SPREAD THE INFORMATION
Any information or special reports about various countries may be published with photos/videos on the world blog with bold legit source. All languages are welcome. Mail to lucschrijvers@hotmail.com.
Donations
Search for an article in this Worldwide information blog
donderdag 12 juli 2018
Anarchic all over the world - Part 1 - 12.07.2018
Today's Topics:
1. Britain, London Anarchist Communists Group ACG: Rebel City
and the Threat To Public Space (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
2. Britain, Class War: JOE STRUMMER (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
3. Britain, Glasgow Events Autonomy Update 6th July 2018
(a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
4. Greece, liberta Initiative of Thessaloniki: Prosecution
against NATO, nationalisms and wars (gr) [machine translation]
(a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
5. Poland, INICJATYWA PRACOWNICZA - WORKERS' INITIATIVE: New
Amazon IP Newspaper [machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
6. anarkismo.net: Ecology in Democratic Confederalism by Ercan
Ayboga (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
----------------------------------------------------------------------
Message: 1
ACG members of the Rebel City Collective got first-hand confirmation of why we need to
make London the ‘Rebel City' whilst distributing the paper outside Shepherd's Bush
underground station. We met at 5 outside the station entrance and began to hand out
papers. We had the usual competition of the Evening Standard. It wasn't long before we
were approached by a security guard from Westfield Shopping Mall. We were some distance
from the entrance to the mall but for some reason the space outside the underground
entrance is Westfield's private property. We had not got permission from the owner to
distribute our paper. The security guard was pleasant enough but nevertheless was
concerned to ‘do his job'. By coincidence comrades from the Angry Workers were also there
distributing leaflets for the anti-fascist mobilisation on the 14th.
We argued and then moved to the other side of the station which was public. However, we
were missing quite a lot of people coming in from the other direction. One of our group
decided to move just into the entrance of the underground but was soon moved on by a very
hostile London Underground manager. She decided to try once again onto the forecourt area
owned by Westfield. Again the security guard tried to move her on but this time she
decided not to. We have written often enough in the pages of Rebel Cityabout the
privatisation of public space and how difficult it is to take any public political action,
even something as unthreatening as distributing a political paper or leaflet.
Supported by a member of the Angry Workers she continued to hold her ground until four
more security guards arrived as well as a ‘dog handler' who we assumed was the police.
They were surrounded and the ‘police' aggressively ‘laid down the law' about the sanctity
of private property. All of this was being filmed by a small camera on the shoulder of the
‘dog handler'.
We moved on eventually but it seems that we shouldn't be moved on from open places that
are so clearly public but taken over by private companies. We need to reclaim these spaces!
https://londonacg.blogspot.com/2018/07/rebel-city-and-threat-to-public-space.html
------------------------------
Message: 2
The CIA blasted NORIEGA out by playing I FOUGHT THE LAW by THE CLASH repeatedly.
Now TRUMP is staying overnight on July 12th at the US ambassador's house - we aim to keep
him awake all night by blasting out....yu guessed it....and LONDON CALLING
Strummer's revenge - ALL CLASH FANS INVITED TO BRING YOUR OWN NOISE...…….and ANARCHY IN
THE UK...
------------------------------
Message: 3
Hi everyone. Here's what's coming up in Glasgow over the next couple of weeks, as well as
a couple of things a bit further afield. As always, let us know about any events or
actions coming up by emailing us at glasgow af ---- 1. Sma Shot Day: IWW stall & parade -
Saturday 7th July ---- 2. LGBT Unity Fundraiser - Saturday 7th July ---- 3. Protest
Trump's Visit (Glasgow) - Friday 13th July ---- 4. Scotland United Against Trump: National
Demonstration - Saturday 14th July ---- 5. Nelson Mandela International Day - Wednesday
18th July ---- 6. Critical Pedagogy: An Evening with Antonia Darder - Thursday 19th July
---- 7. Edinburgh Anarchist Feminist Bookfair - Saturday 21st July ---- 8. Roast the Fash
- counter-protest to Scottish Defence League "Free Speech Rally" - Saturday 21st July
https://glasgowanarchists.wordpress.com/
------------------------------
Message: 4
A NATO Summit takes place in Brussels on 11 and 12 July 2018. At the same time, the
American (and not only) war machine attempts on the front of Syria, where it collides with
Russian interests, while the US state is withdrawing from the Iran nuclear program, which
paves the way for a new generalized war collision. ---- At the moment, global capitalism
is experiencing another structural crisis of over-accumulation, which emerges clearly from
its inherent internal contradictions. A fundamental feature of capitalism is the
accumulation of profit through the exploitation of human labor and nature. Expansion and
reproduction of capital is a necessary condition for the perpetuation of capitalism.
States as well as capital are expansive, with each one wanting to expand its radius of
power and influence. In order to survive in market competition, capital needs to spread
and find international investment paths. The most direct way to achieve this is war.
As the weather passes and the rivalries between states - and especially the major powers -
are becoming more and more intense, the possibility of a war of enlarged dimensions is
quite large. After all, a war of local dimensions is being carried out, and even close to
us - we see the bombing of the United States, Britain, France, Russia and the Assad regime
in Syria every day. The big wage of the war is the control of rich energy sources mainly
in the Middle East and the wider eastern Mediterranean. The "big players" on the energy
control board are the states that are high on the pyramid of the imperialist hierarchy
like the US and Russia. Of course, regional imperialist powers (Israel, Turkey, Iran, the
powerful EU countries) play a minor but important role in this game, but having managed to
gain relatively high negotiating power in the face of superpowers. Greece wishing to prove
that it is a "pillar of stability and peace" in the Eastern Mediterranean invested in
making international alliances in the US. However, the chances of engaging the Greek state
in a war with the Turkish are well founded. In recent months, we have witnessed
competition between the two countries for the prevalence of each other on energy sources
in the Aegean and the Eastern Mediterranean. Marine plots, EEZs, airspace, coconuts, and
so on are just a few of the reasons for a conflict and, by extension, a national war. But
for us, this kind of war means something very specific: it means war for the interests of
our bosses. Greece wishing to prove that it is a "pillar of stability and peace" in the
Eastern Mediterranean invested in making international alliances in the US. However, the
chances of engaging the Greek state in a war with the Turkish are well founded. In recent
months, we have witnessed competition between the two countries for the prevalence of each
other on energy sources in the Aegean and the Eastern Mediterranean. Marine plots, EEZs,
airspace, coconuts, and so on are just a few of the reasons for a conflict and, by
extension, a national war. But for us, this kind of war means something very specific: it
means war for the interests of our bosses. Greece wishing to prove that it is a "pillar of
stability and peace" in the Eastern Mediterranean invested in making international
alliances in the US. However, the chances of engaging the Greek state in a war with the
Turkish are well founded. In recent months, we have witnessed competition between the two
countries for the prevalence of each other on energy sources in the Aegean and the Eastern
Mediterranean. Marine plots, EEZs, airspace, coconuts, and so on are just a few of the
reasons for a conflict and, by extension, a national war. But for us, this kind of war
means something very specific: it means war for the interests of our bosses. In recent
months, we have witnessed competition between the two countries for the prevalence of each
other on energy sources in the Aegean and the Eastern Mediterranean. Marine plots, EEZs,
airspace, coconuts, and so on are just a few of the reasons for a conflict and, by
extension, a national war. But for us, this kind of war means something very specific: it
means war for the interests of our bosses. In recent months, we have witnessed competition
between the two countries for the prevalence of each other on energy sources in the Aegean
and the Eastern Mediterranean. Marine plots, EEZs, airspace, coconuts, and so on are just
a few of the reasons for a conflict and, by extension, a national war. But for us, this
kind of war means something very specific: it means war for the interests of our bosses.
At a time when war plans are dwindling and are slowly approaching the "West" itself (eg
Ukraine), all oppressed and exploited are those who are destined to become northerners in
the canons of the sovereigns. War is a passage to capital so that it can emerge from the
structural crisis of over-accumulation that capitalism itself gave birth, destroying
stable and variable capital - through production and workers - creating new markets with
business opportunities of excessive profitability, so that capitalists can exploit raw
materials and workers in utterly derogatory and degrading terms so that capital can be
reconstructed and developed after a long period of destruction, staring on the corpses of
the international proletariat.
As anarchists we will not fight for the bosses. We are not going to turn arms barrels to
our class brothers, from which they are only separated us artificially from top border
lines, nations and religions, in order to reinforce the disorientation of the underpowered
political oppression and economic exploitation that exist and divide themselves among
themselves rather than the community of their material interests. The only war we are
involved in is the endless social and class war,
To express this, their explicit refusal to fight for the interests of their bosses and
their explicit aversion to the idea of picking up a weapon against any oppressed, any
nationality, many comrades all over Greece and all over the world have decide to follow
the path of total refusal to serve (not serving in the army in any "alternative way").
This decision bothers every state mechanism around the world as it challenges the basis on
which its own existence rests: the "people" rallying around a national idea - always to
cover up the class exploitation. Against this ideology that all he does is serve the
interests of capital, we answer that there are no Greeks or foreigners. There are only
proletarians,
AGAINST WAR AND IMPERIALISM
AGAINST NATO'S WORLD MACHINE AND THE TRANSMISSION THROUGHOUT THE WORLD
NO WAR BETWEEN THE EMPLOYEES - NO PEACE BETWEEN TAXES
WE DO NOT WANT TO FIGHT FOR THE INTERESTS OF OUR AFFECTS
FIGHT AGAINST NATO, NATIONALS AND WARES on
the day of the NATO summit in Brussels WEDNESDAY 11 JULY, 18:30, VELIZELOS AGALMA
Eleftherial Initiative of Thessaloniki - member of the Anarchist Federation
lib_thess@hotmail.com http://www.libertasalonica.wordpress.com
------------------------------
Message: 5
The sixth number of the company's newspaper "Voice of Amazon crew" published by IP at
Amazon Fulfillment Poland has been published, with a circulation of 10,000. Distribution
of the newspaper will start on July 10, 2018 in the canteen and in front of the entrance
to warehouses located in Bielany Wroclawskie (WRO1 and WRO2). ---- On July 11, employees
in Sosnowiec (KTW1) will be able to receive the newspaper, on 17 July in Sady near Poznan
(POZ1), and in the following week in Kolbaskowo (SSZ1). Below you can download a free PDF.
---- The newspaper is created by employees for employees. In the current issue you can
find: ---- - the position of the Employee Initiative on the upcoming salary review ---- -
a report on court cases won ---- - an interview with a shipment worker on the recent
revolt of wheelchair operators in POZ1
- opposition to the limitation of personal protective equipment
- relationship position regarding the break time and exceeding the standards for energy
expenditure
- a report from a demonstration in Berlin during the visit of Jeff Bezos
- incentive to participate in the international campaign "Safe Package"
- a letter of solidarity from Amazon employees from the USA and an invitation to the next
international meeting on 26-28 September in Germany
- a report from the last All-hands or meetings between the management and the crew
- legal advice: accidents at work
- article on the equivalent of clothing and laundry
- humorous poem to the dismissed employee
- list of representatives and representatives of the Workers' Initiative in POZ and WRO
- membership declaration, information on contributions and presentation of the IP
committee profile
http://ozzip.pl/teksty/informacje/ogolnopolskie/item/2397-nowa-gazeta-ip-amazon
------------------------------
Message: 6
Ecology is one of the three pillars of the paradigm of Democratic Confederalism, the
political-theoretical concept of the Kurdish Freedom Movement. Besides democracy and
gender liberation, ecology has been mentioned explicitly as a dimension in this concept
since 2005. However to date, ecology is less discussed and practiced than the two other
pillars. ---- Ecological destruction and exploitation in Kurdistan ---- With the
widespread introduction of capitalism to Kurdistan in the 1950s came a systemic and
destructive exploitation of nature. The four colonialist states -Turkey, Iran, Iraq and
Syria - started to plan large energy, mining, agriculture, infrastructure and other
investment projects whose implementation led to exceedingly grave ecological destruction
and exploitation[1]. This is caused, amongst other factors, by the capitalist economic
model, respectively low ecological and social standards in the implementation of the many
projects as well as by the simple fact that Kurdistan has the de facto status of a
quartered colony. While keeping the colonial status, the hegemonial states introduced step
by step, using economic as well as military measures, capitalist relations into the
societies of Kurdistan. In the 1970s the construction of numerous large projects -
particularly dams, oil-drilling and mining - had been realized through the exercise of the
hegemonic power of the highly centralized states in the four parts of Kurdistan under the
pretext of progress. After the first preparation work in the 1960s, agriculture started to
be industrialized in the 1970s, particularly in West Kurdistan (Rojava) and North
Kurdistan (Bakur), later in South (Basur) and East Kurdistan (Rojhilat).
One result of these policies was that communal and solidarity-based relations became
weaker in the society of Kurdistan. The infrastructure projects and investments were
designed and implemented with absolutely no consultation of the local population and
through an authoritarian approach, were in the interest of the colonialist states and the
colonialist and collaborative Kurdish upper classes and aimed a profit maximization
through capitalist modernization, oppression and a deepening assimilation. While this
development was still slow in the 1950s and 1960s, it took on a accelerating character in
the 1970s. As a result of the implementation of large infrastructure projects in rural
areas and the consequent displacement of hundreds of thousands; the industrialization of
agriculture; the continuous economically-driven migration of rural people; rapid
urbanization; industrialisation; and the colonialist wars against the population as from
the 1980s; society has lost for a big part its characteristics of solidarity and
communality. The main characteristics of the pre-capitalist societies were communalist
approach and solidarity on decision-making, economy, sociality, culture and others issues,
but different intensity of feudal and conservative forms were also present. Since the
1990s, the number of implemented large projects, as well as the livelihoods of people and
economic relations, experienced grave changes. The surviving elements of the subsistence
economy and local circles of economy were marginalised and Kurdistan became fully part of
the "national market" of each state and entered the neoliberal global market.
The former times were certainly full of hierarchy, patriarchy and discrimination, but the
transition to capitalism was a brutal break in the social and historical development and
in a certain way it has even deepened societal sexism and patriarchy. To understand what
has been diminished in these decades, the following approaches and characteristics of
communalism and solidarity were eroded between the 1950s and 1990s. Typically:
Although usually not inclusive concerning sex and age, many villages had in practice a
kind of assembly of mostly older men and sometimes of some older women which gathered if
necessary and took decisions.
Solidarity on economical issues was common. For example, when a family or a household
wanted to build a new house, the whole (or most) of the village joined the construction
for at least several days which were crucial to building work proceeding significantly.
It was usual that the animals of all households have been grazed together in appropriate
locations. This was managed in turn by all households.
When a household had a bad year of harvest, the others in the village supported the
affected family by supplying them with the basic foods.
When a household lacked yeast for cooking bread or milk, the neighbors shared it without
hesitation or any discussion. In the following days the supported household put the same
amount in the front of the house whose family gave the support.
When a household had a a large harvest of a certain product (like walnut), it was often
the practice to share some of the surplus with others in and around the village.
Solidarity on social affairs was also common. For example, when one or two parents of a
family died or were forced to migrate in search of work, then the others in the village
took care of the children who could not support themselves.
There was cultural solidarity. In the evenings often people gathered in one of the houses
and shared stories, myths, poems and songs among each other.
Kurdistan belongs worldwide to the countries where until recently capitalist
modernity[2]was weak and solidarity and communal structures in the societies were still
existing in a significant way. Today the older generations of Kurdistan remember quite
well how life was until the 1960s or 1970s.
There is no objective to romanticize the life several decades ago, but nevertheless there
was a significant solidarity and sharing in the society and not everything was valued
monetarily; life and commodification[3]was not materialized as it is the case today.
Start of discussion on ecology
After two decades of freedom struggle in North Kurdistan, in the 1990s the Kurdish Freedom
Movement (KFM) started to discuss the ecological question on a Kurdish and global level.
The discussion took place against the background of the systematic destruction in Bakur
through the Turkish State's war on Kurds; more than 2,5 million displaced people were
confronted in a brutal way with the urban and capitalistic life while Turkish state forces
destroyed up to 4000 villages and torched huge forested areas in Bakur. The majority of
the displaced people had been living before in a mainly subsistence economy with regional
product circulation and limited ecological damage. Particularly between 1992 and 1995
large areas were depopulated and many cities in Bakur often doubled their population
without being prepared in any way and without support from the Turkish government or others.
In the 1990s especially the political leader Abdullah Öcalan of the Kurdish Freedom
Movement (KFM) questioned the emergence of neoliberal capitalism, with new analyses in
general and notably in relation to neoliberalism's impacts on nature. Particularly the
concept of growth, and the increasing disconnection of profit from production has been
criticized in Öcalan's writings and speeches. In this sense, he is speaking against the
growing number of large investment projects because of the huge and irreparable
destruction of nature they cause. Here he included also the climate change which, among
others, he considered as an acceleration of ecological destruction by capitalism. To
destroy nature for the interest of central governments and profit of companies means
usually to destroy the basis of life of millions. The massive ecological destruction
affects seriously human life. Often large projects displace a large number of people
and/or exploit the land and surrounding areas which they are forced to leave. Öcalan also
discussed the disconnection of people to nature and what kind of impacts this could have
on people's minds and the relation of people to each other. In a fundamental way the
alienation of people has been put in relation to the disconnection of people from nature.
At this point Öcalan connects the discussion on ecology with institutionalized hierarchy
which has its roots in patriarchy.
But ecology had not found a place at the core of the ongoing discussions in the 1990s. It
was new, not yet theoretically strongly developed and in the shadow of the ongoing brutal
war of the Turkish state. The central theoretical discussion at that time focused on
highly important topic of women´s liberation. At that time, it was most urgent for the
Kurds to discuss the liberation of women as it was the main tool for overcoming
conservative and hierarchical structures in society. However an important part of the
revolutionaries and political activists within the KFM took note of the discussion on
ecology of the 1990s. It influenced in the following years the minds of thousands of
politically engaged and interested people. Öcalan's discussion showed a strategic approach
as it was a discussion which was ahead of the times in comparison with all other
left(ist)-democratic groups and movements in Kurdistan and Turkey. Öcalan was rather at
the same level with some global discussions and movements which had started to discuss the
ecological contradiction.
Municipalities in Bakur - Challenge to develop an ecological practice
Shortly after Öcalan has been kidnapped through an international plot under the
coordination of the USA and delivered to the Turkish state in 1999, the armed struggle of
the Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK) stopped, and a new and broad discussion on means and
perspectives of the freedom struggle started while giving priority to the political-civil
struggle. The aim to set up a "Kurdish state" has been given up finally. In the same year
in the local elections several important municipalities had been won by HADEP, the
People's Democracy Party, the legal party of the KFM at that time. The gained
municipalities - among them Amed (Diyarbakir), Batman and Wan (Van) - became essential
elements of the freedom struggle of the Kurds. This coincided with decreasing repressive
conditions mainly because of the stop of the armed struggle. This facilitated the space
for the municipalities, HADEP and other organizations of the KFM to spread their own
political ideas and to get better in contact with new and not politically organized parts
of the society. What has been claimed for years, namely that the KFM has better and much
more democratic concepts, could be implemented at local level through municipalities and
other political organizations. But at the same time the dynamic created by the armed
struggle did not exist anymore. A shift in the way of thinking and acting became necessary.
Between 1999 and 2004 HADEP administered 37 municipalities and has been challenged to
prove to the population that it is capable to govern better and more socially-responsibly
than all other authoritarian and corrupted political parties of the hegemonic system.
After taking over of the municipalities the state repression never ceased, but it was much
less than in the 1990s. Rather the State's approach was to give some space, but to bring
the HADEP (replaced in 2002 by DEHAP, 2004 DTP, 2009 BDP and 2014 HDP/DBP) municipalities
with certain imposed policies, including challenging frameworks like neoliberalism and
administrative centralism, to a point where they would fail, thus loose the following
local elections and finally lose their attractivity.
The HADEP municipalities, and in broader terms the Kurdish Freedom Movement, have the
declared political goal of creating a democratic-ecological society with the year 2000. It
was expressed publicly that the approach to the nature would be respectful; natural sites
would be conserved and developed within the cities and their surroundings would be more
clean and green; and the investments projects would not be implemented at the expense of
nature. The practice had to be significantly different from municipalities ruled by other
parties which in Kurdistan did not care in any way for ecological life.
These first years were the time when thousands of political activists and other
politically-interested people in Kurdistan and Turkey started to read articles and books
on ecology and particularly social ecology, including Murray Bookchin. This brought
forward the discussion how an ecological life should be developed and what that could mean
in long-term and short-term politics. It affected also some employees and politicians in
the municipalities. This was important as the difference can be observed sometimes in the
details. It should be considered that in the whole state of Turkey the discussions on a
more ecological or "sustainable" country were quite new, and political campaigns against
destructive and exploitative developments and projects were rarely carried out. But it was
also the time when in several regions struggles against large investment projects came up.
In Bakur two struggles became widely known. One was against the Ilisu Dam on the Tigris
which is planned to flood a large part of the Tigris Valley and the ancient town of
Hasankeyf. Another one was against several dams on the Munzur River in Dersim where live
mainly people of Alevi believe. Both struggles gained big support amongst the Kurds. The
Kurdish society started to discuss for the first time issues of rivers, dams, energy,
cultural and natural heritage and development in relation to each other on a broader scale
that contributed to an increase of a critical awareness on these issues.
However, in fact the gained municipalities in their first period (until 2004) showed a
practice which was by far better than the others from an ecological point of view. The
cities became cleaner and healthier with improvement of the waste system, also in the
poorest neighborhoods which had been neglected for decades. The drinking water supply and
sewage management was improved significantly in several cities within few years. The green
area per person increased too. The sites of cultural heritage got more attention and
accessibility for the public. More public spaces like squares or market places had been
build up. The public transport had been developed to all settled areas and for a
comparatively low price. Some designed large projects with problematic social and
ecological impacts had been canceled or changed by the municipalities or not followed up.
The life conditions in the poor quarters had been improved also by paving the streets,
building social infrastructure like social centers or washing centers for clothes and the
neglection of unpaid water bills. Efforts to include civil society groups in the
decision-making process on many projects and even city planning became day to day reality.
We can state that in the very beginning there were many urgent works in the field of basic
services that had to be undertaken. The living quality in most cities was under a big
threat - a stress that was exacerbated by the situation of those displaced by conflict in
the 1990s.
Although these positive developments occurred, there was lack of an overall consensus as
to how to develop a further and future ecological policy and the bigger ecological context
could not be explained well. Almost all mayors and policy decision makers of the
municipalities and other structures of the KFM did not consider the ecological perspective
as one of the main strategic approaches and it remained often secondary if other aspects
prevailed. The ecological consciousness of such people stayed limited with the pragmatism
of parliamentarism. This was not very surprising as the general political movement stayed
weak in the field of ecology and the discussion was quite new for the movement in general
and particularly for the broader society. There were no strong actors within society who
claimed a stronger ecological policy by the municipalities. In these years the
fore-mentioned ecologist movements against dam projects concentrated their efforts on the
dam projects; and the new "environmental" associations and civil organizations that were
emerging in the cities, including organisations of engineers, architects, lawyers and
medical doctors, did not yet demand strongly enough ecological criteria to be included in
urban development.
There were two other aspects of relevance. The first is that the society was only just
emerging from an extended period of intensive systematic state terror and was still in a
phase of basic recovery. The political focus of the KFM was mainly on the human right
violations of the 1990s and the demand for Kurdish identity in Bakur to be accepted with
basic autonomous rights within the Republic of Turkey. The second is that capitalism in
Kurdistan became very strong after the crisis of 2001. In 2003-2004, the official economic
growth rate achieved up to ten percent, the money in the economy accumulated significantly
and everywhere new and larger investments were done. Many more people started to earn big
amounts of money through trade and investments. This created an intense pressure also on
the cities in Bakur and approaches to open space for private investors affected almost all
municipalities which suffered from structural financial low income. These were the years
when neoliberalism entered Bakur.
In Bakur and also in Basur (with the US occupation in 2003) and Rojhilat, the development
of extractive industries (mining, oil and gas) became very dramatic in these years.
Investment projects in all fields had become widespread. In this sense the rural areas had
been confronted with the following projects: all rivers should be transformed by hundreds
of dams into artificial lakes or dried out by diversion dams; thousands of licenses had
been commissioned to companies for test mine drilling; all main roads started to be
broadened; mega coal plants had been constructed in several provinces; one of the world´s
largest cement factory had been constructed; Bakur had become a hot spot for fracking; and
finally the whole agricultural land - even the mountainous areas - faced fast change
according to capitalistic market rules. The state planners started to consider each square
meter in terms of financially exploitable land and prepared or approved thousands of
projects. The AKP government under Erdogan attracted with such policies the interest of
global capital. Only the cities administered by the KFM resisted for a big part this
development. That is why the government could not implement the most planned policies in
half of the cities of Bakur.
In a period when the society of Bakur started to develop quickly an ecological awareness,
the neoliberalized capitalism started to make the largest historical ecological (and thus
social) destruction and exploitation in Bakur. The destruction of nature and overcoming of
most of remaining social-traditional elements in the society was much more intensive than
during the war of the 1990s. Only the mountainous areas with difficult access for humans
could recover after 2000.
Ecology within Democratic Confederalism: the theoretical concept
On Newroz 2005, Abdullah Öcalan declared "Democratic Confederalism" as the new
political-theoretical concept of the Kurdish Freedom Movement. Thereby the writings and
discussions of the prior years and the whole experience of 30 years of struggle could be
summarized and put into relation to each other in a systematic way. Without doubt
Democratic Confederalism cannot be considered disconnected from the discussions and
critics after the collapse of the "state/real socialism" around 1990 and the new leftist
and libertarian social and political movements all around the world. The outcome was a
critical, inclusive and radical thinking with new perspectives for the Kurds in relation
with other people in the Middle East. The new political concept is being expressed with a
paradigm based on three pillars. An ecological approach to the life was stressed as much
as radical democracy, which goes beyond parliamentarianism, and gender liberation with a
focus on women liberation. To repeat the obvious: The pillars and the whole concept are
expressed with the aim to achieve a liberated, emancipated, equal and solidarity-based
society in harmony with nature.
Radical democracy and women´s liberation had been stressed and developed strongly among
the Kurds already for many years before. But actually each of the three pillars of
Democratic Confederalism cannot be thoroughly developed without links to the other two.
However the initial starting point is women's liberation.
Prior to 5000 years of women's oppression and exclusion evolved the Neolithic period when
a complete communal social order was created around woman which can be also called
matricentric society. Öcalan emphasizes that this social order saw none of the enforcement
practices of the state order and existed for thousands of years. It is characterized by
equality and freedom, was viable because the social morality of the matriarchal order did
not allow ownership and it had a harmony with the nature. It is this long-lasting order
that shaped humanity's collective social consciousness; and it is our endless yearning to
regain and immortalise this social order of equality and freedom that led to our construct
of paradise.
Öcalan states that with the overcoming of matriacentric society by patriarchy
institutionalized hierarchical structures had emerged and spread among human societies and
characterized the upcoming states until nowadays. Long before explicit social classes came
into being, the first oppressed and exploited class are women. This has been followed in
the following centuries and millenia by the oppression of children and man. This
political-ideological formation led also to the domination and destruction of nature by
humans during the different periods of human history. The ecological exploitation and
destruction must be analyzed basically from such an approach.
Today the conservative and reactionary approaches of existing states is experienced in the
first instance by society through the oppression of women. Another important point is that
Women as oppressed gender have a stronger relation to the nature than men; in all
patriarchal societies men are usually more attached to power and thus are more alienated
from nature than. Thus, the struggle for an ecological and liberated society means in the
end also the struggle against patriarchy and liberation of women or, to put it another
way, without the liberation of women there cannot be an ecological society.
As the oppression of society starts with patriarchy, it is logical that the KFM has
started to focus more and more on the liberation of women which at the same is the
liberation of all kind of genders and the whole society. Within the KFM, this
consciousness came out to top in the beginning of the 1990s and thus an intensive and
widespread discussion on women's liberation started which became more deep and systematic
after the halt of the war in Bakur in 1999 and additionally more with the development of
Democratic Confederalism.
Discussing more in depth the approach of the KFM on nature, firstly it has to be stated
that the KFM views nature as the body of all living beings, including humans. Humans are
part of nature and do not stand over it or any species. Like in the Neolithic Period it is
regarded as alive and animated, no different from themselves. All living beings are part
of one common big ecosystem which offers enough opportunities to live for everybody.
Nature was omnipresent, there was for the significant majority of people always in the
daily life a strong connection with nature. Öcalan describes this as follows: "This past
awareness of nature fostered a mentality that recognized a multitude of sanctities and
divinities in nature. We may gain a better understanding of the essence of collective life
if we acknowledge that it was based on the metaphysics of sanctity and divinity, stemming
from reverence for the mother-woman." Today there are still some beliefs where in nature
are a multitude of sanctities and divinities, one of them is the Alevi belief.
Consequently for spirituality and inspiration among humans nature was and is the main source.
Based on through adherence to ecological principles nature should be treated respectfully
and not as a resource for profit. Nature was and is the source of food, housing and all
other material needs of life. Under capitalist modernity, humans living in urban centers
are usually weakly connected to nature and understand less the relation and connection to
nature. Nature had and has a multidimensional meaning in life and is essential for the
development of culture and identity as well as spirituality. Due to the alienation between
human beings which contributes significantly to the alienation between nature and human
beings, nowadays nature is overexploited. Despite everyone experiencing the impacts of
grave ecological destruction in the next decades, the destruction of nature seems to
continue. The current approach of human driven capitalist modernity is a state of betrayal
of humans to nature, to their body.
In this sense, if human beings would meet only their needs[4], nature would not experience
serious destruction and the ecosystems would have the capacity to recover itself. At this
point, the question what is the real need of people today is not easy to be responded and
should not be left only to biologists or economists, rather it relates to the question of
democracy, i.e. whether a society can take decisions under broadly democratic conditions
free from imposed exploitative-extractive economy policies. We assume that in a liberated,
solidarity-based, radical-democratic and ecological society there will be no pressure to
over-extract "elements"[5]from nature.
Do not forget that humans are not only physical or material organisms, they have strong
and deep immaterial feelings and metaphysical needs in their life. Although humans cannot
express them, they do not think and act only in a rational way. For thousands of years,
people have sought inspiration and motivation following different methods, including
retiring from their surroundings to nature. With the exponential increase of urbanization,
asphalt application, cultivation of landscape and investment projects all over the
territories, less areas are suitable in this sense and so it becomes always more difficult
for inspiration by nature, in capitalist modernity particularly for poorer people from
cities who have less financial capacities to experience directly nature. In connection
with that this affects also physical reproduction and recovery activities for people from
urban centers.
Communities far away from the urban centers, industry and industrial agricultural areas
are closer to nature and have more spiritual connection with environment. The less there
is capitalist modernity, the more natural and spiritual the life can be. If such
communities in non-urban areas belong to oppressed groups like the indigenous peoples of
Latin America, the Adivasi from India and Alevi Kurds, then the connection to nature may
have an additional importance because the oppressed peoples express themselves also
through nature. In this sense the nature is a very essential part of their oppressed
identity. Accordingly the destruction or misappropriation of nature by the colonialist
force is an elimination of their identity. This is often not much understood by people in
the capitalist and big urban centers where life no longer has has a strong relation to nature.
In the ideology of the KFM, the ecological perspective is considered of strategical
importance and as a tool to create awareness in the whole human society and all human
linked activities and processes from a nature conservation, anti-capitalist and holistic
perspective. In doing so, the approach is that the dimensions not covered by gender
liberation or radical democracy would be expressed with ecology. In this sense, the
emphasis on ecology within Democratic Confederalism can be understood also as the
completion of the two other pillars.
However, it should be underlined that nature conservation and even nature restoration by
humans is a strategic goal. From the very beginning on, the KFM stressed that each living
being has the right to exist due to its natural occurrence. The life of animals and plants
must be protected actively by humans. Regarding nature conservation, the goal to limit and
stop anthropogenic climate change is a crucial topic, as in the next decades it could
affect in a much more dramatic way everything on our planet - actually Kurdistan and
Middle East have already been affected for almost two decades due to decreasing
precipitation. Climate change is no less important than "nature conservation" (here it
meant projects/policies to conserve species, habitats and areas of high biodiversity) and
reverse, as some environmental organizations or politicians prioritize in their
discussions, they are mutually dependent and should not be treated independently from each
other. Climate change can not be limited without the conservation and restoration of
forests, vegetation, rivers, water cycle, soil, air etc. For the KFM, climate change is
part of nature conservation and a reason why in this paper climate change is not mentioned
specifically.
Thus it is concluded that each struggle against ecological destruction is very essential
and a necessary step to reestablish a relation to nature for many people; but in long-term
not enough to protect the contested natural area and related human society. Not enough
because the related investment project as well as all other destructive projects are
caused by the dominant political-economic system. This dominant system will never step
back to implement all designed and planned projects.
That is why being ecological means also to criticize all processes in the society,
particularly the way of producing and consuming, feeding, housing, mobilization,
organizing leisure etc. The KFM rejects categorically the way these models are implemented
by capitalist modernity and the direction they take today - KFM's insistence on communal
life is an expression of such a rejection. The current level of consumption is without
doubt too much for the earth. Going on like this would end in the dramatic destruction or
significant deterioration of all existing ecosystems and the loss of the most
biodiversity. If there is no deceleration in the short-term and significant conceptional
change in mid-term, nature's destruction and climate change will continue and the basis of
life will become much weaker with grave impacts for the ecosystems, biodiversity, animals,
plants and billions of humans. The worst affected people would be mainly people,
communities and states with weak socio-economic capacities.
To achieve a considerable change of these models, the basic approach must be to reduce
consumption of energy and material by at least 80 % in industrial states in mid-term and
to find a new balance where each human has the same amount of energy and material for use;
one important criteria should be to allow degraded ecosystems and biodiversity to recover.
At this point it should be emphasized that each destruction of nature or ecosystem has
serious impacts on humans and is thus a social destruction - several factors determine the
level. Each investment project like dams and mining has the high potential to destroy
nature as well as to violate the basic rights of affected people. So ecological
destruction must be understood also as the violation of political, social, cultural and
economic rights of people. This connection is still not made by many critical activists or
analysts in our world.
Going one step further the KFM is aware that with capitalism - even without neoliberalism
- the ecological destruction can never be stopped, not to mention the reversal, i.e. the
renaturation of nature and restoration of climate balance. If capitalism dominates the
global economy and capitalist modernity the political sphere, there will be an intense
pressure to have "growth" in the capitalist sense and (almost) no space to develop other
forms of living, for democratic decision-making processes and a communal and democratic
economy. Over centuries and decades, capitalist modernity has conquered the brains and
behaviors of billions of humans in a subtle way. It cannot be overcome with a concept
based only on new social and economic goals as "real/state socialism" intended to do.
Hierarchy, state and capitalism is firstly an ideological development.
Capitalist modernity has started to deepen at an accelerated tempo the alienation of
humans from humans and from nature; and this much more than the former hierarchical
political systems. Particularly in the last 200 years each area of the world and each
community has been affected by capitalist modernity. Nowadays all people - except the rich
- have been put under pressure with neoliberalism. Through displacing people from their
natural environments by physical or economic force to cities, humans lost their culture of
living in much more natural surroundings. And when territories are under threat by such
destructive investments in areas where people are oppressed on the basis of their
identity, the displacement of people by nation-states contributes to the assimilation of
cultures under threat and pressure. Small or marginalized oppressed cultures are
particularly affected by such policies. The Kurds are one important example for that.
People in cities do not only consum , they are also disconnected from their strong social
and cultural heritage and thus are lost fishes in the sea easily to catch. Disconnected
from their cultural past means, among others, to be open for extreme individualistic and
isolated ways of life where a healthy balance between individuals and society does not
exist. People alienated from nature and communal and solidarity-based relations are much
easier to become instruments of exploitation in industrial production, consumption,
reactionary thoughts and establishing of authoritarian political systems. Urban people do
not know usually any more the name of most plants and animals and how in practice
processes in nature function or how humans can benefit from them sustainably as our
ancestors have done it for thousands of years. So humans in cities do not live the nature
on a daily basis. In other words, humans do not feel soil, plants, water, sun and air and
start to lose a deep understanding for them and their context; they may know it usually in
theory like biologists. In cities, more now than ever before, everything is organized with
money while villagers still can produce some of their needs, exchange goods among
themselves and support each other with self produced goods. People in rural areas are
usually less affected by capitalist modernity and reproduce a thinking and lifestyle less
connected to capitalism and state hegemony. In cities, on average humans are faced with
more psychological and social traumas than in rural communities; and these traumas are
transferred to their children. The traumas of displaced people from rural areas are maybe
the worst. Actually, today the majority of our societies live under heavy psychological
conditions.
Capitalist modernity creates people offering their labor force to private companies or
public organizations without to produce any of their needs as their ancestors did in
villages. Thus from their salary they have to buy all their needs. These people are put
under hard and stressful working conditions. . Working people under permanent pressure did
not care much about the ongoing ecological destruction in the first period of
industrialization when working conditions and salaries were in the center of their
interest. Although strong trade unions did not developed an ecological approach until
recently. However after generations more and more people in almost all parts of the world
have started to think about ecology and alternatives to the capitalist way of living.
While in the older industrial states the most people start to learn facts on nature and an
ecological life from zero, in the newly or hardly industrialized states there are much
more characteristics and remnants of non-capitalistic relations, processes and thinking on
which critical people can build up. The recovery can be realized in an easier and faster
way as for example critical people can benefit from the experience of their grand parents
or even parents. Kurdistan is such a geography.
While above the connection between ecology and women´s liberation has been introduced,
there is still the connection between ecology and democracy to be described. In order to
defend nature and ecological relations, destructive and exploitative projects need to be
stopped and the models of housing, production, consumption, mobility etc have to be
altered radically. All this can be done only if democratic decision making structures are
dominant in the society, i.e. radical democracy is developed, and no more small circles in
the society can influence via lobbying the political decision. Only when there is an
economy based on solidarity and communality can the big ecological destruction be
prevented in long-term. Summing up it can be analyzed that the connection between ecology
and democracy is realized particularly via the sphere of economic relations.
The KFM has developed over the years some new terminology with the concept of Democratic
Confederalism which may be of interest. Many movements do this, but within Democratic
Confederalism some more words have been created. It starts with the name of the concept.
Some definitions are a combination of words like "democracy" and "autonomy" or
"democratic" and "nation" which are widely used . The theory of Democratic Confederalism
follows also the line to occupy existing crucial definitions like "nation" or "modernity"
and to give them also a positive content in a certain framework. From an ecological
perspective within Democratic Confederalism the terms "ecological industry" and "communal
life" is of higher relevance. Ecological industry may be controversial as industrial
activities have led to a big part to the destruction and pollution of the nature and
concentrate continuously economic and political power. But at the same time the human
societies have achieved a point of life and economical relation which can not be
maintained without industry. For the KFM "industry" is understood as the production of
goods in a systematic and concentrated, i.e. by mechanized processes, way. . It needs some
expert skills and higher technologies. Actually primitive forms of industry exists for a
long period in human history. The current level of industry with its negative impacts was
not inevitable; history could have taken a different turn. However, nowadays it is
extremely challenging (almost impossible) to de-industrialize societies which would have
incalculable risks. Thus the question is how to reorganize the industry in terms of
technology, capacity and management from an ecological perspective and breaking with the
existing concept of economic growth. Democratic Confederalism has on this topic yet no
well-developed concepts, but rather basic ideas.
Role of the Guerrilla in the growing ecological awareness
The increasing ecological awareness is related also to the guerrilla of the PKK, the
People's Defense Forces HPG, which never ceased to exist widespread in the mountains of
North and South Kurdistan since the 80ies. The HPG has thousands of guerrillas in huge
areas of Northern Kurdistan, and in a broad stretch of 250 km in South Kurdistan; thus
must be considered as a geographically and political highly important factor. When not
fighting with the Turkish Army, the guerrillas spend their time in a mix of military and
political education. In South Kurdistan, the focus is even more on political discussion
and education.
The guerrillas discuss the entire range of social and political issues in their political
educational program. Since the 1990s when Öcalan started to discuss the ecological crisis
, the guerrilla included ecology in their discussions. The manner in which it discusses
ecology and all the other topics differs from people and organizations in the broader
Kurdish society, which makes the discussion itself more independent. The guerrillas are
not part of the hegemonic political system and have no narrow individual expectations from
the state or others. In contrast, people and organizations from the "normal" society are
influenced continuously by concerns and personal limitations. Even if they struggle
intensively to get rid of influences by capitalism and statism, there is always a
remaining part.
The difference with the guerrilla is that since its emergence in the beginning of the
1990s, the life conditions are exceedingly difficult, but completely communal, based on
solidarity and far away from capitalist modernity. There is almost no private propriety
existing; money and material interests play no role in the relations among humans;
decisions are taken sometimes on a basis democratic way; and a system of criticsm and
self-criticism is implemented systematically.
Concerning ecology, it is also very crucial that the guerrilla lives in harmony with the
nature. There is almost no negative impact by the guerrilla on plants, animals and
ecosystems; rather in the last years they care more than ever on this issue. The life is
oriented strongly alongside ecological criteria. It comes along that the existence of the
guerrilla in many mountainous regions leads to the prevention of widespread hunting, and
to the preservation of many forests through calls or bans on the start or continuation of
numerous destructive infrastructure projects of the Turkish state or the Kurdish Regional
Government in South Kurdistan.
The discussions and proposals for overcoming the ecological crisis are often practiced in
the guerrilla areas on a small scale and as much as possible in the lives of individual
guerillas and as a community. So there are not solely theoretical outcomes, there is also
a dimension of practice. Through this practice in some cases the guerrilla can adjust
their first theoretical assumptions.
The ecological practice of the guerrilla can be explained with the following examples. It
is absolutely forbidden to throw away waste like plastic or metal in the environment;
trees are cut only under exceptional cases; animals are hunted not much and only in a way
so that no species would be endangered in a certain region - some species could recover; a
few dozen small diversion dams for electricity are built in South Kurdistan which divert
usually one third of the flowing water (most states divert between 2/3 and 90%); as much
as possible food is produced by the guerrilla's own means in the mountains.
The results and developed approaches of the guerrilla reflect the material conditions with
the strong characteristics of solidarity, communality and ecology; and they challenge the
other parts of the society - particularly the part of the population which is physically
and politically close to them. The reason is that criticsm is much more profound and
ideologically justified, the claims are higher and there are less "realistic" elements
which could limit thinking. Thus the guerrilla accept fewer compromises and thus fewer
spaces for capitalism. The approaches of the guerrilla are closer to harmony with nature
and request stronger and broader communal structures.
Developed approaches and proposals on ecology - like with the other fields - can be
connected and transferred quite easily to the broader society of Kurdistan as there is a
strong relation of the guerrilla with the Kurdish society. Consider that each year
hundreds of thousands of people meet and discuss with guerrillas. Coming from the
capitalist modernity and meeting revolutionaries who share communal life affects these
people and beyond, especially young ones.
However in all fields two basic approaches within the Kurdish Freedom Movement - one
represented mainly by the expressed ideas of the guerrilla - collide often in a strong
way. Not all proposals are approved one to one by political activists or politically
interested people in the broad society who live in different material conditions. There
are aspects which the guerrilla does not consider in their discussions as they live far
away and in different and extraordinary conditions. Generally, the approaches of the
guerrilla are closer to what is considered more democratic, communal, gender liberated and
ecological.
The synthesis must have been in majority of the cases the most correct way as the KFM
managed to survive and to get stronger in the last years. We can say that the
mountain-city relations of the Kurds have created over the years a specific dynamic which
is beneficial for the whole KFM.
How the contradiction creates a dynamic
The Kurdish Freedom Movement has been winning the local elections in an increasing number
of cities in North Kurdistan since 1999, and they have acquired some important knowledge
on how local governments can transform the society to be more social, gender liberated and
ecologically oriented. It is only since 2010/2011 that the reasons to transform life
ecologically were grasped substantially; previously, the approach and the discourse of
ecology were rather shallow as described above.
There are basically three reasons for that. First, capitalist relations continued to
advance quickly in North Kurdistan in the second part of the 2000's and the ecological
destruction reached seriously concerning levels. Second, the concept of Democratic
Confederalism has encouraged and strengthened ecologists in Bakur to deepen and broaden
their struggle. Third, the critic and resistance against the ecological destruction and
exploitation increased in an organized way, gathered some serious experience and even
small successes.
The book "In defense of a people" by Öcalan published in 2004 and the declaration of
Democratic Confederalism in March 2005 contributed definitively to the better
systematization of the ideas and discussion on an ecological society in Bakur and other
parts of Kurdistan. In the first months after the declaration of Democratic Confederalism,
there was a controversial discussion among many political activists within the KFM or
those close to it, about the pillar ecology. While for the activists who already
incorporating ecology in their activism and discussions this was very encouraging and
supportive, the others either did not take it into account seriously or raised concerned
and considered it premature to emphasize ecology or "not fitting to the reality of Kurdish
society". However, in general, the political structures of the KFM welcomed the pillar
ecology and started to discuss it - even it was still only superficially. At least it
opened the mind for ecological discussions, campaigns and requests.
Just in this time the Ilisu Dam and Hydroelectric Power Plant, the largest dam project in
planning or construction in Bakur and Turkey, came again on the agenda after the Turkish
government started a new effort to build it - the first attempt had failed in 2001/2002.
Between 2006 and 2010 the struggle against this dam project, which would have huge grave
impacts on social structures, cultural heritage and the Tigris ecosystem and destructive
consequences for the local society, was continuously on the agenda of the Kurds and got
support by many Kurdish organizations, activists and media. Coordinated by the Initiative
to Keep Hasankeyf Alive this campaign was an expression of the increased ecological and
cultural awareness among the Kurds. It contributed at a new level to the questioning of
energy, water, agriculture and development policies of the Turkish state and exceeded
significantly the discussions during the first round of struggle on the Ilisu project
between 1999 and 2002.
In the following years there was a steady increase in the number of groups and people
working on issues concerning nature conservation, the impacts of big infrastructure and
energy projects, food production and social ecology theory. Associations and initiatives
opposing dams, mining, coal plants, environmental pollution, urban development,
commercialization of life etc. have been initiated or strengthened for example in Amed,
Dersim, Çolemerg (Hakkari), Batman, Qoser (Kiziltepe), Wan and Riha (Urfa). Although in
these years the diversity of contested project types broadened, dams were still the main
challenge for the ecology movements. These were the years when each square kilometer of
Bakur and the whole Turkish state territory have been considered by state planners and big
companies as a source of profit - internationally this approach started to be discussed as
"extractivism". Capitalism was spreading to all niches of the society of Bakur. The
capitalist modernity unfolded its maximum destructive forces, the AKP government did
everything to enable investments in the region. The need to form a coalition of groups and
activists with a strong ecological and critic awareness in Bakur has become important in
these years.
Considering these growing protests and the need to act in a comprehensive way against the
encroachment of neoliberal capitalism, the coordination of the Mesopotamian Social Forum,
which has been organized for the first time in 2009 in Amed, decided to organize an
Ecology Forum. At this forum in January 2011 with the contribution of activists by all
struggles of Bakur, researchers, representatives of different civil organizations and
movements and activists from Turkey and other countries, ecological struggles and
approaches were discussed in Kurdistan in a broad and organized way for the first time in
history. As consequence of the forum, "ecology activists" started a discussion to form a
network of groups in Bakur. It took more than one and half year to achieve the first
meetings of about ten groups and a decision to form the "Mesopotamia Ecology Movement" was
taken. The theoretical basis from the very beginning on was Social Ecology and Democratic
Confederalism. Although the name described it as a movement, rather in the first years it
was a network.
In these years capitalism has started to affect in a strong way also some political
structures and thinking of activists in the KFM, including municipalities and activists in
small towns. Due to the fact that there was still a lack of system and depth in the
discussion of ecology regarding all decisions and actions within the KFM, it is not
surprising that some people and structures acted contrarily. The impact in the practice
was that, among others, the behavior and approaches of political parties and organizations
of the existing hegemonic system did not change significantly for many activists of the
KFM decisions like city planning did not really brake with capitalist-statist prescriptive
practices; some mayors were co-opted by local entrepreneurs to get tenders; and
competition far away from solidarity relations between organizations and activists partly
increased. These challenges may always come up and become dominant in the case of a not
very well developed and accepted radical democratic structure with transparent and
inclusive decision-making processes. The KFM had only started in 2007 to set up a
completely new political structure which takes the paradigm of Democratic Confederalism as
basis. The Democratic Society Congress (in Kurdish: KCD; in Turkish: DTK) as the umbrella
structure of the KFM for the new people's councils from the neighborhoods, civil society
organizations, social movements, professional organizations, municipalities and political
parties was quite new and still in the process of finding a way to function properly given
the big diversity of above-mentioned structures.
In the initial stage, the Mesopotamia Ecology Movement (MEM) was challenged to find ways
to bring the member groups together around subjects, campaigns and discussions and set up
a permanent and reliable working structure. If this could be realized, the struggle
against the numerous destructive and exploitative projects and policies of the state could
be confronted better and within the KCD the struggle for ecological discussions, thinking
and approaches would get more political weight. In confronting the government`s projects
and objectives, a continuously rising number of people started to question the state
policies in other areas. Not only the policies on Kurdish identity, collective rights,
education, women's rights, militarization, but also those on economy, energy, agriculture
and related issues in Bakur became more and more a focus of the political struggle. Each
economic decision or investment project started to be perceived more critically.
At the same time, the municipalities governed by the legal party of the KFM came under a
critical focus by the MEM because municipalities acting against the political goals of the
general movement would harm the whole struggle, including the ecological dimension. The
demand was that municipal politics had to be changed comprehensively along ecological
principles, developed by the MEM, and the self-administration of people's councils. The
aim of the state is clear: it wants to dominate, oppress and exploit the society in close
cooperation with big companies, and in Bakur also with middle big companies. In this
struggle, the KFM municipalities had to make a clear stance against the state policies.
Although municipalities are according to Turkish law in the end an organ of the central
government, they have limited capacities and freedom with which they could challenge state
policies. While on the one hand they are forced to act in compliance with Turkish law, on
the other hand the municipalities should do everything in their powerto support radical
democratic structures in the society, i.e. particularly the people's councils, women's
self-organization and a communal economy, as well as taking as stance against the
gentrification of urban areas and bringing equitably services to the entire population.
But the reality in these years was often only in part like this. Capitalism has put the
municipalities of Bakur under the pressure to follow the neoliberal AKP municipalities as
development model through the domination of discussions about urban development. It was a
time - up until 2011 - when economic growth in Turkey was high, the social contradictions
in Turkey and Bakur were significantly less and the AKP government was still not very
repressive: hence, the criticsm by the KFM against capitalist modernity did not go down
well in Kurdish society. Another pressure was systematic financial discrimination by the
Turkish national government: since 1999, KFM municipalities could not benefit from many
governmental funds unlike other municipalities.Obstacles were also often created in the
approval of big projects (each big project needs usually approval by the governor who is
directly appointed by the Turkish government) and the KFM municipalities have not been
supported with experts and skills like the other municipalities. This latter
discrimination was not very surprising as the Kurds have been oppressed since the
foundation of the Republic of Turkey. It is a subject with which a struggle is needed.
However, what was more concerning for the MEM was the lacking stance of the municipalities
on capitalist development. In this respect,one case became important for the ecology
struggle in Kurdistan. It is about the hill "Kirklar Dagi" in the outskirts of the city of
Amed where a housing project was announced in 2009. As a historical and natural area at
the south edge of the city of Amed, Kirklar Dagi is very known among the population and
thus a sensitive location. When the physical preparation for the housing projects started
in 2011/2012, which actually was not in line with the master plan approved in 2006, the
MEM and some other civil organizations requested an immediate stop and cancellation: after
long discussions and negotiations, the two involved municipalities of Amed rejected this
demand. So, when the construction started fully in 2013 a demonstration by the MEM with
thousands of people was organized. Although the project did not stop, the demonstration
was a novum for the KFM: a civil organization criticized publicly in a sharp way a
municipality from the "own political movement" because of an urban project. However, this
had some long-term impacts. In the following years, the Democratic Regions Party (DBP; the
party of the KFM and member of the HDP) municipalities started to act more carefully when
they planned any housing or bigger project. This case showed that thinking and acting
ecologically needs activists to consider also their own side and not the other side, the
state and big capital. Apart from the case of Kirklar Dagi there are many other projects
in the cities, which are object of capitalist transformation and need to be regarded much
more critically.
Another criticsm of the MEM targets the big shopping malls which have been constructed in
the last years in each city. These are private projects and of course supported by the AKP
government, but there were some cases where the DBP municipalities have not intervened and
in few cases even welcomed them. Some of the shopping malls could have been prevented, or
at least delayed. The Turkish law allows the central government to take over city planning
whenever it considers necessary. So, the question is how to resist this legal unfairness;
even if it not possible to impede in the long-term the non-wanted projects, at least they
should be delayed and subject to public debate. After intensive criticsm by the MEM and
other movements like the women´s movement in 2014, a much more critical approach has been
implemented by the DBP municipalities.
These two cases show that the ecology struggle in Bakur has not only to focus only in
rural areas, but also in urban areas, because capitalism has started many years ago to
seek for profitable investment projects everywhere. 2013 was the year when an ecological
awareness and criticsm started to express itself much more openly, accompanied by public
actions and this not only through the MEM. The youth movement, women´s movement,
professional organizations (particularly architects, engineers, medical doctors), trade
unions achieved qualitatively a new level in their approach as to how society mightbe
conceived from an ecological perspective.
At this point, it needs to be stated that within the concept of Democratic Confederalism
one field - in Bakur society is organized by the Democratic Society Congress (DTK/KCD)
into 14 fields (also branch or sector), like women, justice, health, education, diplomacy,
beliefs, ecology, municipalities, youth, self-defence - is usually promoted by one
movement or organization, but it is not only limited to this organization. Actually, it is
favored that activists from other fields also discuss deeply ecology, women´s liberation
or communal-democratic economy. For this, the connections between the fields become
important. In parliamentarian systems, ecological/environmental NGOs and movements act
usually on their own for the objective to stop certain projects and/or to change the laws
or society in ecological sense. In the new system of Bakur - and Rojava - the social
movements struggle for their objectives, but do it within a democratic and inclusive
system. This comes from the perception that society is one whole and has been divided by
capitalist modernity so much that the different social and political groups and genders do
not act in balance with each other: one group tries always to dominate the other one. In
capitalist modernity, usually the groups with big financial capacities or weapons dominate
over the others. This is a significant difference which has been brought by Democratic
Confederalism.
An example how the different movements can work successfully together and how much the
different fields are interrelated, are the relations of the MEM with the economy movement.
The economy movement has been formed in 2013 after broad discussions by dozens of
activists from different struggles and critical economists from Bakur and Turkey. Among
these people were several activists from the MEM. Since then there is a good connection
and exchange between the two branches. The good relationship has brought together the two
branches into cooperation on certain projects; projects which are related to both fields
ecology and economy. One example is the long-discussed construction of a bank for local
organic seeds. A dynamic, cooperative and critical relation with the new upcoming economy
movement, which wants to develop a communal and democratic economy in Bakur, is crucial
for the aim to develop an ecological society. All that is discussed and developed among
the MEM is aimed to be implemented in cooperation with the economy field as well with as
the municipalities. Without considering communal economy, an ecological society is
impossible as described above.
The Mesopotamia Ecology Movement
In 2014, a new discussion among the activists of the MEM about its restructuring with the
aim to become a real and broad social movement started. After many discussions, it
resulted in the formation of councils in each province of Bakur which offered space for
political activists working on ecology and for newcomers. All previous and new initiatives
and associations and activists working on ecology, but also other civil society
organizations, professional organizations, unions, municipalities and the people's
councils of the KCD in the urban quarters and rural regions had been invited to
participate. This form of representation intends to include as much as possible of
societal playors and to establish something which in short and medium term should build a
society that is more ecological, and thus, more just and democratic.
The main work of the MEM is done in the different commissions which are established
according to the needs and emphasis defined by the provincial councils. Every activist in
the MEM joins at least one commission in its province. Apart from the commissions which
exist in nearly every province, there are some specific commissions. For example, in the
province Dersim, there is one commission for forests and, in the metropolitan area of
Amed, one for animal rights. There are also a few commissions at the Bakur level, like
those for diplomacy, law and organising. The coordination at provincial level consists of
the two co-spokespersons - one woman and one man. The co-chairs are elected periodically
(3 or 6 months) by the provincial assembly which gathers at least twice a year (sometimes
4 times each year). Each provincial assembly elects annually several (around 6) delegates
based on gender quota for the assembly at Bakur level which meets twice a year. The
coordinations at provincial level elect two delegates, one woman and one man, for the
Bakur coordination which meets more often than the Bakur assembly. As it can be determined
within the MEM each structure has a gender minimum quota of 40% for its delegates. The MEM
has a 50% quota.
Since this restructuring the MEM is now represented more strongly in the KCD through the
actions, projects and campaigns it is realizing. The MEM can bring better its content and
requests to the coordinations of the KCD on provincial and Bakur level and to the KCD
general assembly. The stronger the MEM is, the more it can have impacts on the KCD as a
whole, and on its activists. For example, it is crucial to work towards those
municipalities which have no good practice on ecology as well as on other issues.
The MEM is connected quite well with many ecological movements and NGO's outside of Bakur
within the Turkish state. Since 2015 for several times there were common actions,
delegations (like on forest fires) and discussions. In this sense it is part of the
ecology council of the People Democratic Council (HDK). The HDK is the turkey-wide
supra-structure of all structures of direct democracy, thus also including the HDP. In
other words, HDK is equivalent to KCD while not being comparatively strong like the KCD.
Since its start the MEM had to struggle with a low awareness for ecology in society which
has its impacts in the different organizations of the KCD. Although there is a meaningful
change in the last years, ecology is still considered by a big part of the society as
something elitist and far away from real life and is associated with focusing on the
conservation of some species or important natural areas or having healthy but expensive
organic food. Moreover the terminology used still does not make much understandable what
the activists are seeking. That is why practice has become so crucial in order to attract
more people for the movement. Considering that even a large number of people with an
academic background are interested less in theory and more in practice, projects on the
ground can motivate and activate many and can make better understandable what is aimed
with an ecological society. Projects like common gardening and traditional construction,
which all interested people can join, have also the impact that the MEM can validate and
develop its theoretical approach based on the outcomes of such projects. This should be
considered also in the light that the KFM starts with the general approach in the most
fields of society and substantiate its approach in a protracted process of practice and
discussion. Projects on the ground offer collective work and give back the feeling of
community and solidarity to people, particularly from cities. One successful project was
the collection of local and organic seeds from different areas Bakur in the winter
2015/2016 and their reproduction in 2016 in seven provinces. The reproduction has been
done mostly with the local people's neighborhood councils which is a good example how the
different fields of the KCD can work together. This campaign on seeds received interest by
many parts of the society. Considering that humans are rational as well as emotional
beings, touching soil, water, mud, plants and wood can create a big synergy. A further
result such a practical approach can have: in times of repression and war it can hold
people together and allows them to come through politically difficult periods like the one
started with the war in summer 2015 which worsened with the state of emergency in summer 2016.
In autumn 2015 the MEM conducted a half year discussion on the eight main political fields
(agriculture, energy, water, health, communal economy, forests/biodiversity, ecological
cities, eco-technology) for what working groups at Bakur level had been established. At
the end of these processes, papers have been prepared and later approved at the first MEM
conference in April 2016 in Wan. These policy papers have become the guidelines for the
future work which cover a broad span and are linked to other political fields like women's
liberation, economy and health. This challenging work may help to find initial answers on
the question as to which direction the MEM should take, strengthen without doubt the
commitment to the struggle and privide tools for successfully struggling against state and
companies as well as within the KFM.
Remarks
1) It needs to be stated that the heavy political repression in Bakur on all levels of
political engagement, which started in summer 2015 and achieved with the state of
emergency, declared in July 2016, an extreme level, has affected in a strong way also the
MEM. Since then the most activities of the MEM have been limited, halted or changed.
However the activities have undergone some important change. In this paper the period
after the state of emergency has not been considered. Rather it has been aimed to describe
the development of the consciousness and discussion on and the struggle for ecology in
Bakur before the current repression.
2) The discussions and practice of Rojava has not been included in this paper as there are
very different frameworks (no state any more, much less capitalism etc.) although the
political concept is the same.
[1]In recent discussions also described as "extractivism".
[2]The KFM uses the definition capitalist modernity in order to describe the current
hegemonic political-economic system. According to that capitalism is covers mainly
economical activities while capitalist modernity is a system which includes the political
and ideological (for example it is meant: mentality, human relations, social behavior)
dimension of the developed hegemonic system.
[3]Change from use value to exchange value
[4]Often "basic needs" is used in such discussions. But its quite difficult to differ
between "needs" and "basic needs", thus here it is foregone to use "basic".
[5]Instead of "resources", which is used widespread nowadays, here "elements" is
preferred. "Resources" assumes that they exist or wait to be extracted and exploited by
capitalist economy.
Related Link:
https://peaceinkurdistancampaign.com/2018/04/11/ecology-in-democratic-confederalism/
https://www.anarkismo.net/article/31051
------------------------------
Abonneren op:
Reacties posten (Atom)
Geen opmerkingen:
Een reactie posten