Anarchic update news all over the world - 24.08.2018

Today's Topics:

   
1.  Britain, Class War: UVW should recruit VERONICA CROOK -
      REES-MOGG's slave labour nanny who has worked for him for 50
      years. (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
2.  FAU, direkte aktion: STRIKE BACK (de) [machine translation]
      (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
3.  Rojava, internationalist commune - Women First: How we
      confronted the Iraqi army (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
4.  freedom news - Get Involved: London Anarchist Festival
      (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
5.  France, Alternative Libertaire AL #285 - Essay: Mickaël
      Correia, "A popular history of football" (fr, it, pt)[machine
      translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)
   
6.  Poland, INICJATYWA PRACOWNICZA - WORKERS' INITIATIVE: "The
      company is made up of EVERY employees" - OZZ IP in Energa Serwis
      sp. Z o. O [machine translation] (a-infos-en@ainfos.ca)


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Message: 1






CW can reveal that she is not paid the living wage, rarely gets holidays her tied 
accommodation counts towards her pay and is probably illegal. ---- Rees-Mogg boasts that 
she has given up her own life and family to tend for his - that's fucking slavery. ---- In 
world of Mogg the locals shout ' GAWD BLESS YOU NANNY CROOK and MASTER SIXTUS...AND LADY 
MOGG and..but they'd be better proffering her a UVW card........and the chamber maid and 
gardeners and chauffeur......REES-MOGG runs a slave estate akin to Leopold of the 
Belgians... ---- here's a syrupy views of NANNY CROOK blinking into the 
daylight............REES-MOGG version....remember her duties included wiping Rees-Mogg's 
bottom - no wonder she's traumatised.........DOES THAT STILL GO ON - I think we should be 
told. ---- FREE NANNY CROOK NOW

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Message: 2





Report on the appeal of the Swedish Sveriges Arbetares Central Organization Anarchia 
Total! ---- For the 25.08. calls for an alliance supported by the syndicalist union SAC 
(Sveriges Arbetares Central Organization) for a militant demonstration in Stockholm and 
decentralized action elsewhere. At stake is the right to strike, which has been very 
liberal in Sweden so far. ---- The causes of the protest lie in a push by the Social 
Democratic government to allow in the future only strikes that aim at a contract between 
unions and employers, not unlike the German system. The Swedish employers' association 
Svensktnäringsliv has developed a secret alternative proposal which, according to the 
protest alliance, does not differ significantly from the original model.

The TCO employee union and the LO workers' union (both members of the International Trade 
Union Confederation, to which the DGB also belongs), saw as little resistance to this 
attack on the workers as the SACO academics, and neither is expect.

Not only would such a reform, which would, for example, criminalize warning strikes, hit 
the most vulnerable, ie already precarious, workers most severely; In addition, the 
Scandinavian comrades fear that such a law will become a model for other European 
countries and thus harm the working class as a whole. Therefore the comrades ask for 
attention and solidarity from beyond the borders.

The left-leaning Swedish dockers' union, which has been fighting for over a year, fears 
that this labor dispute as well as its trade union strategy as a whole could be 
jeopardized by the new law.

The Alliance Strike Back informs on the page Anarkism about the protests.

------------------------------------------------------
On August 25, an action day will be held in Stockholm under the Strike Back slogan. As 
anarchists, we have many motives to participate in mass protests against the bourgeoisie's 
attempts to discipline, control and coordinate the working class for exploitative 
purposes. Mass protests often provide space for direct action and give an educational 
exercise in resistance, insurgency and revolt. Without practice in concrete resistance to 
power, our anarchism will only be a theoretical construction we serve with our lips.

The action day is a response to LO, TCO and SACO's agreement with the Confederation of 
Swedish Enterprise that the right to strike should be restricted to labour unions that 
seek collective agreements at workplaces. Workplaces with existing collective agreements 
will in principle have a duty of peace - no matter how collective agreements in the 
workplace look. Truce of peace between the bourgeoisie and the working class will be 
legally binding - against our will.

Even before the day of action, we see how the gap between those taking stand for direct 
action and those taking a stand against direct action becomes visible. Between us 
anarchists, comrades who distance themselves from sabotage, material destruction (outside 
mass protests) and those who maintain that material destruction doesn't need to be 
restricted to mass protests. Those who basically distance themselves from all material 
destruction - regardless of context - are people who spread restrictive and disciplinary 
lines that are completely incompatible with our ideals of autonomy and self-determination 
for groups of friends. If we as anarchists are to make a difference in the streets, we 
also need to accept diversity of tactics in our own movements. We need to be patient with 
each other.

Different conditions for comrades also mean that vigilance under Strike Back is necessary. 
A broad "popular" protest will have guidelines and delimitations for actions that there 
are good reasons to respect. The action day has a fixed time limit and geographical area, 
which means that comrades who perform actions outside the area and the time limit do not 
need to take into account the guidelines expressed for the day. The goal of the organizers 
to have an inclusive day of protests means that confrontational violence is avoided as far 
as possible. An escalation of violence means in this situation that the safety of 
children, the elderly and the general unprepared can not be guaranteed.

Having said that, if the bourgeoisie (with class traitors) is able to restrict one of the 
fundamental rights the working class has gained without causing massive social concerns 
and huge expenses, the goal is open to even more extreme attacks on the working class. 
Direct action is a means for us workers who otherwise lack the resources to strike back at 
the bourgeois state. We must concretely demonstrate that it costs to beat the working 
class. We are not tied up to special extensive protest days to use direct action, so it is 
necessary for affinity groups around the country who can strike back based on their local 
conditions - all year round.

The weaknesses of LO, TCO and SACO clearly show that reformist or liberal unions are 
totally unsuitable for anarchists. The arguments put forward in the case of good local 
branches can not be maintained if the management is allowed free reign to commit class 
treason. In principle, they are yellow' that are primarily looking to ensure continued 
exploitation of the working class. We need independent unions to consistently exercise 
opposition to the bourgeois state. Today, we have such a labour union, SAC, but its future 
is highly uncertain. In order to secure SAC's future for a long time, the union needs to 
grow, but it also needs to be radicalized. Stripping rights of strike means that new 
methods of union struggle need to be explored. The enemy has sometimes called SAC a "union 
mafia" in the sense that SAC is extorting or, for example, harassing buyers of labour 
power. If the bourgeoisie continues its journey to completely eliminate union struggles, 
extortion, harassment and material destruction must become a part of everyday life for 
buyers of labour power. If this does not happen, if we as workers passively observe when 
the bourgeoisie tries to gain complete control of all those who sell their labour, then we 
are already in a corporative fascist state.

We will never accept that. Let's meet at Strike Back and collectively act against the 
bourgeois state - and continue the fight after the action day and never forget that the 
force is in action!

Anarchia Total!

http://casaanarchicaparma.blogspot.com/2018/08/aggressione-fascista-vasto-ultimo-di.html

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Message: 3





The story by the witness of yesterday's protest at the border of Syria and Iraq about the 
final journey of Zeki Sengali, leader of Ezidis. ---- Caravans from cities in Rojava 
started toward Sengal to bid farewell to Zeki Sengali. Many kilometers of hundreds of 
white cars drove to the border of Rojava and Iraq... the Iraqi and Basur officials did not 
relish such a prospect. They decided to close the border to the funeral procession. Mam 
Zeki's coffin has not yet arrived from Derik, but people started to worry. ---- The 
situation in Bashur is extremely tense. For some reason, Prime Minister Barzani attended 
an event of the fascist AKP party in ---- Turkey. Delegations from Europe have recently 
been rejected at the border between Basur and Rojava; foreign citizens are not allowed 
entry into Mahmur camp anymore. Allegations that the whereabouts of Zeki Sengali were 
provided by members of the Kurdistan Democratic party (KDP) increasingly sounds like the 
truth.

Yes, the situation is difficult. But no one expected the Iraqi authorities to dare prevent 
people bidding Zeki Sengali farewell on the territory for which he had fought so long and 
so selflessly.

We're standing on top of a hill right near the border. From this hill you can see the 
border post: the flag of Iraq and arriving there more and more military vehicles with 
soldiers.

"No, they can't keep us out," the woman standing next to me convinces me. - We're not 
gonna let that happen. This is no longer a matter of policy. This is a moral issue!

But morality is hardly what governments are rich in. After an hour of standing under the 
scorching sun we were fed up with dull desert landscapes and sour faces of the Iraqi 
soldiers. "Hevalen Jin! Hevalen Jin!" someone yelled at the border post, urging all the 
women to come closer.

A few minutes later, hundreds of women gathered near the border post. In a few moments the 
women moved decisively toward the Iraqi flag. A crowd of women confidently walked to 
Sengal without paying attention to the shouting soldiers and guns pointed at them. After a 
while almost the whole crowd of women was in so-called Iraq. My friends and I looked at 
each other. It seems that this is really a women's revolution.

On the other side border nothing threatened us except heat. Here, an acute strain was in 
the air. But at the same time the visible resolve of all ages of women spread through the 
atmosphere of the demonstration. The Iraqi army's armoured vehicles intentionally drove 
into the crowd of women. Women retorted: "Sehit namirin!"(Martyrs don't die!) in the 
memory of Zeki Sengali.

The Iraqi military did not let up. More and more military vehicles were arriving at the 
border to create an atmosphere of fear by pulling the troops to the border post. They sat 
on the scorching asphalt, completely ignoring all the shouting of the soldiers and their 
nervous waving of Kalashnikov rifles. Each armored car formed a desirable shadow to sit 
and while away the time waiting for the decisions of officials of Basur.

With time, the Iraqi army made concessions while the women did not. They began to let men, 
YPG and YPJ.

Later, the coffin with Zeki Sengali's body arrived and many thousands of people passed 
through the border. Women sang partisan songs, shared stories, and jokes about Barzani and 
Erdogan.

"In Sorani is the word "Kudo". It means "Shorty." Do you hear the Kudo chanting? They're 
about Barzani," a smiling woman in a military uniform told me.

Yes, hevalen heja. Any one is «Shorty» as compared to these fearless women. It was a 
women's protest. And this is definitely a women's revolution.

http://internationalistcommune.com/women-first-how-we-confronted-the-iraqi-army/

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Message: 4





As some of you may know by now, Freedom and Housmans joined forces to organise Anarchist 
Festival in October. Other groups and venues are more than welcome to join. Here is a text 
with details from the Anarchist Festival crew. (zb) ---- In light of the absence of the 
London Anarchist Bookfair this year Freedom and Housmans have got together to organise a 
decentralised anarchist festival on the 20th - 21st of October, and we'd like you to get 
involved! ---- The idea is to have events running in radical venues across London 
organised by groups, all happening under the banner of Not the Anarchist Bookfair. If you 
already have something planned for the weekend and you think it would be suitable then 
email us here or at our riseup (anarchistfestival(at)riseup.net) and we'll add you into 
our programme. If you want to organise something, book a venue and email us when 
everything is confirmed.

We want to take a broad approach to anarchism, as long as it's anti-authoritarian and 
anti-capitalist it's in. We will not accept any events that are racist, sexist, ableist, 
transphobic etc and the policies of each venue must be followed as usual. We want to have 
an emphasis on getting new people involved in anarchist politics so introductory/ easily 
accessible events are especially wanted.

Examples of events we think would be cool:

-introductary talks
-reading groups
-book launches
-coffee mornings
-open days
-walking tours
-anything else you can think of!

Accessibility
Please be aware of any access restrictions for any venue that you organise an event at as 
we will include it in the programme.

Hope to hear more from you!

#nottheanarchistbookfair crew

https://freedomnews.org.uk/get-involved-london-anarchist-festival/

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Message: 5





While the World Cup is in full swing, the book of the journalist Mickaël Correia shows, 
far from the clichés, that this sport can take on a social and claiming dimension. ---- In 
love with the ball, the author, from the first lines of his book, marks the ground. He 
denounces what makes a practice today, a rotten passion by the money-king. He proposes, on 
the contrary, to take the opposite of this reality to show another. That of a sport which, 
by its mass practice, has a real character of class. A sport, again, which through various 
examples drawn from the nets of history, has here and there, largely contributed to build 
the course of the life of a club, a city, a region, a country. Correia, with a feint of 
body worthy of a budding genius of the favelas of Rio, warns the reader and the reader:

"  It is this" other football ", less publicized, that is interested in this book. In 
contrast to the radical critics of sport, who derive football as a "new opium of the 
people" and view the millions of people who are passionate about the sport as an 
indiscriminate mass of the insane, this book invites you to discover that there is 
subversive in football and to be interested in all those who have made it a weapon of 
emancipation.  "

 From England to Palestine, from Germany to Mexico, from Brazil to Egypt, from France to 
South Africa: Correia is a story, for over a century, where football has been a favorite 
powerful instrument of emancipation for workers, feminists, anticolonialist militants, 
young people from working-class neighborhoods and protestors around the world. The author 
traces the fate of those who, practicing this popular sport on a daily basis, professional 
or amateur, have for too long been overshadowed by the star teams and the golden legends 
of Ronaldo, Neymar and Messi .

 From the XVII th century England, football combines its history with the popular protest 
against the privatization of land. The movement of enclosures will see a resistance 
organized around wild football. The peasants take advantage of these improvised football 
games in which hundreds of people gather to pull the fences installed by the bourgeois.

Round ball and resistances
In the XX th century, football became a refuge for those who struggle against tyranny. In 
Catalonia, a club like Barça, with the evocative motto "  Mes que un club  " ("  More than 
a club  "), symbolized (and continues to perpetuate this tradition) the Catalan identity 
in opposition to the oppression of Madrid. During the Franco dictatorship, while the use 
of Catalan is banned, it is at Camp Nou, in the anonymity of the 100,000 spectators of 
their stadium, that the people culé (nickname of the supporters of Barcelona) granted 
themselves this space of freedom to communicate in their language and to claim their 
opposition to the regime.

In Palestine, football has a genuinely political and diplomatic character. FIFA, the first 
international body of football, will recognize Palestine as a state in its own right. In 
the streets of Gaza and Nablus, the young (and not so young) wear the Barça jersey, more 
than any other flagship club, for the parallel they make of the fight led by the Catalans 
against oppression, and their own fight against the Israeli yoke.

In England, fans of Liverpool and Manchester United are organizing to fight against the 
phenomenon of gentrification of the stands. Under the pretext of stemming the scourge of 
hooliganism that has reached its peak with the drama of Heysel [1], Margaret Thatcher and 
the club presidents promise to end the violence. From stadiums to working class reality , 
we move across the United Kingdom, in the 1990s, to ultramodern, more sanitized stages 
than the others, where the poor are excluded because of a rise in dizzying ticket prices.

In France, women's football is developing to end patriarchy. Created in 2012 in Paris, the 
Dégommeuses are a football team politically engaged on green grounds in the fight against 
sexism, LGTB-phobias and all forms of discrimination.

In Istanbul, ultras [2]Carsi, a group of Besiktas fans, sporting an A circled on their 
flags, are at the forefront of all demonstrations against Erdogan, doing on the street the 
punch against their rivals the other two clubs in the city, Fenerbahce and Galatasaray, 
openly pro-nationalist Turkish.

When ultras make history
Supporters can, too, write the story. This is the case in Egypt, fans of Cairo club Al 
Ahly, whose role will be determining in the fall of Mubarak in 2011. In a country where 
freedom of association and demonstration is trampled, ultras Ahlawy arrive quickly bring 
together 4,000 to 6,000 young people, aged between 15 and 25, mainly from the working 
class and the middle classes. They will spearhead the battle for Tahrir Square, the nerve 
center of popular anger.

"  I was against corruption, against this regime and for human rights," said Mohamed Gamal 
Bechir, figure of the ultra Egyptian movement. Radical anarchism was my creed. The ultras 
live outside the system. Our power lay in our capacity for self-organization ... All of 
us, we were at the forefront of demonstrations against the police on the front line. We 
are used to fighting them in the stadiums, we have the ability to mobilize thousands of 
people. The demonstrators in Tahrir Square respected us for our bravery and our unfailing 
solidarity.  "On the spot, the ultra patrol, erect checkpoints and divide the roles: 
throwers of stones, specialists of the reversal and the fire of cars for defensive 
purposes, teams in charge of the preparation of projectiles, improvised helpers 
circulating on mopeds in the clouds of lachrymos.

Hosni Mubarak leaves power on February 11, 2011. The dictator's men will, one year later, 
pay a high price to the ultras of Al Ahly. Traveling to Port Said, 1 st  February 2012, 
the match turned into a riot. The ultra-Saïdian ultra-known supporters of the regime are 
attacking their rivals in Cairo. Aggression, under the complacent gaze of the police, 
turns into a massacre. Result: 74 dead and nearly 200 seriously injured. For the Ahlawy, 
this carnage is obviously a revenge on the part of the former dignitaries of the regime, 
for being the armed arm of the revolution and the protest against the military government.

Addressed in the rich book of Mickaël Correia, the club of Sankt Pauli of Hamburg is 
marked with the seal of the radical anti-fascism, where the inhabitants and inhabitants of 
the Red district of the capital of North of Germany, mingle, in the tribunes, to the 
militant anti-culture street-punk and autonomous of the city. Nicknamed the "  pirates  ", 
his fans intend to maintain whatever the cost of this family spirit and crossbred 
committed away from the clichés of football business gnawing the German round ball.

A class identity, anti-racist, anti-sexist, anti-homophobic and supportive, found in other 
stages of Europe. In the spans of the stands of Rayo Vallecano in Madrid where the 
Bukaneros (buccaneers) counterbalance the ultra openly fascisantes of the other major 
clubs of the city: Real Madrid and Atletico. In Italy, the country where the ultra 
movement was born, there is a long time when the Tifoseria were marked on the extreme 
left, as in the 1970s. Only the fans of Livorno maintain this anti-racist tradition and 
class struggle. In France, if the extreme majority of ultras tribunes are contaminated by 
xenophobic reflexes, this is not the case at Costières in Nîmes, at the Vélodrome in 
Marseille or at Red Star 93, in its legendary Bauer stadium.

Jérémie (AL Gard)

Mickael Correia, A popular history of football, editions La Découverte, March 2018, 408 
pages, 21 euros

[1] Before the Champions Cup final on May 29, 1985 at the Heysel stadium in Brussels, the 
English hooligans load the tifosi (name given to the Italian fans and supporters) of 
Juventus of Turin. The record is dramatic: 39 deaths and 454 wounded.

[2] The word ultra refers to the most demanding and organized fringe of club fans. The 
ultras animate with fervor by means of their songs, gestures, flags and banners the 
popular stands.

http://www.alternativelibertaire.org/?Essai-Mickael-Correia-Une-histoire-populaire-du-football

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Message: 6





In February this year The Temporary Commission for Employee Initiative OZZ was created in 
Energa Serwis, which provides maintenance and repair services in the energy and heating 
industry. In this way, the first committee in the energy industry joined our union. In May 
this year, after the establishment of the OZZ IP Works Commission, the new structure 
brings together 87 people (out of 346 employees in total) and is the most numerous ZZ in 
the workplace - it associates only physical workers, ie welders and fitters working at 
Energa Serwis. ---- Energa Serwis Sp. z o. o. is part of the Energa capital group that 
deals in the generation, distribution and sale of electricity. The group, which includes 
more than a dozen companies, supplies electricity to over 2.7 million. buyers in central 
and northern Poland. The company in which our new commission operates primarily deals with 
the construction, modernization and repair of power boilers, boiler auxiliary equipment, 
heating networks, etc. Energa Serwis employees perform work throughout the country in 
power plants and combined heat and power plants and in workplaces where pressure equipment 
is used subject to the supervision of UDT (Office of Technical Inspection).

As the representatives of the presidium declare, the commission was created on the one 
hand to improve the flow of information between the management and the physical workers, 
and on the other - to represent the interests of welders and fitters during talks with the 
management board. Before the commission was created, there were frequent situations when 
problems or suggestions of employees of these categories did not reach the management 
board at all and their interests were not taken into account during changes in working 
conditions or remuneration system. The members of the new commission decided to establish 
the structure of OZZ IP because the union does not have full-time activists and tries to 
create an alternative to bureaucratized headquarters - in their opinion, the IP in Energa 
Serwis is to represent all employees of the company and not just people registered to the 
union and be a real the voice of manual workers,

One of the most serious problems for Energa Serwis, which the new committee dealt with, 
was the large variation of wages - some people employed in similar positions earned 
approx. PLN gross, and others 5 thousand. gross PLN. It resulted from the fact that the 
company's staff were made up of people who previously worked in various companies 
belonging to the capital group and covered by various collective agreements. Similar 
disproportions exist to this day in the whole group - both within individual workplaces 
and between individual companies. The change of this situation was to take place from July 
this year, in accordance with the new collective labor agreement for all companies forming 
Energa, which was concluded between the management and 40 union organizations of the group 
in the autumn of 2017 (even before the establishment of the IP commission). Under this 
agreement, the lowest salary in the group (after taking into account all the components of 
the remuneration - also the bonus) can not be lower than 3 thousand. gross PLN. After the 
establishment of the commission and discussion with the Energa Serwis Management Board, 
the process of gradual equalization of earnings in this company started earlier than it 
resulted from the PPO. This is undoubtedly one of the first and most important successes 
of the Employee Initiative in Energa Serwis.

In the opinion of the committee, the company's management board reacted positively to the 
creation of a new relationship and now the opinions of employees are more often taken into 
account, and the employees themselves know who to turn to at the workplace in case of 
problems with the Social Fund or issues related to health and safety . "We are satisfied 
with the attitude of the board, even surprised in a positive way, that the management 
wants to talk to us and treats us as partners for conversation. We recommend establishing 
trade unions not only in companies where there is a conflict or conflict "- in this way, a 
person from the presidium of the commission summarizes the current situation in the company.

http://ozzip.pl/teksty/informacje/mazowieckie/item/2406-firme-tworza-wszyscy-pracownicy-ozzip-w-energa-serwis

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