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zaterdag 23 juni 2018
Anarchic update news all over the world - 22.06.2018
Today's Topics:
1. Greece, On the presence of the initiative of women against
patriarchy in the 3rd patras pride by denial horse APO (gr)
[machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
2. Britain, anarchist communist group ACG: Review: Wobblies of
the World: A Global History of the IWW (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
3. Britain, solfed: THE PROTEST AGAINST FORTIS STUDENT LETTING
AGENCY CONTINUES! (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
4. awsm.nz: AARGH! The latest aargh! (Aotearoa Anarchist Review
for Gloomy Hypocrisy) is out and available at the shop for the
incredibly low price of $2! - Lama (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
5. France, Alternative Libertaire AL #284 - Spain: Faced with
the rapists, "we are the pack!" (fr, it, pt)[machine translation]
(a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
6. libertaria Initiative of Thessaloniki: AB Vassilopoulos:
another working ward (gr) [machine translation]
(a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
7. alas barricadas: Together we are strong, together we take
care of ourselves (ca) [machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
----------------------------------------------------------------------
Message: 1
Our presence in the 3rd patras pride is a political choice based on a number of things.
For us, oppressions in the field of gender divisions have a common root with them on the
basis of sexuality, patriarchy. That is why we consider the support and the solidarity of
the subjects that fight against what oppresses them. Patriarchy is an integral part of
capitalism. In the era of the economic crisis, the state seeks to shift the sepulchralism
of the state, capitalist and patriarchal way of organization into society. Thus, as long
as the attack and the policy of zero tolerance are intensified, anyone who is different
from the social framework defined by the system is excluded and led to isolation. ---- The
consolidation of the international anniversary practice of the annual pride is linked to
the Stonewall uprising. An important moment, which was the cause of the evolution of lgbtq
+ movements. The events that took place in New York City (1969) are considered crucial to
the development of the organization of the American and international homosexual movement.
Repressed homosexuals claimed their visibility and rights in the streets. In the wake of
the rebellion, dozens of LGBTQ organizations were formed that encouraged individuals not
to hide their sexual identities and propagated their active participation in racing
initiatives. It is worth noting that with the Stonewall uprising, the issue of sexual
preferences has gained a political facet.
The connection of the stonewall with the modern Pride is clear as to the need of the
suppressed subject. However, the way prides are organized in Athens and Thessaloniki does
not match the original features of the Stonewall rebellion. This is due to a routine
practice of the dominating system to assimilate those who resist. It underscores the
struggles and repackages them with institutional features that the authority itself
defines. Sponsors, co-operation with municipalities, police custody and political parties
define the context of the process. The patras pride is one of several efforts made in
Greece for self-organized pride.
The goal of our struggles must not be to integrate into the existing society, nor the
visibility because we have to understand that we will never be all equal and free in this
society. We do not want the existing system to embrace and accept us, but we are
struggling for another society of equality, solidarity and freedom.
For these reasons, we must organize and gather together in class and through our existence
on the road to fight all forms of power and oppression, knowing that only an extreme,
classless and libertarian world of equality, freedom and solidarity can fit us. We resist
the regime's frameworks that dominate us, and we organize ourselves with our own
characteristics, unconstitutional and self-organized. We are well aware that we are not
free these two days of the year but such a festival can be a momentary kin-symbol that
will keep the flame of the rebellion of stonewall, the flame of resistance,
self-organization and kinematic memory alive.
AGAINST STATE, CAPITAL AND Patriarch emancipation AND FREEDOM
FOR REPEAL of gender segregation and empower ALL of the exploited and oppressed: women,
LGBTQI +, immigrant and women workers
against fascism, sexism AND MODERN TOTALITARIANISM
* In both days of the festival there will be a table with printed material of the
initiative of women against patriarchy
** Friday after 21:00, due to our participation in the solidarity course with D.
Koufontina and Turgut Kaya. The call on the way here .
Women's Initiative Against Patriarchy
--------------------------------------------------------------
Contributing to the initiative of women against patriarchy in the two days for anarchy and
libertarian communism Posted by denial horse
Presentation of the Women's Initiative against Patriarchy.
The importance of the organization of women and the struggle against Patriarchate as part
of the wider struggle against state and capital.
The women's initiative against patriarchy was created when, on the occasion of 25 the
November, declared by the UN as International Day for the Elimination of Violence against
Women, we created the need to talk about the introduction of such kathesotiki days. It is
obvious that the 25 to November in no way implies the elimination of violence against
women, since in reality, through aponoimatodotisis and then the epananoimatodotisis of the
sovereignty and the existing system is achieved once more the perversion of the case of
female emancipation.
Setting up such an initiative was a matter of long time. Modern events of patriarchy are
intensifying as the systemic crisis intensifies, the attack of the sovereigns and the
effort of ruling society. The countless recent examples are clear. From 2012, with the
bewilderment of HIV-positive women in a period of zero tolerance and extermination, until
the recent condemnation of the 22-year-old PA. in Corinth who defended herself against her
rapist, there are thousands of daily examples of violence against women in various fields.
The dozens of rapes, humiliation and further attack on combatants in repressive
enterprises, special working conditions of women, trafficking are just some of them,
The importance of the organization of women, as well as the existence of a subject
expressing a position from an anarchist, social and class viewpoint to constitutional
instabilities and institutional claims, was something that was missing from the
kinesthetic reality of Patras. Thus, because of the attack we are experiencing the piece
of gender segregation and after the opening of the 25 th November, we decided to set up a
permanent meeting women for the struggle against patriarchy. Soon the initiative was
massed, which showed us that the need to organize women, as we originally arose, is one
more widespread need.
The basic principle of the capitalist system is the exploitation of man by man. The
hierarchically structured relations generated by inequality and indecision separate
societies from class, ethnicity, skin color, sex, sexual preference. Capitalism involves
individual forms of power in order to break down from the bottom, aiming at cultivating
and reproducing fear and exclusion among the oppressed in all fields. Patriarchy is a
cornerstone of the world of power and a key element of its social reproduction. It is
cultivated and enforced at every level of the social organization. For its part,
sovereignty seeks to impose the fragmentation of the working class in order to preserve
social peace,
The attack on femininity tries to remind us of our feminine nature as something that we
are suppressed and tortured further. However, gender-based oppression is not separate from
all the other forms of repression stemming from the structure and operation of the
dominant system.
At the time of the takeover of the state and the bosses, the main pillars of authority
attempt to transfer the rotteness of the state, capitalist and patriarchal way of
organization into society. As the crisis deepens, the more attack we receive in all fields
is getting worse. Political management imposes the doctrine of zero tolerance by crushing
whoever is unnecessary, who is not in accordance with the social framework it defines. It
feeds social cannibalism to survive. The diffusion of racism and the promotion of
socialism come as a continuation of the institutional enslavement of the state of
exclusion for the evildoers and absentees, their being described as "unnecessary
populations". The intensity of phenomena such as interference in the labor market,
Then, recognizing on the basis of the previous analysis that the attack on the field of
gender divisions and the attack on sexuality have a common root in patriarchy, we have
dealt with the Stonewall uprising by criticizing the modern Pride. A critical point of our
criticism was how an important moment in the history of the movements of the LOTS has
evolved - in most cases - into an assimilated and status-based feast. Something that is
targeted by sovereignty in an attempt to incorporate the various movements and alter their
characteristics to assimilate those who resist and reduce their radicalism. Sponsors,
co-operation with municipalities, embassies and political parties define the context and
boundaries of such a process. The organization of Pride in Athens and Thessaloniki as
NGOs, commercial sponsorship, aesthetics, and the promotion of very specific standards in
them, reflect precisely this congressional commitment to the sovereignty. These, of
course, do not apply to all Pride, since there are some that attempt to at least shake off
their institutional features, operating in a self-organized way, in Patras, Thessaloniki
and Crete.
This work helped us respond to Patras Pride's call to a meeting in Aigio because of the
trial that was set there for the homophobic and sexist delirium of Metropolitan Ambrosios.
So, we made our own call to the gathering and we were outside the Aigio Courthouse,
realizing that we need to intervene where the racist, sexist and homophobic propaganda of
the state and patriarchy occurs. We chose to be there, knowing that all individual
oppressions are the result of the capitalist system, and only if the individual struggles
are connected we will be able to achieve true freedom for all of us, which can only exist
in a non-class society of equality and solidarity.
This movement was of great importance, on the one hand, because in the city of Aigio there
are often no anti-fascist mobilizations and interventions. On the other hand, because we
and Patras Pride have tried to demonstrate the role of the church in socially
consolidating the framework of the state of exclusion of "unnecessary populations,"
defined by sovereignty, as mentioned before. Thus, the church performs its negligible work
within the state / capitalist system. The diffusion of one speech in the pattern of the
triple Paters-Religion-Family reproduces specific patterns for the woman as a mother and
man within the family. One reason that strengthens the dominant gender roles. That's why,
on Thursday 15 March, we all stood together in the streets of Aigio, collectively and
consistently against fascism, sexism and homophobia. And so we will continue to deal with
everyone who lives and lives.
The struggle of women to release them from the bonds of patriarchy is an integral part of
the struggle for the abolition of state and capitalist imposition. That is why we choose
to collectivize as women, to organize and to resist all together, with the workers, the
unemployed, the students, the students, the people of the people, to join our voices and
our action with the vision of an equality society , freedom and solidarity.
An important move of the initiative was the 8 th concentration March, a statutorily
established day, once again attempting to defy any fighting claim, every historical stock
and collective memory that can go ahead with the struggle for female emancipation. For us
there was an excuse to look for our roots as fighters in the struggles that are
historically connected to this day and to recognize that they are part of us. But globally
it was important at a kinematic level, as this year was the first international meeting of
women fighting in Caracol, Morelia (Mexico), Spain was declared a general strike, while in
Turkey, as every year, it was a central moment of anarchist women's action . The massive
concentration and the great social response gives us a message that the issues that we are
opening up to today are real and employ a large number of women. From November until
today, we have carried out many massive interventions in the city center of Patras, with
posters, slogans and triciks.
In every move, we seek internationalism to be central. Drawing inspiration from modern
(and not) examples of rebellious societies and women struggling around the world, we take
the strength to continue our struggle here and now, with new means of struggle and new
forms of organization, we perceive world capital as opposed to to the oppressed and to
those who resist and envision another society.
In this context, we held an event of financial support for the travel of fellowships by
the anti-patriarchal group of the Anarchist Political Organization in Caracol, Morelia,
where the first international political, artistic, athletic and cultural meeting of women
struggling, called by Zapatista women. Then we called our comrades to attend the two-day
festival for Anarchy and Liberal Communism (May 25-26) that we took part in, to bring us a
very important experience for us as well as for the whole movement.
We are inspired by the 19th century American Black Workers' blacksmith's resistance, by
the organization and vigor of anarchist comrades in Spain in 1996, as well as by
contemporary examples of women's resistance in Chiapas, Turkey and Rotava, and we continue
the struggle against patriarchy, the state and capitalism ...
The world of freedom, a world that will fit all the worlds, will pass over them ...
AGAINST A COUNTRY AND PATRIARCHIA FOR MANAGEMENT AND ANARCHY
Women's Initiative Against Patriarchy
------------------------------
Message: 2
Cole, P. Struthers D., Zimmer, K.(eds).Wobblies of the World: A Global History of the IWW.
Pluto Press (2018) ---- The Industrial Workers of the World was founded in the United
States in Chicago in 1905 and was informally known as the Wobblies. It was a revolutionary
union that sought to unite the working class (those in paid work) in One Big Union and its
preamble contained the following: "The working class and the employing class have nothing
in common. There can be no peace so long as hunger and want are found among millions of
the working people and the few, who make up the employing class, have all the good things
of life. Between these two classes a struggle must go on until the workers of the world
organize as a class, take possession of the means of production, abolish the wage system,
and live in harmony with the Earth." As such it in many ways replicated the ideas of the
First International, the first international organisation of the working class, founded in
the previous century, a fact not often remarked upon.
This fiercely anti-capitalist and militant stance attracted both members of the American
Socialist Party, anarchist and unaffiliated class-conscious workers. The IWW was and is
certainly not an anarchist union but attracted many anarchists into its ranks from the start.
This book deals with the international scope of the IWW, how it spread to other countries,
often through the idea of the One Big Union being carried overseas by seafarers. The
editors have assembled a number of essays on the IWW in other countries and this includes
on indirect influence on other workers' organisation. So we have articles on the IWW in
Australia, Canada, Mexico, New Zealand and South Africa, their influence on the ideas of
Jim Larkin and James Connolly in Ireland and on radicals in Sweden and South Asia. Also
included is the influence of the IWW on immigrants to the USA, Finnish, Italian, Japanese,
Mexican, Russian and Spanish workers, as well as among African-American workers.
Unfortunately left out of this history are accounts of The IWW in England and Scotland,
Chile (briefly touched upon) and Germany, where IWW sailors were active in the ports of
Bremen and Hamburg. Perhaps a second volume could address itself to these gaps in
international IWW history.
As the IWW saw itself as a union organising all of the working class, it attempted to do
this across racial and ethnic lines, as in the Deep South, where it rallied both black and
white workers, and in California where it organised among Anglo, Mexican, Greek and
Italian workers. There were difficulties in doing this, and the relationship of the IWW to
black workers could have perhaps given more details of the problems faced. William
Covington Hall (not mentioned in this book) came from the Southern aristocracy and he
strove to organise all workers in the South, discarding the racist sentiments of his
class. However, Covington Hall's concepts of race and class are often expressed in class
reductionist terms as with his slogan: "There are no niggers, greasers, or white trash in
the union, only men!" which doesn't really address the specific concerns of any of these
three groups.
The role of Italian anarchists in the Paterson silk workers strike organised by the IWW is
highlighted as is the work of Slovene anarchist Andrew Klemencic and anarchists among the
Western Federation of Miners and American Labor Union who affiliated to the IWW at the
founding conference. In 1913 the sociologist Louis Levine wrote about the "numerous
anarchists who have joined the organisation in the past few years. In the Far West and in
the East many of the IWW locals are dominated by anarchistic elements, who have come to
regard the IWW as the most promising agency for revolutionary propaganda and action". The
activities Scandinavian anarchists involved in the IWW like John Sandgren, William Risto,
Carl Paivio and Gust Alonen are also described as also those of the Bulgarian George
Andreytchine. The Union of Russian Workers composed of Russian immigrants had adopted an
anarchist programme and encouraged joint membership of the IWW.
On the West Coast, anarchists in the Japanese Workers Union affiliated to the IWW. Nowhere
was support stronger though than among Spanish speaking workers, both immigrants from
Spain and Mexicans influenced by the ideas of the anarchist Ricardo Flores Magon. As
Kenyon Zimmer notes:" ... Quite often it was through these anarchist intermediaries that
the IWW and its influence spread outside the United States".
Also examined in detail is the relationship of the Ghadr movement of India and its
diaspora which fought against British colonialism. There was some crossover of membership
with the IWW among Indian workers in the USA, and two leading Ghadr militants, Pandurang
Khankhoje and Har Dayal were Wobblies. Dayal even founded the Bakunin Institute in the
Oakland hills.
In 2003 the late Chicago Wobbly (and anarchist and surrealist) Franklin Rosemont
complained:" Amazingly, after all these years there is nothing even faintly resembling a
comprehensive and reliable history of the union". This book goes a long way in providing
that history, in particular the influence of the IWW beyond the USA. This fascinating book
is an important contribution to labour and revolutionary history.
https://www.anarchistcommunism.org/2018/06/16/review-wobblies-of-the-world-a-global-history-of-the-iww/
------------------------------
Message: 3
Monday 18 June saw Manchester Solidarity Federation join tenants in a protest outside
Fortis Student Letting in Altrincham, Greater Manchester. The protest is the latest event
in a long running campaign being organised by the tenants because of the appalling
conditions in the Fortis run building, where they are living. Throughout their stay,
Fortis have refused to carry out even the most basic maintenance of the building. The
tenants went weeks without water, months without heating and had to live in rooms covered
with mould. On one occasion, water poured through a ceiling light fitting for weeks, with
Fortis making no attempt to repair it. This was despite numerous complaints by tenants.
---- Before starting the protest, we requested to meet with Fortis management in an
attempt resolve the dispute. However, Fortis responded in their usual way by locking their
doors and refusing to engage even in conversation with their tenants. We then phoned
Fortis from outside their office but they would not answer their phone. As Fortis refused
to even to talk to their tenants, let alone meet with them, we went ahead with the
protest. We received a positive response from people passing by with plenty of drivers
sounding their horns in support.
Though Fortis would not talk to their tenants, they were more than happy to talk to the
police. A police officer arrived and informed us that they had received a complaint about
the protest. He, unlike their tenants, was allowed into the building and after talking to
Fortis; he came out and informed us that blowing whistles was not a peaceful form of
protesting. One can only assume that he felt we were blowing are whistles too violently.
The campaign against Fortis will continue with further protest planned. Since starting
their campaign the tenants have been contacted by students living in other building run by
Fortis with horror stories about rat infested building and terrible living conditions. It
would appear that Fortis nationally are charging students thousands of pounds in rent
while utterly failing to meet even their most basic of responsibilities as landlords.
Boycott Fortis!
Join the protest against Fortis!
Organise against abuses in housing!
For more information, contact Manchester Solidarity Federation: mcrsolfed@gmail.com
http://www.solfed.org.uk/manchester/the-protest-against-fortis-student-letting-agency-continues
------------------------------
Message: 4
Fifty years ago, in May 1968, protest movements all over the western world erupted, so
we're taking a look back as well. We're looking at what happened to the anti-globalisation
movement as well as the idea of open publishing. We even go back as far as the ancient
Greeks to see what we can learn from them. After three weeks of relative autonomy, the
refugees on Manus Island are back in prison. Closer to home we talk about communal living.
https://freedomshopaotearoa.blogspot.com/2018/05/aargh-issue-9-is-out.html
http://awsm.nz/2018/06/19/aargh/
------------------------------
Message: 5
Since April 26, a new wave of mobilization, mainly of women, is indignant at the result of
a trial that described rape as " sexual abuse ". After a historic March 8, the Spanish
show their determination to no longer suffer the daily patriarchal violence. ---- On July
7, 2016, during the festivities of the San Fermin in Pamplona, five men raped an
18-year-old woman. These five men, one of whom is a member of the Guardia Civil and
another belongs to the military, film their sexual assault and share it on a WhatsApp
group called the manada (the pack). ---- A patriarchal sentence ---- The judgment took
place in November 2017, and the trial quickly attracted media attention thanks to the many
feminist mobilizations. The prosecution is demanding more than 20 years in prison for
proven rape for each assailant. On the other side, the five men, in prison since July 8,
2016, declare themselves innocent of the rape. Their defense demands their release, and
brings as " proof The report of a private investigator hired to follow the victim before
the trial. He will explain that she does not suffer post-traumatic stress after her rape,
and will make an argument against it ... This intrusion into the life of the victim and
attempts to discredit his word, were quickly denounced by feminist organizations,
collectives of psychologists and public opinion, opening the debate on who is judged and
who is judicially protected in these situations. With the hashtag #yositecreo
(#jetecrois), the society in mass shows its support to the victim, and many mobilizations
are born.
The verdict is announced on April 28, 2018. The judges sentence the aggressors to only 9
years in prison for a crime of " sexual abuse " considering that there was no "
intimidation " or " violence ", as stipulated the Spanish Penal Code to retain rape.
However, the same magistrates considered it " indisputable that the plaintiff had suddenly
found herself in a narrow and hidden place, surrounded by five older and strong men who
had left her impressed and without the ability to react ". This verdict immediately
sparked a wave of anger across the country.
" We are the pack " !
With the slogan " We are the pack ", this case has become a symbol of the feminist
struggle, which is showing more and more strength in the Spanish society, like the last
March 8 which mobilized in a historical way .
Since the day of the sentence, protesters have been gathering regularly in all Spanish
cities to protest against the decision of the judges. The Association of Women Judges of
Spain joined the reactions, with a statement calling for a change in the interpretation of
crimes related to sexual freedom. On May 10, a student strike with more than 40 rallies
across the country was held to denounce " a macho justice that protects rapists ." The
support for the victim is growing again in social networks, and with the hashtag #
Cuéntalo(# Telling it), several hundred thousand women shared their stories of abuse and
sexual assault. A generalized atmosphere of anger and rage floods Spain. Spanish women are
calling on the government to effectively enforce measures against gender-based violence,
and non-consensual sex is legally defined as rape. Only nine European countries define it
as such, and France is not one of them. Another harrowing evidence of patriarchal justice
and women's lack of protection from all forms of sexual violence.
Clara and Ginés (AL Nantes)
http://www.alternativelibertaire.org/?Espagne-Face-aux-violeurs-c-est-nous-la-meute
------------------------------
Message: 6
On Thursday 14/6, 56-year-old Stathis Karageorgopoulos lost his life during his work at
the "AV Vassilopoulos" store on Ameriki Street in Patras. The work accident occurred as
the worker carried out cleaning work on the roof of a room for the maintenance of goods,
during which the roof fell and led him to a drop of 3.5 meters. The address of the store,
which, of course, is the responsibility for the accident, of course, since there were no
elementary safety measures in the store, did not even hold the pretensions from the very
beginning. While the worker was lying dead on the ground and for two hours until his
corpse was transferred, the management decided that the shop would work properly, and the
next day it closed only after 4 in the afternoon, so that the deceased's colleagues can go
to the funeral. But vulgarity did not stop there, as employers did not hesitate to try to
deny not only their responsibilities, but also to deny the incident itself by
disseminating that the death of the 56-year-old was due to opposition, which is naturally
contradicted by the forensic report that proved that death is due to craniocerebral
injuries from the fall.
The imposed working age is a result of the downward policy of downgrading, forced by the
violent restructuring of capital. Work creches occupy more and more space in modern
working reality. Exhaustive working hours, unpaid labor hours, precarious and intensified
work - mostly insured - and the lack of security measures, on the one hand, kill workers
on a daily basis, with bosses richer on their backs, on the other hand they escalate with
the shameful event of the killings of workers.
Resistors of the working class are now facing a tremendous threat, as with a corresponding
amendment to the dictate of the 3rd assessment, approval by 50% + 1 of the registered
members is now required as a condition for a strike by primary unions instead of the
current one of the majority of the members present at the general assembly of the
association. Essentially, this arrangement makes it impossible for strikes to be declared,
generously offering the bosses the "gift" of the unimpeded - from the workers'
mobilizations - the extraction of surplus value.
In order not to be bastarded and blessed by the bosses, whether large or small, and the
consensual, bureaucratic, bureaucratic trade unionism that engages peace with our class
enemies, it is imperative to organize an intransigent, militant trade unionist base. Put
our labor interests ahead and take our lives in our hands without hierarchies, mediations
and paternalisms. Prepare the fierce general strikes of lasting, linking them with a
revolutionary project that will contribute to collective and individual emancipation, to
the end of man-to-person power, to social self-management.
As long as pieces of our order are struck by the burglary and arbitrariness of the bosses,
we will contrast class solidarity and self-organization in the workplace so as to stop
every hit we accept while preparing our counter-attack against the world of state and
capital , so that we can build on the debris the society of generalized self-management,
libertarian communism.
DO NOT HAPPY THE DEATH - PRAY FOR LIFE
ORGANIZATION AND COMPETITION IN WORKPLACES
WE WILL NOT LIVE THEM
Eleftherial Initiative of Thessaloniki
lib_thess@hotmail.com
http://www.libertasalonica.wordpress.com
https://libertasalonica.wordpress.com/
------------------------------
Message: 7
On March 24, from Solidaridad Obrera we organized an event at the Madrid bookstore
Traficantes de Sueños. We titled it "Combative unionism and social unionism". We invite
people from CNT, CGT, the Platform of Affected by the Mortgage of Madrid Centro and
Baladre. The tone and motivation of the act were clear: build bridges, build spaces of
articulation between grassroots unionism and between it and the most combative social
movements, such as housing or the unemployed. The truth is that the event went extremely
well to have organized a Saturday morning on a weekend that, for many people, was the
gateway to the Easter holidays. The place was filled, but, what was even more important,
The success of this act shows that the time has come to consider moving forward in the
constitution of an articulated and coherent movement of movements. From the perspectives
of grassroots construction and direct democracy, of popular self-organization, of the
empowerment of the working class in all areas of their life in society (from work, to
housing, from gender relations, to balance with the natural environment); It is time for
the combative workers movement of the Iberian peninsula to emerge from its chrysalis and
bet decisively for the generation of a mass, plural, global and internationalist
alternative. For a united trade unionism, reconstructed and that also includes the basic
struggles and articulates with the social movements.
The objective conditions are given: the situation of impoverishment of broad social
sectors, the emergence of new resistances expressed in the movements for housing or in the
increasingly broad response to repression. In the context of an unresolved civilizational
crisis of global capitalism, in the scenario of a Spanish political regime in an
accelerated loss of legitimacy, and in the face of the advance of authoritarian and
proto-fascist tendencies in Spain and throughout Europe, the answer to the process of
precarization and fragmentation of the working class is becoming increasingly necessary.
The breaking down of the barriers between precarization processes parallel to the interior
and exterior of the work centers now allows us to deploy a new antisystemic global
discourse, to break with the partiality of the struggles imposed by the neoliberal form of
governance linked to the consumer society , that could still silence certain sectors or
isolate certain impoverishment experiences through the use of public spending, the
institutional phantasmagoria or a highly legitimated selective repression. It is becoming
increasingly evident that the war in which the crisis consists unfolds on all fronts and
covers all social sectors, calls into question the totality of capitalist civilization,
from everyday life in neighborhoods to labor rights,
Capital tries to conjure up this new experience of the totality of the working classes, by
exacerbating extreme forms of fragmentation that pretend, not to isolate, but to confront
some workers with others: the speeches against immigrants, the neomachism, the demagoguery
against the public workers, the intergenerational confrontation, are the new ways in which
Capital tries to reconstruct the intense fragmentation of the worker's subjective
experience of the previous stage, but this time through increasingly widespread violence
and repression, less on the basis of consumption and more from the intimidation and
opening of the chaotic abysses of the emergence of the new extreme right.
The answer, then, will be a peremptory necessity. The system is not going to stabilize
again. Even less since the implementation of the recipes of verbal Keynesianism combined
with extreme neoliberalism in the real of the populist right. The working class is going
to have to try everything to get out of the chaos of senile capitalism. He is already
doing it. The fierce pendulum that seems to mark the global political situation (from the
hope in the new postmodern social-democracy of Syriza to the advance of the extreme right
in Italy and France) shows that the working class is looking for a way out, but still does
not know which, so it tilts Acceleratedly among all the offers that are made without any
solution. That the only solution is self-organization and the overcoming of historical
capitalism in the direction of a new-born socialism, self-managed and asambleario, will
only learn from the practice of the confluence of struggles. From the practice of social
conflict self-organized by the class.
The subjective conditions for the articulation of movement of movements are in question.
Maybe they are not yet mature, but they are already a matter. They can be debated, they
can be prefigured, they can be invented, they can be experimented. Perhaps it is premature
to speak of the organic reunification of the Iberian revolutionary syndicalism, perhaps we
can not even consider a single acronym for the whole of the basic social movements.
Perhaps there are still too many resentments, a practical experience full of
contradictions, conflicts and personalisms, a historical plot that, as Marx said of the
thought of the dead generations, weighs like a slab on the minds of the living.
But the truth is that it is increasingly evident that the debate can now be raised and
open spaces for experimentation. Proof of this are the unitary areas of unionism as the
Combative and Class Bloc, or the strong waves of struggle that have dragged us all in
recent times beyond the patriotism of organization as the 15M or the fight for pensions .
We are increasingly accustomed to working together and sharing spaces. There is more and
more interest in acts and debates such as March 24, which we discussed at the beginning of
this article. The confluence between certain sectors is more and more a matter of fact, of
real practice, and less of a biempensive slogan that defends itself in word and is
boycotted in the everyday. Although there are still many people who boycott it. Plus,
To make progress on this path, proposals can and should be made. Get to work. Starting
from what there is to transform it. Here are some ideas to discuss:
1-We must create spaces like the March 24. It is something that was said in the same talk
by the attendees. Spaces where you can debate without the urgency or the tensions of the
organic or political news, understood as a space for action by organizations. Places where
we can speak without restrictions about what we want and why we do what we do.
It is about playing what Paulo Freire called "dialogicity", that dialogue between equals,
based on openness and companionship, which allows learning and creating a group. A
dialogue that does not aim to face political lines for the hegemony in the movements but
to find shared solutions. Learn from everyone and everyone, but all of us who want to work
together, not everyone. Something that can not be done in the assembly of a platform
consisting of a soup of acronyms and that needs a specific space and time.
2 .- For this we must discuss so that we overcome by action and the word our traditional
references closed. It is not a matter of creating a new doctrine that should be imposed on
the different movements and unions but on giving the floor to all of them and finding the
areas of confluence. For this we must play with plurality and start from the fact that we
do not all think the same of everything. The debate has to be based on honesty (there are
those who want to be there, and nobody is there to deliberately boycott the space), but
also in overcoming dogmatism. Above words and ideology are the practices and the fact of
finding ourselves shoulder to shoulder in the fight and fighting in certain ways. It is
not about the "union of anarchism", but about building something new, alive and strong
that fulfills the same social function for the working class that anarcho-syndicalism had
in the early twentieth century. A responsibility and an opportunity that today's
anarcho-syndicalists can not renounce.
3. The movement of movements has to be wildly autonomous and independent. Far from
building transmission belts for political parties or institutional platforms, the space to
be built is that of the articulation of grassroots movements. And that space, the
historical experience tells us, can only be effectively formed from the discursive and
organic independence. Generating their own spaces, their own myths, their own militancy,
their own strategy and their own links to the class struggle. It is not so much about
distancing the militants from the institutional parties as it is about building their own
with their own forces and opening the space for an autonomous strategic commitment, not
subordinated to the interests of parliamentarians and institutions of bourgeois society
(whether parties,
4.- Together we are strong. Together we take care of ourselves. To be together we must not
neglect the necessary tenderness. Tolerance, the ability to live together, to want to talk
and love each other is taken care of with everyday acts. We have already had too much
toxic policy. In the class struggle there is an enemy, but with far fewer resources than
him, we can only defeat him if we are together. And to be together we must want to be
together. Enjoy being together. Faced with the supposed sterile machinations of the
cliques and the parties, we affirm the mutual care of the subjugated subjects. Solidarity,
companionship, respect. Something much more practical than the great words of dogmatic
morals. Let's learn about feminism, which is getting stronger and stronger.
In these moments of crisis and authoritarian drift it is quite true that "black storms
shake the air," that our entire world threatens to collapse. The turmoil and mutations of
a world eaten away by neoliberalism are not going to stop. The growing intervention of the
populist right augurs new tensions and chaotic drifts. The Spanish regime, at the center
of the storm, cries on all sides and faces its growing delegitimization with a daring
repression that threatens a social involution that will be paid hard by the popular classes.
This situation challenges us. It challenges the workers, and even more those who fight to
change the world. Address directly to all those who want to build an alternative.
Every possible alternative passes through solidarity, unity, mutual care of the workers
and their growing organization. It is time to plant the seeds so that soon, once again,
strong and majestic, the tree of disconformity and resistance will emerge. The centennial
tree of the social revolution.
José Luis Carretero Miramar
http://alasbarricadas.org/noticias/node/40215
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