Anarchic update news all over the world - 21.07.2018

Today's Topics:

   
1.  Poland, rozbrat: Declaration - restore water to tenants!
      Wielkopolska Association of Tenants [machine translation]
      (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
2.  Poland, ozzip: Employees and non-medical employees demand
      higher wages! [machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
3.  London Anarchist Federation: Reading group #3 write up
      (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
4.  France, Alternative Libertaire AL #285 - Debate: The strike
      fund, a good tool if it is well calibrated (fr, it, pt)[machine
      translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
5.  Bangladesh Anarcho Syndicalist Federation: Workers Movement
      of Bangladesh by: akmshihab [machine translation]
      (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
6.  anarkismo.net: Not enough 3 reasons: we continue fighting
      for free abortion in Chile by Gema Ortega - Coordinadora
      Feministas en Lucha (ca, it) [machine translation]
      (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)


----------------------------------------------------------------------

Message: 1






At the beginning of the week, the Aquanet municipal company cut off water in one of the 
stones on 28 June Street. In this way, five households were deprived of access to it 
(including three people over 70 and a family with four children). Directly responsible for 
this state of affairs is the plenipotentiary of the owner of the tenement house, who does 
not accept any rents and any fees from the tenants, and at the same time led to the 
situation that Aquanet decided to turn the taps in the building. The police refused to 
accept from the tenants a complaint about committing a crime. In this matter, the hands of 
the President's Plenipotentiary for Locor Intervention are also distributed, claiming that 
it has no impact on Aquanet.
Aquanet - as often in similar cases - does not look at the social effects of its 
activities. It is a peculiar thing that a company dependent on the city, without 
consulting the office units appended for condominiums and social assistance, cuts off the 
inhabitants of the water. This situation happens again. Someone in the city apparently 
does not understand that in this way it practically supports "cleaning the tenement houses".

We demand from the City of Poznan the immediate resumption of water supply to the tenement 
house at ul. June 28, 166.

We demand the establishment of procedures that would prevent the municipal services from 
cutting off water without looking at the general interest, including the welfare of 
seniors and children!

Wielkopolska Association of Tenants

More information - 519 446 350

http://www.rozbrat.org/informacje/poznan/4627-owiadczenie-przywroci-wod-lokatorom

------------------------------

Message: 2





On July 16, a picket of employees and non-medical employees of one of Poznan's clinical 
hospitals took place. The protest was organized by the Workers' Initiative. About 40 
employees and employees demanded respect for their work and, above all, higher wages. ---- 
In its statement, the Workers' Committee of the OZZ Employee Initiative noted the systemic 
exclusion of this professional group from increases. The picket was also the result of the 
disappointment of long-lasting wage negotiations conducted at the Transfiguration 
Hospital. The management has so far not complied with the wage demands of non-medical 
staff. At the same time, protesters pointed to increasing wage disproportions in the 
health service. As one of the protesters remarked in her speech: "We also want to live 
with dignity" - thanks for a job well done are not enough. Chanted most often: "We demand 
higher wages!"

Read also the statement of the Workers' Committee of the OZZ Employee Initiative: 
http://www.ozzip.pl/teksty/informacje/wielkopolskie/item/2398-protest-pracownikownie-medologycznych-wyzszych-plac-i-szacunek

Relations in local media:

The voice of Wielkopolska

Gazeta Wyborcza

Radio Poznan

http://ozzip.pl/teksty/informacje/wielkopolskie/item/2399-pracownicy-i-pracownice-niemedyczni-zadaja-wyzszych-plac

------------------------------

Message: 3





This month we looked at anarchist economics and selected three pieces which cover this, 
including practical examples of anarchy in action. We read: Chapter 3 of Anarchy Works by 
Peter Gelderloos, Eric Buck: The flow of experiencing in anarchic economies. In: 
Contemporary Anarchist Studies and Uri Gordon: Anarchist Economics. The discussion covered 
a number of topics which roughly split into the following areas: ---- Scale ---- One of 
the issues we face is that the examples given are usually only at very small scale and are 
limited by their need to interact with capitalism to function (e.g. workers' co-ops). For 
example, permaculture has been proven at the scale of a small farm in Wales, what we need 
now is it to be proven at the scale of feeding Wales! This is unlikely to happen without a 
revolution which changes land ownership.

This has long been a criticism of anarchism, however, and Kropotkin did a lot in Conquest 
of Bread and Fields, factories and workshops to provide the detail of how an anarchist 
economy could function and that it could provide for the basic needs of the people.

At the scale anarchist economics has been practiced it is not a threat to capital, but 
perhaps that isn't the point- perhaps all we need is to change culture and values such 
that people become less consumerist and operate more on principles of mutual aid and 
solidarity. This is laying the groundwork for a social revolution.

Culture and values

Marketing has created a consumerist culture where we are defined by our possessions and 
our purchases. We need to change this so that community is valued in our decisions. Does 
this have to do with the ‘death of God'? That consumerism has filled a hole in our belief 
system? Even discussing this is difficult as all of us have internalised neo-liberal 
ideology (and some of us are compulsive hoarders of jazz records...).

To change a consumerist culture we need to focus on education as well as skill sharing and 
access to knowledge. The examples in the text suggest removing part of our consumption 
from what could be considered ‘the economy' by repairing your own bike or similar- 
creating a DIY culture. There seem to be lots of examples of this working.

What if we don't share common interests and values with our neighbours, how would it work 
then? Perhaps federalism is the answer- start at the scale of a block and work up based on 
geography, needs and interests so that decisions are made by those affected by them. Also, 
in revolutionary Spain there was not one way of doing things- some areas abolished money, 
some kept it and others replaced it with labour tokens. We don't need a right answer, we 
need to try new things and keep the ones that work (keeping in mind different people and 
cultures).

Parecon and hybrid systems

This seems to be a hybrid between where we are now and what we'd like to get to. Seemingly 
similar to universal basic income (needs are provided for) and with a focus on 
democratically planning consumption rather than a focus on production in current 
economics. Not ‘each according to their needs' as you can work more to get more stuff.

How far can such a hybrid model take us? Has been tried in many intentional communities 
but ultimately failed. Could it be used as a way to bring the public around to our ideas? 
Ultimately, the ruling class will not allow us to vote away their wealth so there will 
always be a limit at which point we face repression. Perhaps we could get enough people 
on-side through a hybrid model such that we have enough to achieve a revolution.

The Black Panther's breakfast program was mentioned as a powerful example. Perhaps we 
should all join Food not Bombs? As long as these actions have a political agenda they seem 
effective.

Complex production

What about pharmaceuticals for complex conditions? Not everything is going to be resolved 
by self-care and herbalism (as hinted at in Anarchy Works). Again, education may be key- 
we will still need specialists. We do not reject technology, we just need to consider its 
use more effectively.

Conflict resolution

Example given of farmers in Spain who decide on irrigation between themselves and sanction 
people as a community if they break the rules. But, these farmers share the same 
expertise- what if there is a disparity in knowledge (e.g. pharmaceutical production)? We 
need some kind of arbitration- the ‘authority of a third party'. This kind of authority is 
not bad as long as we agree on how the third party gains that authority to arbitrate. 
There will be less incentive to break the rules if we have removed the profit motive.



Our anarchist reading group will continue on the 3rd Tuesday of the month, 7pm at Freedom 
Bookshop. The next texts will be announced asap!

https://aflondon.wordpress.com/2018/07/18/reading-group-3-write-up/

------------------------------

Message: 4





In Alternative libertaire of March 2018, Theo Roumier (SUD-Education) questioned the 
limits of the strike funds. Too centralized, they risked reinforcing the power of control 
on the basis of certain trade union bureaucracies. In general, they risked fueling a " 
proxy fight " culture  . A comrade of the anarcho-syndicalist group Salvador-Seguí wanted 
to answer him on these two points. ---- It is always with pleasure that we welcome the 
articles on strike funds. When it comes to thinking and giving directions to improve our 
struggles, activists savor. Comrade Theo Roumier's article "  For or against strike funds 
?  ", Published in Alternative Libertaire of March 2018, is very welcome. I had written in 
Le Monde libertaire two articles on the subject: "  The weapon of the strike fund  " 
[1]and "  Proposed structuring of an interprofessional strike fund" (Another also in 
response to a comrade from the SUB-CNT who did not appreciate that I did not talk about 
the CNT-Vignoles strike funds).

I myself had begun to be interested in the subject following discussions with various CGT 
bodies concerning the statutes of my union. The idea that permanent strike funds would be 
illegal is very well developed. I was able to find out again recently by talking by 
chance, in the course of my work, with a confederal official (she was present as a 
client). My first article was therefore intended to show its total legality and 
legitimacy. And, like Theo Roumier, I had quoted the curious Cnas of the CFDT, but also 
the Epim of the UIMM, employers of metallurgy. So, let us take this opportunity to invite 
fellow libertarian or sympathetic Cégétistes comrades to put the issue on the agenda of 
their respective Confederate trade unions to the CGT. Because it is still crazy that the 
main trade union organization of France does not have it. It does, however, have the 
capacity to create special mutual benefit funds.

The second article was an invitation to create an interpro strike fund through a union 
union. The goal was that it could be used for everyone, regardless of confederation and 
without the ability to intervene in the life of the unions. Likewise, I take this 
opportunity to call on trade unionists from all walks of life and all confederations to 
form a union of unions through existing structures or to create them for this purpose. It 
is enough for two professional unions to form a union of interprofessional unions [2].

Theo's article also poses the possibility of less formal cases, direct donations or almost 
all the different jackpots that can be collected. Indeed, it is not negligible ! 
Non-regular donations can be valuable during times of strong social movement.

But there are two points on which I would have some pains to emit, and this, in order to 
simply contribute to our common cause. Firstly, in the context of national strike funds 
(the terminology deserves to be more explicit, because the forms are very variable: bank 
account serving as a special fund of mutual aid, black-clubs, direct donations ...), the 
risk of a steering brake in front of a moving base is easily preventable. It is enough to 
clearly define the statutes governing the functioning of the structure. By asserting the 
type of authorized use and the obligation of transparency of all the accounting with the 
vouchers for all members. This is, for example, what happened to Denis Gautier-Sauvagnac, 
former boss of the metal industry. Refusing to speak about the 19 million euros withdrawn 
in cash during the 2000s, he was convicted for non-compliance with the internal 
regulations for the Epim (the strike fund of the employers of metallurgy), which provided 
the conditions of use, namely support for companies experiencing social conflict. Those 
who wanted to condemn the individual had only to obtain the documents showing the misuse 
of the funds and to disclose them in the press and to the public prosecutor.

Secondly, the development of the potential "  proxy strike  " of donors will have to be 
put into perspective . There are, moreover, no sociological studies to my knowledge going 
in this direction. Henri Vacquin, sociologist at the origin of the expression following 
the movement of 1995, explained it in these terms in 2007 during the movement against the 
reform of the special regimes: "  I had invented at the time the concept of " strike 
vicarious",on the part of private sector employees who, under the weight of unemployment, 
could hardly come into conflict. I therefore allowed private trade unionists to feel the 
public transport strike as a proxy strike. Today, this is not the case at all. It should 
be noted that the way in which this approach to the special schemes was prepared relied 
heavily on the fact of designating the employees concerned as[...]privileged persons, 
which, from you, is not on the one hand, and secondly, on the other hand, they feel that 
they are guilty of guilt, which is probably partly responsible for their anger.  " [3]

The times are similar, decidedly ... In addition, the explanation given to this behavior 
does not seem to be at the origin of an act of charity to the poorest to give a good 
conscience. Especially, moreover, if the worker of the private donor pays money to an 
official considered as "  privileged Or simply better off. On the contrary, it is an 
endorsement of an act that can not be allowed to do so far as one fears reprisals no doubt 
very real. This is all the more true in sectors of economic activity that emerged mainly 
after the war and lack trade union tradition and job security. In a time of high 
unemployment and precariousness, it's worse. In a consumer society where integration and 
social distinction require large resources that are often underpaid, it is even worse. At 
a time when management offers employees to "  realize  " and entertain themselves at work 
to make it even more desirable and difficult to detach, it becomes really difficult.

If we give strikers as strikers, it is because we endorse the strike and the individuals 
who take direct action specifically in the present case. But it is also to admit that the 
means employed are laudable in themselves if the circumstances lend themselves to it. 
Especially if the game is worth it in terms of material and moral interests. Fight against 
"  proxy strike Is to give moral sense to the action, to make it desirable, just, or at 
least more just than not to do it. It is to render it appreciable, morally, 
psychologically, socially by maintaining or creating new social bonds (our internal 
quarrels between organizations and between organizations can be very embarrassing from 
this point of view, it is necessary to question us about the lack of fraternity. and 
friendliness of our activist circles in this sense, especially in times of social 
conflict). It is to make it bearable if, materially and monetarily, it becomes 
complicated. This can mean enhancing simplicity in consumption, sobriety, belt tightening. 
This is an opportunity to question the meaning of a consumerist life, a reflection dear to 
the green currents. However, if capitalism is maintained as well, it is also by this 
material and moral contribution in our coined market relations. Inciting the diet in 
addition to insubordination is worth it if it can be avoided? No doubt no, hence the need 
to maintain a close level of remuneration. Hence the usefulness of a good structuring 
strike fund !

In addition, is it impertinent to concentrate our efforts where it hurts capital ? During 
the 2007 movement mentioned above, on some lines the traffic was paralyzed with only 10  % 
of strikers. It's simple, only the drivers were on strike, some union branches seem to 
have tapped into their funds and other workers made regular donations. The power of 
attorney strike can be, therefore, a tool for optimizing the fight by the effort of those who:

can not risk such practices ;
do not occupy a key position in the production process ;
do not have a job ;
have no use in going on strike, not contributing to the benefit of capitalists such as 
union officials or associative leaders.
It is of course necessary to develop the practice of the strike in all possible sectors. 
We know especially since the First International how it helps to forge consciences 
permanently, especially if it is victorious. But we must question the conditions of the 
transition to direct action and the means of optimizing struggles.

Nathan (anarchist group Salvador-Seguí)

[1] "  The weapon of the strike fund  ", 
https://salvador-segui.org/2015/03/07/caisse-de-greve- unions , Le Monde libertaire, 
February 26, 2015

[2] "  Proposed structuring of an interprofessional strike fund  ", 
https://salvador-segui.org/2016/09/28/caisse-greve-interprofessionnelle , Le Monde 
libertaire, September 15, 2016.

[3] Henri Vacquin, "  Strikes:"  We are far from the conflict of 95  ", 
http://www1.rfi.fr/actufr/articles/095/article_59066.asp , RFI, November 15, 2007.

http://www.alternativelibertaire.org/?Debat-La-caisse-de-greve-un-bon-outil-s-il-est-bien-calibre

------------------------------

Message: 5






Workers' movement in Bangladesh has progressed with a bright and sometimes negative 
character. As there is such a big role in the labor movement in the garment sector, the 
CBA is considered to be the source of wealth , in banks and public service institutions . 
---- Every political party in Bangladesh now has labor wings. In the name of those parties 
there is a branch of labor organization from central to unit. Labor leaders are now 
ministers, have been there in the past. The labor organizations of jute mills were once 
very influential. Their leaders influenced national politics. Now the place has been 
transport workers' organization. Shipping Minister Shahjahan Khan is also the top leader 
of the minister and transport workers. Due to his influence, there are allegations that 
public transport can not be done with road transport.

At one time Adamjee Jatal became a regular incident of clashes and killing among rival 
labor organizations. But the leaders were not found when the Adamjee jute mill was closed. 
The governmental banks of Bangladesh have CBAs.

There are allegations that the bank's top administration is helpless to the CBA leaders of 
those banks. The officials have to remain in the face of pressure and pressure. Even the 
same condition of the Bangladesh Bank. There are allegations that they do not care for the 
governor. Even some unpleasant incidents have failed to take any action against the CBA 
leaders. And why or why not? Recently in a case of Sonali Bank, a minister Kam workers 
leader took the position of the CBA leaders. He advised the authorities to sit in the bank 
without any permission and settle the issue.

WASA, DESA , Power Division , Titas Gas , Biman , CBA or Employee Welfare Association in 
each sector. There are allegations , CBA leaders did not really matter for the welfare of 
workers are busy , more busy packing their sugarcane. And everywhere, the 
government-backed CBO has a strong hold. The opponents have cornered The situation changed 
even when the government changed.

Organizations and movements of the garment factories of Bangladesh are now the most 
discussed. Since the collapse of Rana Plaza, there is international pressure to build 
labor unions. But there are five thousand garment factories, but only 6 hundred factories 
have labor unions.

In June 2006, garment workers were able to create pressure on the government with the 
first major movement in their rights. They protested against fixing the monthly salary of 
only 1, 662 and 50 paise. No labor union did not pay the wages. Then they started a 
movement demanding a minimum wage of three thousand rupees. After the collapse of the Rana 
Plaza government, they set a minimum wage of five thousand taka.

Columnist Shah Md. From the writings of Ziauddin, it is known that May Day is observed in 
the camps of freedom fighters during the great liberation war in 1971 with respect to the 
rights and demands of the workers. After Independence, May Day gets state recognition 
After independence in 1972, on the occasion of the great May Day, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman 
declared May Day as National Day in a speech to the nation.

After independence, the country's labor movement was divided into several divisions. In 
1973, workers' displeasure arose in Karnaphuli Complex. Many workers were injured in this 
labor unrest. There were conflicts between the Sramik League and the Labor Federation in 
the Tongi Industrial Area at that time. Labor organizations are divided into several 
groups. In 1973, there was a conflict between the competing trade union. Many workers were 
killed in Barbarcund industrial area of Chittagong due to the conflict. In 1973, 
Bangladesh Trade Union Center became a member of the World Trade Union Center. After the 
formation of BAKSAL in 1975, a labor organization was formally established throughout the 
country. That was the single national labor organization. It is named after the National 
Workers League.

The researcher Altaf Parvez said, " Labor organizations play a big role in the war of 
liberation in 1971. After the workers 'rights movement, the workers' union Oikya Parishad 
(SCOP) took part in anti-government movement in the 1980s. They give parallel programs to 
the political party. Because , they thought that if the country does not have a democratic 
environment then it is not possible to bring the rights of workers ,Labor movement is not 
possible But after the fall of Ershad government, the political government became the 
leader of the workers 'movement and workers' leaders. As a result, workers' movement 
became confused and became a leopard of the political party. Workers work in the interest 
of the workers with the scope of the workers and their interests. Work for the 
government's sake. At the same time, the labor organization goes to some leftist leaders. 
Independent labor organization loses existence. The government and the industrialists , 
seeing profit industry. The factories are developed in the eighties , yet is clearly 
anti-labor organizations. And some workers' leader was seen as negative because of Labor's 
anti-people work. ''

He said, " During Ershad a group of labor leaders worked for Ershad. There was often a 
clash between workers in Adamjee Jute Mill area. At that time many workers were killed due 
to conflict of labor leaders. Adamjie Jute Mill is then compared to the Arsenal. " At that 
time, the leader of the discussion, Kazi Zafar Ahmed, joined Ershad as minister.

Altaf Parvez said, " At one time the labor movement was in Tejgaon , Tongi and Chittagong. 
But that situation is no longer there. And workers' movement is not very much under the 
control of the workers. ''

Shah Md. In Ziauddin's post, " After the change of 1975, the practice of party political 
ideology became larger than the ideological practice of establishing the rights of working 
people in the working class organizations. The politics of liberation and rehabilitation 
of multi-party democracy in 1979, Ziaur Rahman began to reflect on his sangathanagulote 
workers , party ideology , " Workers Welfare Federation , the labor union was formed. In 
this way, labor organizations are involved in the lease of various political parties. As a 
result, instead of protecting the interest of the working people, the labor organizations 
are busy keeping political leaders in the cushion and fighting for the mattress. As a 
result , the leadership of labor politics and the working class are not in the hands of 
workers. ''

Shah Md. In Ziauddin's post, " After the change of 1975, the practice of party political 
ideology became larger than the ideological practice of establishing the rights of working 
people in the working class organizations. The politics of liberation and rehabilitation 
of multi-party democracy in 1979, Ziaur Rahman began to reflect on his sangathanagulote 
workers , party ideology , " Workers Welfare Federation , the labor union was formed. In 
this way, labor organizations are involved in the lease of various political parties. As a 
result, instead of protecting the interest of the working people, the labor organizations 
are busy keeping political leaders in the cushion and fighting for the mattress. As a 
result , the leadership of labor politics and the working class are not in the hands of 
workers. ''

President of Garments Workers Unity Forum Mosherefa Mishu told Deutsche Welle, "In the 
sixty , seventy and eighteenth century, the jute and textile factory-based labor movement 
and treau union were positive. The owners were not too opposed to it. After the 
independence of Bangladesh, the debate on the trade union or CBA of the bank and the 
service sector was created. But in the eighties when it began to develop in the garment 
factory , since this sector was a strong trade-union attitude. It may be a reason to be 
100% export oriented. But the attitude of the owners that are so negative , the factory 
trade union initiatives , the cropper , cases and tortured. ''

He said, "After the Tazreen Fashions and Rana Plaza accidents, the garment factories come 
under international pressure from the trade union. The government accepts it. But the fact 
is , there is no labor union in 79 percent factories. ''

Mishu said, " Like the garment factories, the anti-worker attitude of workers is now clear 
in other industries , which were not in the past. This situation is especially in the 
re-rolling mill , construction industry and many other industries. ''

Bangladesh is not a worker under the amended Labor Act of 2013, no one can take part 
directly in the labor union. As a result, there is a crisis of educated people by 
organizing workers. After all political parties have their own workers' organization, they 
work in the party's decision. Especially those who are in power , their workers' 
organizations work to protect government's interests. As a result, the independent 
organization for the workers was nearly extinct.

Altaf Parvez said, " Independent labor organizations are helpful for the industry. If 
there is no labor organization or bargaining agent , there may be unregulated labor 
movement in the industrial establishment , which is harmful to the organization. The 
government can understand the matter gradually. Hope the owners will understand " And 
Musharraf Mishu said ," The labor force is also a part of production , so to speak with 
the workers and ensure the welfare of the people, the production process must be continued. ''

[The true picture of Bangladesh's labor movement is a kind of confusing situation in the 
form of a bourgeois ideology that is based on the Bolshevik ideology. If it is not 
possible to establish a productive class in the control of the production process, then 
production and real development can not be possible. The conventional labor movement is 
being used as a chess in the political party. Workers' organizations now have the means to 
go to power and the right to the state. And workers' tender parties are busy sharing their 
sugarcane in the name of the so called welfare of the workers. The workers' organizations 
and federationes have to overcome all sorts of influences and avoid nationalistic and 
capitalist paths and move on to the path to changing the situation in anarcho-syndicalism. 
Otherwise, there will be no man's freedom, including workers, workers.]

http://www.bangladeshasf.org/news

------------------------------

Message: 6






Anarcho-feminism for free, and safe abortion ---- Before the 6th march for Free, Safe and 
Free Abortion as anarcho-feminists, we can not detract from the struggle for autonomy and 
self-determination over our own bodies and our lives, especially in light of the struggles 
our sisters have in different parts of the world. ---- The struggle for the total 
decriminalization of abortion is a struggle for the self-determination and bodily 
integrity of women, whose axis is the conquest of one's own body. This struggle has been 
undertaken by women in different times and contexts, where we all share a common starting 
point. This is: the installation of the patriarchal system, based on the sexual division 
of labor, which places women in a subordinate position in the face of social expectations, 
cultural representations and the relationship with the means and modes of production, in 
addition to linking their life to their reproductive capacity.

Women have not been free to dispose of our own lives, or of our bodies, which are occupied 
according to the interests of capital and the goods of political exchange, between the 
reactionary and patriarchal fringes. Examples of how Piñera's ads have been used as 
currency have been in his so-called "gender agenda" or the claim of private clinics to 
receive tax money despite his refusal to perform abortions, covered by a supposed 
"objection" of conscience "that only operates in cases of abortion, but not before the 
attention of genocide or abuser of girls and boys. In this way, the weight of an unwanted 
and unwanted pregnancy always falls on the most vulnerable women who must resort to 
clandestine and in many cases insecure networks.

Women have fought for years to make effective our self-determination and autonomy, which 
in turn has allowed us to formally access different spaces such as education, salaried 
work or representation in politics. However, there is an inexorable difference between 
what states state and what they actually do. Women have resisted for millennia the 
violence of the State over our lives and this struggle today has global characteristics. 
We are facing an advance of unprecedented feminist struggle that allows us to maintain 
that this is the time to conquer all spaces. We can not forget that feminism as a radical 
proposal rebels even against the natural order or the ultimate nature of the state of 
things. It is profoundly revolutionary and can not pledge its demands for a couple of 
seats in parliament or reforms that are only convenient for the ruling classes, which 
consolidate our reproductive capacity to have new layers of cheap labor. As a feminist, I 
am convinced that feminism has a strong anarchist power, but above all as an anarchist I 
believe that it is indispensable to be a feminist and fight for free abortion.

The fight for abortion has a clear emancipatory content, since the interruption of 
pregnancy is no longer seen as a medical or eugenic procedure, but as the 
self-determination of women. Such as the legislation promoted by Marti Ibánez in the Spain 
of 1936: " The authorization to carry out abortion represents, then, a vigorous 
affirmation of motherhood insofar as it affects the responsibility of the woman, 
henceforth, as regards her life sexual, the woman will be freed from the male egoistic 
tyranny and will have some rights -of which she stands out for having herself and deciding 
on her motherhood- that she will buy at the cost of duties that until now have been 
forgotten ".[1]

We must remember that self-determination is not a right, but is the ability to decide in a 
completely autonomous way the way of life that suits us best. This capacity can be 
exercised only when sovereignty is in the hands of the individual as part of the 
community, which is only possible with the disappearance of the State and private 
property. Likewise, we can not speak of self-determination when we are subject to the idea 
of nature as something immutable and wild and that therefore must be submitted to the 
patriarchal order.

What do we talk about when we talk about sovereignty? By sovereignty we understand the 
collective participation in time and the forms of spending of surplus production. 
Sovereignty would be distinguished by inverting the economic logic of pleasure-work to a 
moment of irreducible singularity. The sovereignty is opposed to servitude, it is opposed 
to any procedure of subordination or exploitation, we could even say that if we did not 
have our own time and body, we could never act autonomously or sovereignly. Consequently, 
self-determination can only be considered as the result of a revolutionary conquest 
resulting from the overcoming of the State and private property, because only then are the 
minimum conditions of reasonable freedom to decide on our own conditions of life.

Anarchism involves an attempt to subvert the instituted order, with the aim of producing a 
wider secularization of social life. Anarchism and specifically the radical proposal of 
anarcho-feminism rejects the official discourse of the State, the political parties and 
the Church, but also questions the private task, breaking with the sexual morality and the 
prevailing family model, which will only be achieved by denouncing and overcoming the 
privilege of heterosexual men in everyday and sexual uses. The struggle for abortion is a 
fight against sexual violence and exploitation, and demands not only the decriminalization 
of the voluntary interruption of pregnancy but the destruction of the 
heterowinkapatriarchal system as a whole. As Leonor Silvestri points out:

" The step is, from some previous step: undoing the genders, the alliance and the 
imperatives of juridical and economic medical power, new possibilities of interaction 
between the unimaginable corporalities would be established that among other things would 
not result in unwanted pregnancies, for to be able to form networks of affinity from where 
and from which to support each other ".

[1].- Félix Marti Ibánez, "Around the eugenic reform of abortion", Estudios, January 1937. 
Also: "Ten months of work in Health", pp. 151-152.
Related Link: https://www.facebook.com/coodinadorafeministasenlucha/

https://www.anarkismo.net/article/31072

------------------------------