeding. His demands are:

a / Regular license

b / abolition of the prosecution veto

CONCENTRATION:
FRIDAY 15/6, 18:30, KAMARA
Occupation Terra Incognita

Eleftherial Initiative of Thessaloniki

Collectivism of anarchists from the east

------------------------------

Message: 4





We are publishing a speech by Rafal Jakubowicz from a demonstration held on 13 June 2018 
in Poznan against the reform of the higher education system. ---- I represent the IPO 
Inter-enterprise Commission at the Theater of the Eighth Day, which supported the protests 
of students and employees of UAM and, above all, students and employees of UAP. I will say 
a few bitter words. I will not talk about the university in terms of "community", because 
we have proved many times that we are not, unfortunately, a community. I will not appeal 
to the university's ethos, because I can not see this ethos today. I will talk about the 
university as a workplace and about our employee interests that we must now defend. ---- 
Harry Cleaver wrote about the "school-as-factory", which can be a field of struggle and 
resistance. And this way of thinking about the university is close to me. In the 1990s, 
during the transformation period, the world of science abandoned the world of work. 
Academic intelligence has turned its back on workers hoping to rebuild the education 
industry. Either the world of work was ignored or it was emphasized that he should accept 
the changes. Academics defended civil liberties, but they did not support workers' rights 
of miners from restructured mines or SSE employees. The lecturers wanted to be seen as 
part of the elite as a state aristocracy. And from this position they approved the shock 
therapy - saying that it is necessary that there is no alternative to it. Academics 
justify growing social inequalities - treating them as necessary to bear the costs. costs 
which they did not have to bear themselves. They quashed workers' protests - as 
incomprehensible adventurism. They produced language, discourse, which contributed to the 
stigmatization of workers - as "claimants," "orphans after communism," "homo 
sovieticusów." The academic community, propagating the ideas of the free market, hoped 
that it would remain forever excluded from the brutal logic of capital.

Today, we see that it did not happen. But we still can not connect our own situation with 
the situation of the world of work and current class fights. We can not think about our 
work in terms of wage labor - that is why we often talk about the "mission" that we 
purport to fill out, demanding special privilege. Today, we are exactly in the place where 
formerly workers were restructured mines, steelworks and shipyards.

But we do not want to be treated as we allowed to treat employees in other sectors. We do 
not want our workplaces to be privatized as, for example, the Rzeszów-based Alima. Thanks 
to this reform, the reform of Gowin, which enhances control, we can, paradoxically, 
finally abandon the illusion that knowledge can be produced beyond the supervision of 
capital and we can become part of a wider field of class struggle. Because the reform will 
result in cost optimization, restructuring, reorganization, and extension of auditing 
methods management. So everything that has already met employees of most other sectors, 
and what is referred to as privatization.

In the scientific community in the 1990s a strong sense of elitism combined with class 
racism prevailed. This classicism usually manifests itself in situations when changes 
affect those university employees who are not perceived in the university staff category - 
that is, administration, porters and cleaners employed in the worst conditions, often by 
external companies. Their working conditions are the price that we were usually willing to 
pay in exchange for our lecturers - relative safety. The question is also the conformism 
prevailing at the university and the general agreement on feudal power relations, which is 
best seen in the example of the powerlessness which overwhelmed and paralyzed some student 
self-governments, distancing themselves in embarrassing statements from our protests. The 
mechanism of making academic careers causes that most of them try to subjugate, adapt and 
survive. In this context, the last days and today's event are truly exceptional and I'm 
happy to be able to participate in them together.

We must finally think in terms of employee categories. We can not allow ourselves to lose 
the remainder of our autonomy. And we have strength. Because, as Beverly Silver wrote, 
employees in the education sector play a key role in capital accumulation in the 21st 
century, as did textile workers in the 19th century or automotive industry employees in 
the 20th century. This time, however, we do not agree to the antagonistic environment of 
divisions for academic staff, administration and service staff, full-time and precarious 
employees - which break our solidarity. We are all part of the university as a 
"school-as-factory" and we want to influence our workplaces and the decisions that apply 
to us.

The reform is to introduce the University Councils. And I do not want for a moment in such 
a college council sat a businessman, for example, a furniture maker, or a bishop who is a 
bishop, and that they would jointly define the framework for the freedom of artistic 
expression.

Link to the Statement of the Presidium of the Interprovincial Committee of the OZZ 
Employee Initiative at the Eighth Day Theater in Poznan on support for protests against 
the reform of higher education:

http://www.ozzip.pl/teksty/dokumenty/oswiadczenia/item/2388-osiwadczenie-prezydium-kz-teatr-8-dnia-poparcie-protestow-ustawa-2-0

http://ozzip.pl/teksty/informacje/wielkopolskie/item/2389-nie-godzimy-sie-na-podzialy-ktore-rozbijaja-nasza-solidarnosc-przemowienie-z-demonstracji

------------------------------

Message: 5






The productivist logic of capitalism is at the origin of the collapse of biodiversity. To 
curb it will require at the same time to register in concrete resistances, to oppose 
frontally to capitalism and to work so that a convergence converges between social 
struggles and ecological struggles. ---- The destruction of natural environments is the 
first cause of disappearance of animal and plant species. For three years, about a hundred 
experts from 45 countries, under the aegis of IPBES ("   Intergovernmental Science and 
Policy Platform on Biodiversity and Ecosystem Services   ") have synthesized studies on 
the degradation of natural environments ( Le Monde of March 26, 2018). The situation is 
alarming: we are facing a widespread phenomenon of degradation that affects all land 
surfaces. If less than a quarter of the terrestrial expanses still escape the substantial 
effects of human activity, this share will fall to 10% in 2050: mostly deserts, 
mountainous regions, tundra and polar territories.

The effects of chain destruction of pesticides
The expansion of agriculture is targeted - "   especially in its most intensive forms   ," 
said Florent Kohler, who participated in the development of the report. He points to the " 
   increasingly unsustainable share of forage crops   " to feed western cattle. Examples 
include Brazil, Argentina and Paraguay, where deforestation and the massive use of 
air-dropped glyphosate over GM soybean plots destroy the lives of indigenous peoples and 
ecosystems ( Le Monde du Monde). March 26, 2018).

Finally, it is not possible to ignore the massive poisoning of farmland by pesticides 
spilled by agrochemicals. In response to the accumulating evidence linking neonicotinoids 
to the decline of bees, the European Commission launched in 2012 a review of the 
scientific literature. Published in January 2013, this document concludes that the three 
most used products "   represent an unacceptable risk for bees   ". Of course, it is all 
the insects in Europe that is affected and has regressed quantitatively by nearly 80%, all 
categories combined and by consequence birds, fish, amphibians ...

Other factors are also involved, such as logging, mining and oil extraction, or excessive 
and uncontrolled urbanization. Similarly to climate change when the temperature elevation 
makes improper territories to life for certain plants or animals (see article below cons " 
   The 6 th mass extinction   ").

What to do ?
Fight against the use of fossil fuels, fight agrochemical giants, fight against all major 
Useless and Imposed Projects (GPII) ... In fact, there is no solution to the decline of 
biodiversity without s' to attack the engine of capitalism: growth.

It is probably necessary not to forget this reality to avoid being content with half 
measures unable to get us out of the rut. Indeed, what to expect, for example from Nicolas 
Hulot, French Minister for the ecological and solidarity transition, who on May 19, 2018, 
who calls "   to the mobilization of all, including economic actors, to fight against the 
collapse of the biodiversity   . It would be almost laughable if the stakes were not so high.

The fight is titanic and it would be even worse to be discouraged and do nothing. If our 
fight is necessarily global with regard to the stakes, it will be embodied in concrete 
actions of resistance against all these big capitalist projects. It will also be embodied 
in all these experiences of production and consumption in rupture with the globalization 
of agriculture and the domination of agriculture by the multinationals of chemistry, by 
developing or supporting projects of local production, the projects organic farming. As an 
extension of this logic, changing our own lifestyle will reinforce this logic of 
resistance, and assertion that another form of life is possible.

To oppose capitalism to a transformative utopia is necessary to reinforce our hope of 
seeing another world born. Symbolic moments, such as intergovernmental summits on climate 
disruption or the collapse of biodiversity, must be used to promote the necessary break 
with capitalism. In the end, the biodiversity crisis we are facing forces us to approach 
the issue globally and to tackle all our sectoral struggles within this global framework. 
Too often, social struggles and ecological struggles have been opposed. Too often, trade 
unionists oppose environmental struggles in the name of defending the interests of working 
people. In mirror, ecological associations too often treated the employees as enemies.

We must finish with these practices. In our unions and our associations of struggle, we 
must have a transversal slogan: convergence of social struggles and ecological struggles.

AL Ecology Commission

http://www.alternativelibertaire.org/?61-La-6e-extinction-massive

------------------------------

Message: 6







"The content of the speech given to yesterday's All-Poland protest against Act 2.0 / Poznan 
---- I represent the IPO Inter-enterprise Commission at the Theater of the Eighth Day, 
which supported the protests of students and employees of UAM and, above all, students and 
employees of UAP. ---- I will say a few bitter words. I will not talk about the university 
in terms of "community", because we have proved many times that we are not, unfortunately, 
a community. I will not appeal to the university's ethos, because today I can not see this 
ethos. I will talk about the university as a workplace and about our employee interests 
that we must now defend. ---- Harry Cleaver wrote about the "school-as-factory", which can 
be a field of struggle and resistance. And this way of thinking about the university is 
close to me. In the 1990s, during the transformation period, the world of science 
abandoned the world of work. Academic intelligence has turned its back on workers hoping 
to rebuild the education industry. Either the world of work was ignored or it was 
emphasized that he should accept the changes. Academics defended civil liberties, but they 
did not support workers' rights of miners from restructured mines or SSE employees. The 
lecturers wanted to be seen as part of the elite as a state aristocracy. And from this 
position they approved the shock therapy - saying that it is necessary that there is no 
alternative to it. Academics justify growing social inequalities - treating them as 
necessary to bear the costs. costs, which they did not have to bear themselves. They 
quashed workers' protests - as incomprehensible adventurism. They produced language, 
discourse, which contributed to the stigmatization of workers - as "claimants," "orphans 
after communism," "homo sovieticusów." The academic community, propagating the ideas of 
the free market, hoped that it would remain forever excluded from the brutal logic of capital.

Today, we see that it did not happen. But we still can not connect our own situation with 
the situation of the world of work and current class fights. We can not think about our 
work in terms of wage labor - that is why we often talk about the "mission" that we 
purport to fill out, demanding special privilege. Today, we are exactly in the place where 
formerly workers were restructured mines, steelworks and shipyards.

But we do not want to be treated as we allowed to treat employees in other sectors. We do 
not want our workplaces to be privatized as, for example, the Rzeszów-based Alima. Thanks 
to this reform, the reform of Gowin, which enhances control, we can, paradoxically, 
finally abandon the illusion that knowledge can be produced beyond the supervision of 
capital and we can become part of a wider field of class struggle. Because the reform will 
result in cost optimization, restructuring, reorganization, and extension of auditing 
methods management.
So everything that has already met employees of most other sectors, and what is referred 
to as privatization.

In the scientific community in the 1990s a strong sense of elitism combined with class 
racism prevailed. This classicism usually manifests itself in situations when changes 
affect those university employees who are not perceived in the university staff category - 
that is, administration, porters and cleaners employed in the worst conditions, often by 
external companies. Their working conditions are the price that we were usually willing to 
pay in exchange for our lecturers - relative safety. The question is also the conformism 
prevailing at the university and the general agreement on feudal power relations, which is 
best seen in the example of the powerlessness which overwhelmed and paralyzed some student 
self-governments, distancing themselves in embarrassing statements from our protests. The 
mechanism of making academic careers causes that most of them try to subjugate, adapt and 
survive. In this context, the last days and today's event are truly exceptional and I'm 
happy to be able to participate in them together.

We must finally think in terms of employee categories. We can not allow ourselves to lose 
the remainder of our autonomy. And we have strength. Because, as Beverly Silver wrote, 
employees in the education sector play a key role in capital accumulation in the 21st 
century, as did textile workers in the 19th century or automotive industry employees in 
the 20th century. This time, however, we do not agree to the antagonistic environment of 
divisions for academic staff, administration and service staff, permanent and precarious 
employees - which break our solidarity. We are all part of the university as a 
"factory-school" and we want to influence our workplaces, to the decisions that apply to us.
The reform is to introduce the University Councils. And I do not want for a moment in such 
a college council sat a businessman, for example, a furniture maker, or a bishop who is a 
bishop, and that they would jointly define the framework for the freedom of artistic 
expression.

Link to the  Statement of the Presidium of the Interprovincial Committee of the OZZ 
Employee Initiative at the Eighth Day Theater in Poznan on support for protests against 
the reform of higher education 
http://www.ozzip.pl/teksty/dokumenty/oswiadczenia/item/2388-osiwadczenie-prezydium-kz-teatr-8-dnia-poparcie-protestow-ustawa-2-0

------------------------------

Message: 7





In this education series we look at experiments, which have arisen through working class 
struggles, to create alternatives to capitalism. This will include looking at present and 
past alternatives to capitalism. In doing this, we are not saying these experiments should 
be carbon copied - they have often taken place in very different times and contexts. ---- 
Rather we are trying to show that, through struggle and experimentation, new societies 
that overturn capitalism can be brought into being; even under very harsh conditions. 
This, we believe, provides hope to working class struggles: what we have today under the 
capitalist and state system can be ended and replaced by a better society. Experiments in 
alternatives show clearly how another world is possible.
In this article, the first article of the education series on alternatives to capitalism, 
we look at an experiment that is taking place today, known as the Rojava Revolution, to 
overturn capitalism and the state system in northern Syria (which is being subjected to an 
imperialist and civil war). In Rojava a social revolution, influenced by libertarian 
socialism, has been underway since 2012 and a new society has emerged in the process.

Alternatives to Capitalism: The Rojava Experiment
Shawn Hattingh (ZACF)

In this education series we look at experiments, which have arisen through working class 
struggles, to create alternatives to capitalism. This will include looking at present and 
past alternatives to capitalism. In doing this, we are not saying these experiments should 
be carbon copied - they have often taken place in very different times and contexts.

Rather we are trying to show that, through struggle and experimentation, new societies 
that overturn capitalism can be brought into being; even under very harsh conditions. 
This, we believe, provides hope to working class struggles: what we have today under the 
capitalist and state system can be ended and replaced by a better society. Experiments in 
alternatives show clearly how another world is possible.

In this article, the first article of the education series on alternatives to capitalism, 
we look at an experiment that is taking place today, known as the Rojava Revolution, to 
overturn capitalism and the state system in northern Syria (which is being subjected to an 
imperialist and civil war). In Rojava a social revolution, influenced by libertarian 
socialism, has been underway since 2012 and a new society has emerged in the process.

Rojava is an outcome of the struggle that has been waged by the Kurds for national 
liberation. Nonetheless, it has gone beyond even national liberation and has become an 
experiment to create a confederation of worker and community councils and communes to 
replace capitalism and the state.

Initially up until the 1990s, the Kurdish national liberation struggle was mainly 
influenced by Stalinism. However, in the late 1990s the movement began reflecting and 
analysing the failed experiments in Russia, China and Cuba which saw the Communist Parties 
in those countries setting up state capitalism in the name of revolution. As part of the 
reflection and analyses, the Kurdish liberation movement - in which the Kurdish Workers' 
Party (PKK) plays a key role - came to view all states as hierarchical and patriarchal 
institutions that, far from brining freedom, always ensured the oppression of a majority 
by a minority that headed these states.

As part of this, by the early 2000s, the Kurdish liberation movement had come to be 
heavily influenced by some of the ideas - although not all - of the libertarian socialist 
Murray Bookchin. Bookchin himself started out his political life as a Stalinist but moved 
to anarchism before adopting a form of libertarian socialism based on communalism, social 
ecology, feminism and libertarian municipalism.

Under this, the goal of the Kurdish movement broadened to struggle for a revolution in the 
Middle East as a whole. As part of this desired revolution, and in line with its left 
libertarian and feminist orientation, the movement has explicitly stated that it does not 
aim to create a state; but rather a system of direct democracy that would be defined by 
people setting up assemblies, councils and communes that are confederated together. It has 
called this ‘democratic confederalism'. However, there are contradictions too; for example 
there is a glorification of the symbolic leader of the Kurdish struggle, Abdullah Ocalan, 
that runs counter the egalitarian goals of democratic confederalism.

Nonetheless, in Rojava in 2012 - as the Syrian state withdrew from the area as the civil 
war erupted - elements of democratic confederalism (although not all) began to be 
implemented. As part of this communes, federated neighbourhood assemblies and a federated 
Rojava council have been established with the aim of ensuring that there is a direct 
democracy in Rojava without a state. Women play a central role in this and each community 
assembly, commune or council has to ensure gender equality amongst the mandated and 
recallable delegates that participate in these forums. This is one of the central pillars 
of the experiment in feminism.

In terms of the economy, it has been reported that the people in Rojava have also begun 
rolling back aspects of capitalism. Some sources estimate that 80% of the economy is now 
run through democratic workers' co-operatives. Small private businesses still exist, but 
they are reportedly accountable to the communes - and are mandated by these to meet the 
needs of the people.

To defend the Revolution, Rojava has established a democratic militia called the People's 
Protection Units (YPG), in which unit leaders are elected and recallable. The 
establishment of democratic militia has been part of shunning the notions of a 
hierarchical standing army, which are associated with states. Thousands of people - 
including from other countries - have joined these militia and have been engaged in 
struggle against various grouping wishing to destroy the revolution, including the Islamic 
State (ISIS). Women play a central role in the militia - in fact there are women-only 
militia's called the Women's Protection Units (YPJ). The YPJ are some of the best units of 
all and played a key role in the defeat of ISIS.

Rojava, however, does face threats. Internally a state may yet still arise, and the 
elevation and glorification of Ocalan is deeply concerning. Externally, the biggest threat 
to Rojava in the foreseeable future is Turkey. In January 2018, Turkey invaded parts of 
Rojava to stop the revolution spreading to its territory - which has a large Kurdish 
population. The invasion is ongoing. The US temporarily backed Rojava militia against 
ISIS. With the defeat of ISIS, however, it too could turn on Rojava. Despite the threats, 
Rojava shows a more just society can be created by working class struggles, even in the 
context of a harsh civil war.

https://zabalaza.net/2018/06/14/alternatives-to-capitalism-the-rojava-experiment/

https://www.anarkismo.net/article/31043

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Message: 8






In Greece, Turkey, Syria the enemy is in banks and ministries. ---- Solidarity is the 
weapon of the peoples , a war in the state, bosses and their fascist reserves. ---- Within 
a global landscape that compose the war, the economic and military interventions, the 
exacerbation of intra-capitalist antagonisms for world control and hegemony, the plunder 
of the natural environment and the human societies, it is now more understandable than 
ever, that impoverishment , our complete submission and extermination are the 
prerequisites for the perpetuation of the system. The only future that capitalism and 
every state form of organization have to offer is destruction and death. ---- Today, more 
than ever, it is understood that the military operations on the Syrian territory are not a 
single conflict, they have the same denominator as what is happening in Ukraine, and they 
are the condensation of the intuitive antagonisms for world control and hegemony. In 
Syria, the two major US powers are involved, with their ally the EU. (a member of which is 
also the Greek state) and Russia, as well as regional powers such as Turkey, Iran and 
Saudi Arabia, who want the largest possible portion of the world reappearance.The 
conflicts, alliances and agreements that are taking place against the backdrop of the war 
in Syria are so fluid that it is understood that the dominant camps can not yet be 
delimited. However, the involvement of all these lethal war machines on such a small 
terrain does not bode well for them from below. And if the US (Nato-EU) and the world over 
the last few years, they seem to be experiencing (for various reasons) vibrations in their 
omnipotence, which has made it the main enemy of Russia to believe that power correlations 
can change to its advantage.

At the same time, the change in geopolitical power relations determines the movements and 
alliances of a number of states, more or less powerful, aiming at more power and wealth. 
This also shows us what is happening in the southeastern Mediterranean against the 
background of the AOZ. (Exclusive Economic Zones), where the Greek state has concluded 
agreements with Israel, Egypt and Cyprus, among other things, for the exploitation of the 
energy deposits in the south of the island, while at the same time through its alliances 
it seeks to strengthen its position both in the wider region, as well as towards the 
Turkish state.At the same time, it hopes to intensify the problems within the country's 
neighbor and other frictions to arise in the already tense relations between Turkey and 
the USA. in order to exploit it in order to find itself in a better position in this 
always "competitive neighbourhood". In this direction, the Greek state, as a member of 
NATO, provides everything that is required to strengthen existing US-Nato military bases 
(Souda, Araxos) and settle new ones, such as the city of Larissa (or Alexandroupolis) May 
2018 a unit of unmanned aircraft (MQ-9 Reaper type) of American military forces has been 
transferred. On the other side Turkey strengthens its aggressive stance utilizing its 
military machine (the two thatbut at the same time following a seemingly contradictory 
foreign policy, it seeks to take advantage of the gaps that emerge in the world chessboard 
from the rivalry between Russia and the US, concluding alliances with one or another 
superpower. At the same time, it follows the same "contradictory" policy with the EU, 
moving once in a direction of approach and sometimes conflict, trying to upgrade its role 
in the global hierarchy.

Against this backdrop, the Macedonian issue was reopened due to the intended enlargement 
of the EU and NATO, two supranational mechanisms of economic and military 
enforcement.Greece is already a member of these two mechanisms and Macedonia is seeking 
its membership. Through the negotiation, the name of the two states aims to achieve more 
favorable conditions and to strengthen their position towards each other in their future 
alliance in NATO and the EU. At the same time, they are decisive for shaping the situation 
and restarting it "Macedonian issue" is the pursuit of both the Greek capital, for further 
expansion to the neighboring country as well as the Greek state for the protection and 
promotion of its economic interests and the hegemony in the wider area in the market. 
While we must not forget the role of the Turkish state, which is trying to promote its own 
plans both in the Balkans and the Middle East. That isthe issue reopened to serve the 
economic, military and political interests of the sovereigns. This is why nationalisms are 
being stimulated on both sides of the border and polarization is being created. At the 
moment, therefore, when more and more authoritarian laws are being enacted, which 
increasingly exacerbate poverty, control, exploitation, exclusion and lead to ever-larger 
social fragments in marginalization, the state attempts to disorient us by trying to 
reconcile exploiters and exploiters under the imaginary community of the nation and to 
convince us that the enemy is national rather than class. Samuel Johnson once said: 
"Patriotism is the last refuge of the rogue". We say today:  "The more they steal your 
life, so they feed you with nation and race." The dilemma that has to be put on everyone 
and all is: I will be with the authority that speaks of patriotic responsibility and calls 
for national cohesion or I will be with the racing and subversive part of society . 
Because the enemy is not national, it is class. That is why our struggle is against their 
state, capital and their fascist reserves.It also passes through the degradation of the 
patriotic feather, as well as the constant claim of the urban space, where we have to 
challenge our speech, to stop with our actions and to isolate all sorts of fascists. By 
intervening in workplaces, schools, universities, quarters, squares and cafes, every inch 
of public space. Our struggle is against the exploitation and oppression of man by man, 
for a world of equality, solidarity, justice and freedom. Our struggle is 
internationalist, against homelands and borders, against nationalism and intolerance.

At the moment, therefore, that capitalism is constantly moving towards an ever more 
complete model, both politically and economically, and modern totalitarianism takes hold 
on the lives of the oppressed and the exploited, while the powerful are preparing, 
building their alliances , for yet another global conflict, the only dilemma for the 
underworld of this world is again the same ... liberal communism or barbarism.

The oppressors have nothing to gain from our participation in the inter-egoistic wars that 
attempt to draw us, nor do we have to separate something from below. It is our class, 
political, and internationalist duty to become the embankment of local and foreign 
nationalisms and the new wave of nationalist delusion that they dig into the media, 
church, partieson the occasion of the "Macedonian question". Against the geostrategic 
antagonisms of the states that have transformed the planet and, above all, the Middle East 
into a war zone, to pre-empt the solidarity of the peoples and to speculate that we are 
not and will not be meat for their cannons. The only war that makes sense to us and can 
put an end to state and capitalist barbarism and to all wars is the war against every 
power, the overthrow of the state and capital. To oppose the fragmented and bloody Balkans 
of the States, a Balkan peninsula free from border scars and religious and nationalist 
segregation, the Balkans as a free movement of locals and immigrants, the Balkans as a 
single commune, the Balkans from below .

Internationalist struggles against nationalism, fascism, intolerance and sovereign wars, 
overthrowing state and capitalist barbarism, social revolution, anarchy and communism.

ANTIPOLEMIC AND DEPARTMENT MOTORCYCLE

Saturday 23 JUNE, 7 PM, PREGNANCY

  anarchist collectivity Vogliamo tutto e per tutti

http://vogliamotutto.espivblogs.net/2018/06/15

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